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HISTORY 



GREEK REVOLUTION; 



COMPILED FROM OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS 



OF THE 



GREEK GOVERNMENT; 



SKETCHES OF THE WAR IN GREECE, BY PHILIP JAMES GREEN, ESfy 

LATE BRITISH CONSUL FOR PATRAS, IN GREECE ; AND THE 

RECENT PUBLICATIONS OF MR. BLAQ.OIERE, MR. 

HUMPHREY, MR. EMERSON, COUNT PECCHIO, 

RT. HON. COL. STANHOPE, THE 

MODERN TRAVELLER, 



AND OTHER AUTHENTIC SOURCES 



BY JOHN L. COMSTgCK, M. D. 

ACCOMPANIED BY A 

MAP OF GREECE, AND OTHER ENGRAVINGS. 



PUBLISHED BY WH. W. KEED & CO, 
1829. 






District of Connecticut, ss. 

Be it remembered, That on the twenty-third day of July, In the fifty-third 
(L.S.) year of the Independence of the United States of America, D. P. Robinson 
& Co. of the said District, have deposited in this office the title of a Book, the 
right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit : " History of the 
Greek Revolution ; compiled from official documents of the Greek Government ; sketches 
of the war in Greece, by Philip James Green, Esq. late British Consul for Patras, in 
Greece ; and the recent publications of Mr. Blaquiere, Mr. Humphrey, Mr. Emerson, Count 
Pecchio, Rt. Hon. Col. Stanhope, the Modem Traveller, and other authentic sources. By 
John L. Comstock, M. D. Accompanied by a Map of Greece, and other engravings." 
In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, " an act for the 
encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the 
authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned," — And also to 
an act, entitled, ". an act supplementary to an act, entitled, an act for the encouragement of 
learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the authors and proprietors 
of such conies, during the times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to 
the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints." 

CHARLES A. INGERSOLL, 

Clerk of the District of Connecticut, 
A true copy of Record, examined and sealed by me, 

CHARLES A. INGERSOLL, 

Clerk of the District of Connecticut, 



'&}. 



t 






CONTENTS. 



Chap. I. Geographical Situation and Population of Greece, • 5 

Chap. II. Grecian Islands, 20 

Chap. III. Account of Greece, from 167 B. C. to 1300 A. C. - 25 
Chap. IV. From the foundation of the Turkish Empire to the 

death of Tamerlane, 33 

Chap. V. From the Accession of Mahomet I. in 1416, to the 

taking of Constantinople by the Turks, 40 

Chap. VI. From the Establishment of the Turkish power at 

Constantinople, to the death of Selim in 1520, - 50 
Chap. VII. From the Reign of Solyman I. to the taking of Cy- 
prus, in 16.1*, - 58 

Chap. VIII. Account of the War between Russia and Turkey, 

in which the Greeks join the former, 72 

Chap. IX. History of the Tyrant of Ioannina from 757 to 1809, 86 
Chap. X. Continuation of the History of Ali Bey, from 1809 to 

1822, 116 

Chap. XI. History of the Hetaria, from i814, to the arrest and 

confinement of Ipsilanti, in 1821, .... 142 
Chap. XII. From the beginning of the Revolution in Greece 

proper, to the reduction of the Lalliots, - 152 

Chap. XIII. From the time when Demetrius Ipsilanti assumes 

the command in Greece, to his resignation in 1821, 170 
Chap. XIV. Siege of Tripolizza, and the taking of the place by 

the Greeks, 179 

Chap. XV. Continuation of the War from the taking of Tripo- 
lizza.. to the sitting of/the Congress at Epidaurus, - 193 
Chap. XVI. Account of the Congress of Epidaurus, and of the 

destruction of Scio, 210 

Chap. XVII. Account of the Campaign oi 1822, - - - 231 
Chap. XVIII. Continuation of the Campaign of 1822, - - 248 
Chap. XIX. The Assembling of the Congress at Astros, and 

account of the Campaign of 823. .... 264 
Chap. XX. Campaign of 1824. — L-iss of lpsara, and end of the 

Civil Discords, - 296 

Chap. XXI. Campaign of 1825. — Taking the Island of Sphac- 

teria, .... - - - - 309 

Chap. XXII. Commerce of Greece, and her Productions. — 

Fire Ships, Navy, &c 352 

^Jhap. XXIII. Campaign of 1826 — The taking of Missolonghi. — 

Arrival of Lord Cochrane and (i en. Church, - - 375 
Chap. XXIV. Lord Cochrane takes command of the Hellas — 

Account of the Campaign of 1827 — Battle of Nava- 

rino, - - .403 

Chap XXV. Conduct of the European states in respect to 

Greece, 439 

CfcAr. XXVI. Population, revenue and resources of Greece, * m 449 



APPENDIX. 

Last Days of Lord Byron, - - • 465 

Funeral Oration on Lord Byron, •.-..- 483 

Philanthropic Society, .-....'••"'. 488 

Bfciaration of Independence, .--••- 499 

Declaration to the Christian powers, ••,„*- 501 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 

CHAP. I. 

Geographical Situation and Population of Greece^ 

There is some difficulty in prescribing the exact bounda-; 
ries of the country properly called Greece. Formerly it in- 
cluded Macedonia, Peloponnesus, the Ionian Islands, Crete, 
and a part of what is now called Albania. D'Anville seems 
to have included under the title of Greece Proper, only the 
territory lying between Macedonia on the north, the Gulf of 
Corinth on the south, the Ionian sea on the west, and the 
Archipelago on the east. Within these boundaries are in- 
cluded Thessaly and Epirus on the north, together with all 
the territory now known under the names of Eastern and 
Western Hellas, extending south as far as the Gulf of Le- 
panto, formerly called the Gulf of Corinth, and including 
Athens and Negropont, the latter formerly known by the 
name of Eubcea. The territory south of the Gulf of Lepan- 
to, consisting of the provinces of Laconia, Messenia, Argo- 
lis, Achaia, Elis, and Arcadia, composed the Peloponnesus. 
In modern Maps, and in the books of modern travellers, this 
territory is known under the general name of Morea. 

The present divisions of Greece, adopted by the provi- 
sional government, are the following : 

EASTERN HELLAS, 

WESTERN HELLAS, 

MOREA, 

EPIRUS, 

THESSALY, 

MACEDONIA, 

CRETE, AND THE ISLANDS. 
Epirus and Thessaly may, however, be considered as 
coming within the boundaries of Hellas, the former being situ- 
ated at the southern extremity of Albania, and bounded on the 
west by the sea coast and the straights of Corcyra, or 
Corfu, while Thessaly is situated between Macedonia and 
Eastern Hellas, being bounded on the east by the jEgean 






6 HISTORY OF THE 

Sea and Gulf of Salonica. What proportion of Macedonia 
is considered as coming within the boundaries of Greece, 
we have no means of deciding. A line due east and west 
from the northern extremity of the Thermaic Gulf, (Gulf of 
Salonica) to the mouth of the river Viosa, (the ancient Aous) 
would include, according to the recent maps, a considerable 
portion of that territory, while according to Anacharsis, Ma- 
cedonia Proper is still entirely north of such a line. 

A recent authority* includes Greece between lat. 36° 15 
and 40° N. and long. 20° 10' and 24° 5' E. being bounded 
on the north by Albania Proper and Macedonia, on the east 
by the iEgean Sea ; on the west by the Ionian Isles ; and 
on the south by the Mediterranean. These boundaries 'ex- 
clude the whole of Crete, or Candia, as well as Scio, Ipsara, 
and many other Islands where the language of Greece is 
spoken, and which have long been, and still are, considered 
as Grecian Islands. Crete, according to the authority al- 
ready cited, is embraced in the jurisdiction of the provincial 
government of Greece. The line of latitude ought there- 
fore to be extended to 35° south, instead of 36° 15', so as 
to include that Island. The western boundary being placed 
at 20° of longitude, includes a part of Corfu, and all the 
other Ionian Isles, which at present are not Grecian Islands, 
and excludes a portion of Epirus which properly belongs 
to Greece, while the eastern line being drawn at 24° 5' of lon- 
gitude, includes a considerable population not recognized 
by the government of Greece, and excludes many Islands 
over which the government exercise jurisdiction. From all 
these considerations, the difficulty of fixing any precise boun- 
daries to those territories and Islands belonging to Greece 
will be obvious, and hence also the difficulty of estimating 
with any degree of certainty her population. 

If we estimate the population of Greece before the com- 
mencement of the revolution, and include within her limits 
Crete on the south, Thessaly and Epirus in the north, her 
Eastern boundary being the Ionian Sea, and her Western, 
the jEgean Sea, with the Islands over which the government 
claim jurisdiction, we shall find the number of inhabitants to 
be less than two millions. 

* Modern Traveller. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 7 

M. Beaujour concludes the total population of Greece to 
be 1,920,000, including Macedonia. The population of Ma- 
cedonia he' estimates at 700,000. This leaves 1,220,000, 
which he distributes as follows : 

EPIRUS, 400,000 

THESSALY, 300,000 

.ETOLIA, PHOCIS, AND BCEOTIA, 200,000 

ATTICA, 20,000 

MOREA, 300,000 



1,220,000 

This estimate is evidently defective, as it includes none of 
the islands. The estimate for the Morea is also probably 
much too low. Mr. Waddington estimates the population 
of the islands at 259,000. The Eastern and Western Hel- 
las he assigns 150,000 ; and to the Morea 500,000. East- 
ern and Western Hellas include iEtolia, Phocis, and Bceotia, 
which M. Beaujour estimates at 200,000. This is 50,000 
more than the estimate of Mr. Waddington. In respect to 
the population of the Isles, Crete alone formerly contained 
nearly 300,000 inhabitants, of which not quite one half were 
Greeks. In this estimate we intend to include the actual 
population of the territories named, whether Greeks, Turks, 
Albanians, or Jews. 

Mr. Hobhouse estimates that the population of Upper Al- 
bania may be one million two hundred thousand, of all ages 
and sexes.* He says, however, that Upper Albania is more 
populous than the country to the south of it Lower Alba- 
nia, which we include as belonging to Greece, under the 
name Epirus, cannot therefore be estimated so high. 

" Of the exact population of Greece," says Mr. Emer- 
son,! " no accurate statement has ever, I believe, been made. 
It has been estimated at different times, from 2,000,000 to 
3,000,000, but whether this be correct, or whether it does 
not include the supposed Greek population in the Crimea, 
Palestine, Russia, and other parts of Europe, I cannot tell." 

The reader will remark that the diversity of opinions on 
the population of Greece, by different writers, is sufficient to 
show the difficulty of coming near the truth on this sub- 
ject. We will venture, however, to throw together the fol- 

* Hobhouse's Tour, vol. 1 p. 154. 
f Emerson's Journal, p. 216* 



8 



HISTORY OF THE 



lowing estimates, as coming from as authentic sources, we 
believe, as exist on this subject : 

EASTERN & WESTERN HELLAS, . 200,000 

MOREA, 450,000 

CRETE & THE ISLANDS, . . 350,000 

EPIRUS, 400,000 

THESSALY, 300,000 



1,700,000 

Of this population, perhaps one third or a little more are 
Greeks, the other two thirds being Turks, Albanians, Franks, 
and Jews. The following estimate is given on the authority 
of P. J. Green, Esq. for many years Consul at Patras. 

STATISTICAL ACCOUNT OF THE PELOPONNESUS, 
IN 1823, 

Showing the number of its Districts, Villages, Population, and amount 
of Tithes farmed to individuals by the Government, compiled from 
the most authentic information. 



Districts. 



Mistra ... 
Monembasia 
San Pietro . . 
Argos ... 
Napoli di Romania 
Kato Achaia 
Corinth . 
Kalavrita 
Vostizza . 
Patras 
Gastouni . 
Pyrgos . 
Fanari 
Caritena . 
Tripolizza 
Londari . 
CuZuc Maina 



Villages and Ham- 
lets, including the 
Capital of each Dis- 
trict in possession of 
the Greeks. 



180 
56 
35 
38 
31 
8 

167 

152 
34 
88 

122 
10 
36 

145 

64 

28 

8 



Greek 
Population. 



48,000 

11,000 

14,000 

16,000 

17,000 

4,000 

31,000 

33,000 

6,000 

14,000 

32,000 

7,000 

7,500 

32,000 

30,000 

8,000 

2,600 



Tithes in Turkish 
Piastres. 



300,000 

70,000 

70,000 

40,000 

90,000 

50,000 

300,000 

200,000 

80,000 

130,000 

500,000 

75,000 

72,000 

190,000 

100,000 

70,000 

35,000 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 



Messema, 
Calamata 
Andrussa 
Nisi . . 
Coron . 
Modon . 
Navarin . 








42 
10 
25 
3 
56 
38 
25 
105 
96 

1602 


8,000 
7,500 
7,000 
3,100 
4,500 
4,300 
6,000 
19,000 
35,000 


70,000 
70,000 
36,000 
80,000 
20,000 
80,000 


Maina . 


2,764,300 


Fortresses in possession of the 
Turks. 

Patras .... 
Morea Castle . . 
Modon .... 
Coron . . . . 


407,000 

Turkish 
Population. 

9,000 
1,200 
4,500 
1,800 


£61,418 ster. 










16,500 





The different names by which the places or divisions in 
Greece have been known, are often perplexing to the read- 
er of her modern history. This is in part owing to the 
change of masters to which Greece has been subjected, and 
|n part to the arbitrary selection of names by the different 
travellers who have visited that country. The ancient Greek 
names of places appear in many instances to be entirely un- 
known to the present inhabitants, or if known, as likely to 
be applied to a different place as to that to which it original- 
ly belonged. The more modern names are partly Venetian 
and partly Turkish. The different divisions of the country 
have also, in many instances, made it difficult to fix bounda- 
ries to any degree of certainty, the more modern division 
sometimes including some unknown parts of the ancient 
ones. Under the Turkish Government, the whole of Greece 
was divided into four great pachaliks, the names of which 
were derived from the several seats of government. These 
were Tripolizza, Egripo, (the present Negropont,) Yanina, 
(Ioannina,) and Salonica. The pachalik of Tripolizza com- 



10 



HISTORY OF THE 



prised all the Morea ; that of Egripo, the whole of Negro* 
pont, and a part of Phocis, and the whole of Boeotia ; that 
of Yanina included Epirus ; and that of Salonica, the south- 
ern division of Macedonia.* The following tabular view 
will show the ancient and modern corresponding subdivi- 
sions. We take it from the Modern Traveller, Part XXVII. 
Part 1. of Greece, p. 26 



Ancient Divisions. 

Achaia, N. 
Argolis, N. E. 
Arcadia, Cent. 

Laconia, S. E. 

Messina, S. W. 
Elis, N. W. 



The Morea, or Peloponnesus. 

Venetian. Turkish. Chief Places. 

Chiarenza. ~) f Corinth. Patras. 

Pacha- 1 Napoli di Romania. 

lik of J Tripolizza. Arcadia. 
{ Zaccunia, J>Tripo- •{ Minstra. 



Sacania. 

Zaccunia, 
or Maina. 



Belvedere. 



lizza. 



Navarino. Modon. 
Kalamata. 
^Pyrgos. 



Eastern Hellas. 



Attica. 


Modern. 


Bceotia. 






Euboea. 




Pachalik 


Locris. 




> of 


(Opuntii) 


> Livadia. 


Egripo. < 


Phocis. 






Doris. 




i 


Locris. 


> Pachalik of 


(Ozola.) - 


S n 


oannina. \ 



'Athens. Marathon. 
Livadia. Thebes. 
Egripo. 
Therm opylee. Talanta. 

Delphi, Suru 

Gavria. 

Salona. 



Western Hellas. 

) Part of Pa- ( Missolonghi. Le 



GStolia. > Karl-ili. > chalik of \ panto. Vonitza. 

Acarnania.f • i T k l a .. 

1 ' ) Ioannma. 1 Jictium. 



Epirus. — Jllbania.% 



Thesprotia. Tzamouria. 

Molossia. Ioannina. > Ioannina. 

Chaonia. Liapuria. ) 

Thessaly. Sanijak of Triccala. 

Macedonia. Pachalik of Salonica. 



C Arta. Parga. 

< Ioannina,. Dodona. 

( Chimara. Ericho. 

Triccala. Larissa. 

Salonica. 



* See Thornton's Turke 
f Acarnania belc 
in Western Hellas. 



rkey 
toEt 



vol. 11. p. 10. 
pirus, in ancient geography, but is included 



\ Albania comprises part of Macedonia, Illyria, Chaonia, and Epii 
Delvinachi is the frontier village of Epirus and Albania Proper. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 11 

Greece is bounded on all sides by the sea, except on the 
north, where it is bounded by Macedonia and Upper Albania. 
Thessaly and Epirus are its most northern provinces. The 
latter is surrounded on all sides by lofty mountains. On the 
north is the celebrated Olympus; (Eta is on the south; 
Ossa on the east, and Pindus on the west. These moun- 
tains enclose a pleasant fertile valley. The Pindus extends 
to the north and south (under different names) through the 
whole extent of ancient Greece, terminating south, at the 
Corinthian Gulf, (Gulf of Lepanto.) It thus divides Epirus 
from Thessaly, and Etolia from Phocis and Bceotia ; or, 
separates what are now termed Eastern, from Western Hel- 
las. The branches of this mountain at about latitude 39° 
separate, and run east and west quite across the continent. 
The branch running east, (the (Eta) terminates at theMalaic 
Gulf, forming the celebrated pass of Thermopylae. That 
running west, called the Makrinoro, divides Acarnania on 
the south, from Epirus on the north, and terminates at the 
eastern extremity of the Gulf of Arta, (the ancient Ambra- 
eia.) Ancient Greece is thus divided into four unequal 
quarters, by high and often inaccessible mountains. 

The Boeotian plains terminate to the north-west in the 
valley of Phocis and Doris, watered by the Cephissus and 
its branches, which have their origin in mount (Eta. This 
valley separates the mountains that rise from the Gulf of 
Corinth, and which anciently bore the names of Helicon, 
Corax, Parnassus, &c. from the mountains of Locris, the 
ancient Callidromus and Cnemis, which are a prolongation 
of Mount (Eta, and the northern face of which looks down 
on the valley of the Spercheius and the Malaic Gulf. These 
two ranges are united in the region of the ancient Doris : 
and from their junction, the central chain of Pindus con- 
tinues in a N. or N. N. E. direction, gradually inclining to- 
wards the coast of the Adriatic, and giving off collateral 
branches which intersect Albania. For about a hundred 
miles, this elevated range is nearly equi-distant from the 
eastern and western coasts. 

In Western Greece, a series of plains and valleys lie be- 
tween Mount Pindus and the irregular range which borders 
the entire extent of the western and southern coast. At 
some distance from the eastern extremity of the Gulf of Ar- 
ta, (the ancient Ambracia,) which divides Epirus from Acar- 
nania, rises a steep, woody mountain, now called Makrinoro 



12 HISTORY OF THE 

(or Makronoros, the long Mountain,) which constitutes a 
pass of great strength and importance, corresponding to that 
of Thermopylae at the eastern end of the (Etean range, and 
completing the barrier between Eastern and Western Greece. 
To the north of this ridge rises the vast and apparently insu- 
lated mass called Tzumerka ;* and still loftier mountains, 
rising to the N. E. and N. of this, divide the valley of the 
Aracthus or river of Arta, from that of the Aspropotamo (the 
ancient Achelous.) These mountains are commonly known 
under the name of Agrafa : as seen from the elevated plain 
of Ioannina, they appear to fill up, in the distance, the inter- 
val between the Tzumerka and the narrow and lofty ridge 
called Metzoukel, which separates the plain of Ioannina from 
the deep valley of the Aracthus. Immediately beyond the 
river commences the ascent of a lofty group, the successive 
ridges of which conduct the eye to summits, supposed to be 
not less than 7000 feet above the level of the sea. These 
mountains, which now bear the name of the Greater Metzo- 
vo, are apparently the very nucleus of the chain of Pindus. 
The town of Metzovo is situated near one of the sources of 
the river Arta, in the bosom of these Alpine regions, and 
forms one of the most interesting geographical points in the 
country. From this part of the chain of Pindus, four con- 
siderable rivers take their rise, each pursuing its course to 
the sea in a different direction. These are, the Aracthus, 
which flows in a south-westerly direction into the Gulf of 
Arta ; the Achelous, which rises at no great distance, and 
takes a southerly course through a mountainous district, en- 
tering the Ionian Sea near Missolonghi ; the Peneus (or Sa- 
lympria,) which, rising on the eastern side of that part of 
Pindus immediately above Metzovo, descends into the great 
plains of Thessaly, and pursues its course to the Archipela- 
go through the precipitous defiles of Tempe; and lastly, the 
Yiosa (Vioussa,) or Aous, which has its origin in the moun- 
tains to the north of Metzovo, and flowing in a N. E. direc- 
tion to Tepeleni, enters the Adriatic near the site of the an- 
cient Appolonia. 

One of the principal routes over Pindus, in proceeding 
from the western coast, lies through the canton of Zagora, 
in which one of the branches of the river Arta has its 
source, forming its junction with the Metzovo branch in the 

* Supposed by Dr. Holland to be the ancient Tomarus. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 13 

deep hollow between Metzoukel and Pindus. The Zagora 
mountains are distinguished from most other parts of the Pin- 
dus chain by their summits spreading out into wide and open 
plains, instead of forming narrow ridges. Beyond Metzovo, 
in the same direction, is the ridge of Mavronoros, or the 
Black Mountain ; and still further northward are the moun- 
tains of Tzebel and Samarina, which are believed to be 
among the most elevated points in Albania. The chain con- 
tinues to run northwards, dividing Illyricum from Macedo- 
nia till it unites with the mountains that enclose the bason of 
the Danube. 

The upper ridge of Pindus, near Metzovo, appears to be 
composed entirely of serpentine. The exposed surface of 
the rock is every where covered with a yellowish green stea- 
tite, generally disposed in a sort of scales upon the serpen- 
tine, which is probably superposed upon primitive slate. — 
The ridge intervening between the plains of Ioannina and 
the valley of the Aracthus, exhibits a series of layers of cal- 
careous slate, apparently of recent formation, interrupted at 
intervals by rocks of limestone, which come down in abrupt 
cliffs to the channel of the stream. This limestone proba- 
bly forms the basis of all the country westward of the river 
of Arta, and is the material also of the lower part of the Pin- 
dus chain on the eastern side. The bed of the river, howe- 
ver, and the channels of the streams which join it from the 
east, contain fragments of syenite, porphyry, and serpentine, 
and sometimes mica-slate, jasper, and conglomerate rock, 
indicating that the more central parts of Pindus are compos- 
ed in part of primitive formations. In the valley of the Sa- 
lympria, there is a most remarkable group of insulated rocks 
composed entirely of a conglomerate, consisting of granite, 

t gneiss, mica-slate, chlorite-slate, syenite, greinstone, and 
quartz pebbles. The origin of this formation, which is of a 

: very limited extent, presents an interesting problem to the 

| geologist. Limestone, however, is the prevailing rock, for 
the most part cavernous, and with abrupt and precipitous fa- 
ces. The whole chain of (Eta, in particular, appears to be- 
long to the great calcareous formation of Greece. The 
general appearance of the limestone strikingly corresponds 

| to that in the north of Ireland ; its colour, in general, is 
nearly milk white: it contains a great quantity of flint, either 

I in layers or in nodules ; and large deposits of gypsum have 



14 HISTORY OF THE 

taken place upon it, particularly near the coasts of the Adri- 
atic and Ionian seas. The Scironian rocks on the southern 
coast of the Isthmus consist of breccia, lying as in Attica, 
and over all the northern part of the Morea, on a stratum of 
limestone. In Thessaly, the limestone gives way to the ser- 
pentine breccia called verde antico ; and that curious aggre- 
gate of dark diallage and white feldspar, called by Italian 
lapidaries bianco e nero antico, is found in Macedonia. Other 
varieties of porphyry occur also in Thrace, particularly 
one of hornblende, resembling lava, in the great plain of 
Chouagilarkir, near the foot of the Karowlan mountains, a 
branch of the ancient Rhodope. But in Hellas Proper, with 
the exception above mentioned, to which may be added the 
breccia formation around Mycenae, and the substratum of 
the rock of the Acropolis at Athens, the mountains so uni- 
formly consist of limestone, that scarcely any other substance 
can be met with.* 

The most fertile districts of Greece are Macedonia, Thes- 
saly, and the eastern parts of Phocis and Boeotia.f The agri- 
cultural produce of Attica, owing to the lightness of the 
soil, is confined to barley and ojives. The Morea is said to 
be susceptible of every species of cultivation.^ The moun- 

* These geological observations are taken chiefly from Dr. Hol- 
land's Travels in the Ionian Isles, &c. and Doctor Clark's Travels, 
part ii. 

f " Marathon, forgotten in every other respect, is now only re- 
garded, as it was before its glory, for being the granary of the barren 
Attica Pindus and (Eta, with their various branches, are im- 
practicable to the Albanian husbandman ; though in the little winding 
valleys that intersect them, we may be secure of always finding a village 
with its surrounding fields of maize or cotton." — Douglas, p. 51. 

\ The corn of the Morea has long been highly prized in the adjoining 
islands, and its culture is proportionably extensive. Its barley, howe- 
ver, is not so much esteemed, and its Indian corn has never been ex- 
ported. The peninsula is by no means a country for wine, the greater 
portion of its consumption being imported from the Archipelago. Two 
species, however, are admired by the Greeks ; the wine ofMistra, and 
that of St. George in Corinth. Both are only of a light body, and ac- 
quire a disagreeable flavour from the turpentine with which they are 
purified. The grapes are neither large nor of fine flavour ; the best are 
produced at Gastouni. One species, however, the raisin de Corinthe, 
(Zante currant,) has been extensively cultivated of late along the shores 
of the Gulfs of Lepanto and Salamis, where it has taken the place of to- 
bacco plantations. Other fruits are likewise produced in abundance ; — 
lemons, not large nor peculiarly fine ; oranges, the best are found at Ca- 
famata, peaches, pomegranates, apricots, almonds, and a variety of 



GREEK REVOLUTION. U 

tainous region of Epirus is the most barren. Thessaly yields 
wool and silk ; and the soil of Macedonia is particularly fa- 
vourable to tobacco : that of Yenige, on account of its bal- 
samic odour, is preferred even to that of Latakia in Syria. 
Cotton also is extensively cultivated. But the principal 
wealth of Macedonia anciently consisted of its mines. The 
most celebrated were those of the mountain of Pangaeus, from 
which Philip annually derived a thousand talents of gold ; 
and by means of the treasure thence extracted, he became 
the master of Greece. In the plain of Arta, one of the most 
fertile districts of Epirus, maize, wheat, rice, and tobacco, 
are cultivated ; the vineyards are numerous, and the orange 
tree and fig-tree are made objects of peculiar attention. 
The oak, the plane, and the chesnut, are the chief ornaments 
of the vallies; and the vast precipices of the Pindus chain 
are clothed with forests of pines. The forests of the Morea 
are in some districts very extensive, especially in Elis and on 
the western coasts, which have long furnished oak and pine 
for the construction of the Hydriot vessels, and large quan- 
tities of vallonia for exportation to Zante and Malta. 

The Morea, notwithstanding its susceptibility of cultivation, 
and its growth of forest trees, is still an exceedingly rough 
and mountainous country. Mr. Humphreys, who visited it 
in 1825, states, that with the exception of a few miles along 
the coast, it consists of hills piled one above the other ; and 
that in passing through Elis, Arcadia, and Argolis, he did not 

shell fruit. The figs, especially those of Maina, are remarkable for 
their sweetness. The markets of Napoli di Romania are plentifully 
supplied with cucumbers, love-apples, spinach, asparagus, and other 
vegetables. Olives abound in every district, but especially in Maina 
and Argolis. Manna and indigo were formerly cultivated, but are now 
neglected, as well as the gathering of galls, which used to be found in 
every forest. Cotton was never grown in large quantities, but its 
quality was remarkably white and delicate. The culture of flax was 
but little known. The immense flocks of Argolis, Messenia, and the 
valleys of Arcadia, furnish a proportionate quantity of wool, the expor- 
tation of which to the Ionian Islands, together with the sheep them- 
selves, and a little wine, constitutes the only remnant of the once ex- 
tensive trade of Pyrgos." Large quantities of wax are still exported 
from Napoli to Syra. The barren and mountainous districts abound 
with beds of thyme, fennel, and mint ; but the honey of the Morea is 
decidedly inferior to that of Attica, and must be used with caution on 
account of its medicinal properties. — Emerson's Journalin " Picture of 
Greece in 1825," p. 314—318. 



16 HISTORY OF THE 

meet with a level valley of more than a mile in circumference, 
with a single exception of the little mountain plain in which 
Tripolizza is situated. 

The zoology of Greece, as far as known, does not appear 
to furnish many distinct species. The lynx, the wild cat, 
the wild boar, the wild goat, the stag, the roe-buck, the badg- 
er, and the squirrel, inhabit the steeper rocks of Parnassus, 
and the thick pine forests above Callidia. The bear is also 
sometimes found here. The rugged mountains about Mara- 
thon are frequented by wolves, foxes, and jackals ; weasels 
are sometimes taken in the villages and out-houses ; hares* 
are too numerous to be particularised. The mole burrows 
in the rich ground of Livadia, (Bceotia) and the hedge-hog is 
found in the environs of Athens. The otter inhabits the 
rivers and marshes of Bceotia, and the phoca and the por- 
poise are seen in the Corinthtian Gulf, and off the coast of 
Attica. The small species of bat flutters about the ruins of 
Athens, and a larger species inhabit the caverns of the island 
ofDidascalo. 

The large vulture frequents the cliffs of Delphi, and the 
woods and precipices of Parnassus. There are several spe- 
cies of the falcon tribe. Dr. Sibthorp particularises what he 
supposed to be the falco chrysaetos (called by the guide aetos,) 
the falco ieraz, and the falco kirkenasi. The latter, " half 
domestic, arrives early in the Spring with the storks in im- 
mense numbers, joint inhabitant with them of the houses and 
temples of the Athenians, and retires with these birds at the 
end of August." He noticed also a large grey hawk, of the 
buzzard kind, on the plain of Marathon ; another species, 
brown, with a white band on the wings, near Livadia : and a 
small dark hawk near Cape Sunium. The little owl (strix 
passerina,) is the most common species of Miverva's bird in 
Greece ; it abounds in the neighbourhood of Athens. The 
horned owl is sometimes, but rarely, seen. The ash-colour- 
ed, the red-headed, and the small grey butcher-bird, frequent 
the olive-grounds. Of the crow tribe, the raven, the hood- 
ed-crow, the jackdaw, the magpie, the jay, the ulcedo ispida, 
and the Cornish chough, are found here. The latter gene- 
rally confines itself to the mountainous parts, inhabiting the 

* Taooshan, hare, is a nick-name given by the Turks of the Greek 
islanders. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 17 

oroken cliffs and caverns of Parnassus, but sometimes de- 
scends into the plains. The hooded crow, which retires from 
England during the summer, is a constant inhabitant of At- 
tica. The roller frequents the gardens and olive-grounds. 
The cuckoo is heard early in the spring. The merops, at- 
tracted by the bees of Hymettus, appears at the latter end of 
summer. The hoopoe is also here a bird of passage. The 
sitta was seen on the rocks near Delphi. Wild pigeons 
abound in the rocks ; and the turtle and wood-pigeon are 
found in the woods and thickets. The red-legged partridge 
abounds every where. Among the larks, the crested lark is 
the most frequent ; but there are some of the other species. 
" Black-birds frequent the olive-grounds of Pendeli ; the 
solitary sparrow inhabits the cliffs of Delphi ; and the song- 
thrush is heard in the pine woods of Parnassus. Above 
these, where the heights are covered with snow, is seen the 
cmbcriza nivalis, inhabitant alike of the frozen Spitzbergen 
and the Grecian Alps. The bunting, the yellow-hammer, 
and a species of emberiza nearly related to it, haunt the low 
bushes in the neighbourhood of corn-fields." The goldfinch 
and the linnet rank also among the Attic choristers; and the 
fringilla flaveola is not unfrequent about Athens. Of the 
slender-billed birds, the wheatear is the most general species 
throughout Greece, inhabiting alike the highest mountains 
and the lowest plains. The white water-wagtail haunts the 
banks of rivulets, and the red-start is found on the eastern 
coast. The king-fisher is also seen here. Various species 
of the duck tribe visit the salt lakes and the shores of Attica 
during the winter, retiring in summer to more unfrequented 
fresh-water lakes and deep morasses. Woodcocks, snipes, 
and bustards, in considerable numbers, visit the neighbour- 
hood of Athens during winter. The curlew and the red- 
shank, the purple and the grey heron, the long-legged, the 
gray, and the sand plover, also frequent the marshes of 
Bceotia and the eastern coast. The privileged stork gene- 
rally arrives at Athens some time in March, and leaves it 
when the young are able to support a long flight, about the 
middle of August. The quail is another annual visiter. All 
the European species of the swallow tribe are found here, 
except the pratincola; also, various species of motacilla, 
confounded under the general name of bcccqfica. The sand- 
martin burrows in the cliffs of Delphi, and the goat-sucker 
trill retains its ancient name, and the stigma attached to it. 

3 



18 HISTORY OF THE 

The storm-finch, the sea-gull, and the sea-swallow, are seen 
on the coast of the iEgean Sea.* 

" One of the most agreeably diversified countries of the 
globe," says M. Beaujour, who was long resident in it, " is 
Greece : it is the epitome of all climates. The plants which 
grow within the tropics, flourish in its plains and on its hills, 
and those of the most northern regions thrive on the moun- 
tains. Olympus, Pindus, Parnassus, the craggy mountains 
of Arcadia, preserve on their sides and summits a perpetual 
coolness, while the valleys lying at their feet enjoy a peren- 
nial spring. The lands unsusceptible of culture are still not 
destitute of vegetation, but produce spontaneously thyme, 
marjoram, and all the aromatic plants. Such a country 
would seem to be singularly adapted to yield rich pasture : 
accordingly, there are numerous herds. For six months oi 
the year, indeed, it supports all those of the neighbouring 
regions. When the severity of the winter drives the Alba- 
nian shepherds from their native mountains, they descend to 
seek, in the fine climate of Greece, pastures more substan- 
tial and luxuriant. They enjoy the right of common in all 
the lands which are not under cultivation ; and notwith- 
standing the tyranny of the Beys, who levy contributions 
upon them without mercy, their winterings in general cost 
them but little."f 

Nothing, it is said, can surpass the delicious temperature 
of the islands in autumn, and of the winter at Athens, where 
the thermometer rarely descends below the freezing point. 
The longevity of the natives bears testimony to the salubrity 
of the air of Attica, which was always esteemed for its purity, 
and is still the best in Greece. Its extreme dryness has 
greatly contributed to the admirable preservation of the 
Athenian edifices. The corn in Attica is ripe about twenty- 
five days sooner than in the Morea and in Crete, owing, it is 

* From the papers of the late Dr. Sibthorpe. Walpole's Memoirs, 
pp. 73 — 77 ; see also pp. 255 — 273. 

f Beaujour. Tableau du Commerce de la Grece, vol. i. p. 136. The 
number of sheep in Attica was computed, in 1786, at 60,000 ; the goats 
at 100,000 ; and 10,000 goats and 5000 sheep were killed annually. 
" During the winter months,'" says Dr. Sibthorpe, " a nomade tribe 
drive their flocks from the mountains of Thessaly into the plains of At- 
tica and Boeotia, and give some pecuniary consideration to the Pacha of 
Negropont and the vaivode of Athens. These people are much famed 
for their woollen manufactures, particularly the coats or cloaks worn by 
the Greek sailors." — WalpoWs Memoirs, p. 141. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 19 

supposed, in part, to the abundance of nitre with which the 
soil is impregnated. The olives and the honey are still the 
best in the world.* Many parts of Greece, however, are far 
from being salubrious ; and it is probable, that great changes 
have taken place in this respect, owing to the desolation 
spread by war, pestilence, and oppression. The air of Co- 
rinth is so bad, that the inhabitants abandon the place during 
the summer months, through fear of the malaria, which is 
the scourge of the maritime plains. f 

Lord Byron pronounces the air of the Morea to be heavy 
and unwholesome ; but, on passing the isthmus in the direc- 
tion of Megara, a striking change is immediately perceptible. 
The transition is equally great after passing the ridges of 
Citheron. The climate of Attica, he describes as a perpetual 
spring ; rain is extremely rare, and even a cloudy day is 
seldom seen. Neither in the Spanish peninsula, nor in any- 
other part of the East, except Ionia, in his Lordship's opinion, 
is the climate equal to that of Athens ; but " I fear," he 
adds, " Hesiod will still be found correct in his description 
of a Boeotian winter."^ " The unwholesome marshes of 
Boeotia," remarks Mr. Douglas, " are inhabited by a race 
whom the vanity of the Athenians still despises as inferior 
beings." Speaking generally of the country T , he says : " The 
mixture of the romantic with the rich, which still diversifies 
its aspect, and the singularly picturesque form of all its 
mountains, do not allow us to wonder that even Virgil should 
generally desert his native Italy for the landscape of Greece. 
Whoever has viewed it in the tints of a Mediterranean 
spring, will agree in attributing much of the Grecian genius 
to the influence of scenery and climate." 



* Dodwell, vol. ii. p. 7. Mr. Hobhouse, who was at Athens in the 
depth of winter, speaks in more qualified language of the climate. 
" The weather was never so inclement as to prevent an excursion on 
horseback. To the northern constitution of an Englishman, the Athe- 
nian winters are not commonly so rigorous as, from ancient accounts, 
you might be led to expect. After having found it agreeable to bathe, 
a little before Christmas, at Thebes, where a poet of the country (He- 
siod) describes the cold to be so excessive as to freeze up the spirits of 
all nature, animate and inanimate, and to inflict upon man himself the 
miseries of a premature decay, it will not be supposed that the incle- 
mency of Attica was by us severely felt." — Journey, &c. letter 24. 

t Clarke's Travels, p. ii. s. 2. ch. 9. 

i Notes to Childo Harold, canto ii. 



30 HISTORY OF THE 

CHAPTER II. 

Grecian Islands. 

Among the great number of islands with which the Ionian 
and iEgean seas are sprinkled, some of which were so cele- 
brated in the history of ancient Greece, only a few retain 
any considerable importance, or are spoken of with much 
interest by modern travellers. Most of them, before the 
breaking out of the late revolution, were inhabited indis- 
criminately by Greeks and Turks, being governed by some 
petty officer, appointed by the Porte. In a few instances, 
however, the Greeks were permitted to govern themselves, 
by paying a certain stipulated tribute to the Sultan. 

The number of islands in the JEge&n sea is no more than 
one hundred. The principal Ionian Isles are seven in num- 
ber ; hence they have been called the " Republic of the 
Seven Islands." These islands were ceded to the Vene- 
tians, when the Greek empire was divided between them 
and the French, in the beginning of the 13th century. In 
1479, the Turks took them from the Venetians, and held 
possession of them for twenty years, when their former 
owners again wrested them from the infidels, and kept them 
until 1797, when they were taken by the French. In 1799, 
the Russians took these islands from the French, but ceded 
them back to France in 1807. In 1811, they were captured 
by the English, in whose possession they still remain. 

Under the French, these islands enjoyed a nominal inde- 
pendence, and under the government of the English, they 
have not only enjoyed liberty, and the administration of 
wholesome laws, but have been greatly improved by the in- 
troduction of the arts, sciences, and manufactures. In 1817, 
the British cabinet drew up a constitution of this Republic, 
under the title of the " United States of the Ionian Isles." 

The Ionian Islands are situated on the south-west coast 
of Greece, from latitude 36° to 40° north. Their names, 
beginning north and counting towards the south, are, 



Names. 


Ancient Names. 


Sq. Miles. 


1 Corfu, 


Corcyra, 


219 


2 Paxo, 


Paxos, 


34 


3 St. Maura, 


Leucadia, 


no 






GREEK REVOLUTION. 21 



Names. 


Ancient Names. 


Sq. Miles. 


4 Cephalonia, 

5 Ithica, 




350 
66 


6 Zante, 

7 Cerigo, 


Zacynthus, 
Cythera, 


88 
98 



Corfu is the first in fertility and consequence among the 
Ionian Islands. It exports considerable quantities of oil and 
salt. It also produces lemons, oranges, honey, and bees- 
wax, and has a population of 65,000. Corfu, the capital of 
the island, is situated on the eastern coast. It is strongly 
fortified ; is the seat of a university, founded by the English, 
and the residence of the Governor of the Ionian Republic. 
Number of inhabitants, 15,000.* 

Paxo is situated six miles south of Corfu, and ten from the 
coast of Albania. It contains 6,000 inhabitants, chiefly 
Greeks. t 

St. Maura is situated on the coast of Epirus, south-west of 
Paxo. It produces sea-salt, wine, oil, citrons, pomegran- 
ates, and game. This island contains a population of 20,000 
Greeks, and is the residence of a Bishop. St. Maura, the 
capital, is strongly fortified, with a population of 6,000.J 

Ithica is situated a few miles south of St. Maura. It is one 
of the most celebrated islands of Grecian antiquity, though 
noted for its barrenness and rugged aspect. Its population 
is 8,000 Greeks. The English government, before the revo- 
lution, were about to establish a Greek university on this 
island for the benefit of the Ionian Republic. § 

Cephalonia is the largest of the Ionian Isles. It is situa- 
ted off the mouth of the Gulf of Lepanto, and only a short 
distance south of Ithica. It produces raisins, currants, cot- 
ton, citrons, &c. Population 60,000, mostly Greeks. Ar- 
gostoli, the chief town, has one of the best harbours in the 
Mediterranean-!! 

Zante. This beautiful island is situated on the coast of 
the Morea, a few miles south of Cephalonia. It is small, but 
very populous and well cultivated. Its products are wine, 
currants, figs, olives, pomegranates, and other delicious fruits. 
The Greeks have forty churches, besides convents, on this 
island. Its population is 45,000. Zante, the capital, is situ- 
ated on the north-east side, and has a commodious harbour 

* Morse's Geography and Gazetteer. f Jb. 
$ Morse's Gazetteer. § lb. II lb. 
3* 



22 HISTORY OF THE 

The town is placed at the edge of the water, and at the foot 
of a high mountain, on which there is a citadel which com- 
mands the harbour. Its population is 12,000. It is the re- 
sidence of a Latin and Greek Bishop.* 

Cerigo. This island is situated south-east of the Morea, 
and a hundred miles or more from Zante. It is barren and 
little cultivated, having a population of only about 10,000, 
chiefly Greeks. 

The inhabitants of some of these islands have taken part 
in the revolutionary struggle, though, as a republic, they 
have remained in a state of neutrality. 

The islands of the JEge&n sea are so numerous, that only 
a few of the most important can be described here. Some of 
them are exceedingly important in the history of the revolu- 
tion ; others, though much nearer the principal scenes of ac- 
tion, are not named at all in this connection. 

Scio, the scene of the most shocking barbarities, at the 
commencement of the revolution, is situated on the coast of 
Asia Minor, and near the Gulf of Smyrna. It is 30 miles 
long, and from 10 to 18 miles wide. It was in a high state 
of cultivation, and produced, besides the delicious fruits 
common to its climate, as oranges, citrons, wine, and oil, 
large quantities of silk, about 30,000 lbs. of which were ex- 
ported annually. About 500 looms were employed in weav- 
ing silk stuffs of various kinds. No little republic could be 
happier or in a more flourishing condition, than Scio, at the 
moment when it was taken and utterly destroyed by the 
Turks in 1822. Its population, according to Vosgien, was 
30,000 Greeks, 10,000 Turks, and 3,000 Latins. Morse 
states its population to have been 110,000. 

The capital town, Scio, was defended by a citadel with a 
considerable garrison. Here was a college, with 14 profes- 
sors, and 700 or 800 students.f 

Hydra is situated near the eastern coast of the Morea, and 
is ten miles long, and about two miles wide. The soil is 
little better than barren rocks, but the inhabitants are ex- 
ceedingly enterprising and industrious. They possess 200 
vessels from 100 to 400 tons, and trade with Italy, France, 
Spain, and other countries. In this little island, the best 
sailors in the Archipelago are to be found. Most of their ships 
are now converted to men of war, by which they have 

* Vosgien's Dictionnaire Geographique. 
| Morse and Vosgien. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 23 

rendered the most important services during the revolution. 
Population 20,000. 

Ipsara. This island, about half the size of Hydra, lies 
near Scio. Its population is 16,000. They depend chiefly 
on their commerce for wealth and subsistence. They pos- 
sessed 100 large ships and nearly 500 smaller vessels, and 
are a hardy, enterprising people. 

Milo lies east of the Morea about 100 miles. It is thirty 
miles long and 15 wide, and contains one of the largest and 
best ports in the Mediterranean. The whole island is in a 
barren state from want of cultivation. The air is said to be 
unhealthy. The capital city, also called Milo, is on the 
eastern shore, but is deserted and in ruins, and serves for the 
retreat of pirates. Population 5,000, all Greeks.* 

Andros is situated at the southern extremity of Negro- 
pont, and between that and Tinos. It is 24 miles long and 
6 wide. Population 10,000, mostly Greeks.f 

Candia, or Crete, is one of the largest islands in the Medi- 
terranean. It lies south-east of the Morea, and is 240 miles 
long, and 50 or 60 wide. The face of this island is moun- 
tainous, though fertile and healthy. The most remarkable 
among these mountains is Ida, so celebrated in Grecian my- 
thology. It produces wine, oil, honey, wax, saffron, &c. 
The population is estimated at 300,000, of which about 
150,000 are Turks, 130,000 Greeks, and the remainder 
Jews. The tyranny of the Turks has prevented, in a great 
measure, the cultivation and improvement of this fine coun- 
try.J 

Rhodes is the most celebrated of all the islands in the 
Mediterranean, It lies on the southern coast of Asia Minor, 
between the latitudes of 36° and 37°. It is 48 miles long, 
and 18 wide. This little spot was once the most celebrated 
state in Greece. After the death of Alexander the Great, 
it not only dazzled the world with its magnificence and 
splendour, but became formidable as a warlike nation. It 
was in the possession of the Knights of the Order of St. 
John for more than 200 years, and was, during this time, the 
scene of unparalleled carnage, the Knights being often ob- 
liged to defend themselves against the force of the whole 
Turkish empire. Solyman finally took it from them in 1523, 
ifter the loss of 40,000 men. Rhodes, also the name of the 

* Vosgien's Dictionnaire. t lb. 
$ Vosgien and Morse. 



U HISTORY OF THE 

capital, was formerly a walled city of immense strength, and 
of the greatest magnificence ; but all remains of its ancient 
grandeur have departed ; all its colossal statues, and porti- 
coes, are destroyed, and a great proportion of the houses 
which remain, are uninhabited. Population, 5,000 Turks, 
and 10,000 Jews. Greeks are not permitted to live in the 
city. Population of the island, 20,000, of which two thirds 
are Turks.* 

Tino, or Tinos. This island lies south-east of Andros, 
and is about 60 miles in circumference. It produces figs, 
currants, melons, grapes, &c. ; but its chief riches are de- 
rived from the manufacture of silk, of which large quantities 
are annually produced. Its population is about 23,000, 
mostly Greeks. 

Negropont, the ancient Eubcea, also called Egripos, is a 
narrow island extending along the coast of Livadia and Bce- 
otia, from which it is divided by a strait so narrow as to be 
connected to the main land by a bridge. It is 120 miles 
long, and 30 wide. This island, through the middle, consists 
chiefly of barren mountains ; but the valleys are exceedingly 
fertile. The present capital, Negropont, occupies the scite 
of the ancient city of Calchis. It is strongly fortified, and 
has formerly been the scene of much bloodshed, particularly 
when the place was taken from the Venetians by the Turks, 
in 1469. The vallies produce excellent wine, cotton, and 
fruits. The mountains contain marble and copper. Popu- 
lation of the island, 60,000 ; of the city, 1 6,000. t 

What we have described must serve as examples of the 
population, fertility, and situation of the other Greek islands. 
Some of them, before the revolution, were in a state of pros- 
perity, hardly to be expected under the hard and unyielding 
servitude of the Porte ; others, highly celebrated in the 
history of the ancients, have apparently borne their chains 
with less fortitude, and have sunk into a state of degradation 
too low even to cultivate the soil on which they live. 

* Vosgien's Dictionnaire, Morse's Gazetteer, 
f Morse and Vosgien. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 25 



CHAPTER III. 



Greece taken by the Romans. — Perseus carried to Rome. — 
Subversion of the Achcean commonwealth. — Greece becomes 
a Roman Colony. — War with JMithridates. — Sylla marches 
into Greece. — Athens given up to pillage. — Battle of Che- 
ronea. — Destruction of the Boeotians. — Cilician pirates. — 
Nero plunders the country. — Greece divided between the 
Venetians and French. — The Turks establish their Empire 
in the East. 

For more than nineteen hundred years, Greece has 
,' fi J been under the yoke of some foreign power. From 
the period of the death of Alexander the Great, the 
history of the Grecian republics presents us with scarcely 
any thing, but a series of revolutions, and intestine wars, un- 
til they, each in their turns, became subject to a foreign pow- 
er. The Romans, at that period the most powerful of na- 
tions, only waited for a pretext to establish their domination 
in Greece. The Etolians being attacked and nearly over- 
whelmed by the Macedonians, who had already enslaved a 
great proportion of Greece, with a rash policy, sought the 
aid of Rome. The Romans were not slow in obeying the 
summons, and soon accomplished the reduction of the whole 
kingdom of Macedonia, and Perseus, its last Emperor, was 
led in chains to Rome, to grace the triumph of Paulus 
vEmilius, his conqueror, in 167, B. C. From that period, 
the Romans were nastily advancing in their conquest of all 
Greece, the progress of which they hastened by fostering 
dissensions between its several states, and corrupting the 
principal citizens. A pretext was only wanting to draw the 
sword against their Greek allies, whom they came to assist 
against the conquering Macedonians. This was furnished by 
the Achaean states, who insulted the deputies of Imperial 
Rome. With a pretended design to avenge this insult, but 
really with the higher object of making Greece a Roman 
province, Metellus marched his legions into that devoted 
country, and entirely defeated the Grecian armies, 
-\„' taking possession of the several republics and ci- 
* ties in the name of Imperial Rome. Mummeus, 
the Consul, terminated the work, and made an easy conquest 
of the whole of Greece, which from that period became a. 



26 HISTORY OF THE 

Roman province, under the name of Achaia, 146 B. C* 
The overthrow of the Achaean commonwealth, says Dr. 
Gast, finished the debasement of Greece, which soon after 
sunk into a Roman district, under the denomination of the 
province of Achaia ; because with the overthrow of this re- 
public was completed the final reduction of the Grecian 
states. In this province were comprised Peloponnesus, At- 
tica, Boeotia, Phocis, and all that part of Greece lying south 
of Epirus and Thessaly. All to the north of that line, as far 
as the utmost verge of the Macedonian frontier, was the pro- 
vince of Macedon. These two provincial governments of 
Macedon and Achaia, including the ancient dominions of the 
Macedonian princes, together with the several states and re- 
publics of Greece — that once illustrious land, ennobled by 
glorious achievements, the chosen seat of liberty, of science, 
polity and the arts, were henceforward to be consigned to 
humiliation and servitude, t Greece, and particularly Athens, 
were still spoken of by the Roman historians of that period, 
with considerable deference and respect. That pre-emi- 
nence which the Athenians had gained in the sciences and 
arts, did not immediately decline under the dictation of 
Rome. For several ages after Greece became a province, 
the Roman youth resorted thither for the purpose of gaining 
a knowledge of the sciences which they could not obtain at 
home ; and which it was supposed no other country was ca- 
pable of bestowing. The language of Greece became the 
studied language of the polite and polished Romans. Hence 
it is said, " that victorious Rome was herself subdued by 
the arts of Greece." Those \mmortal writers who still com- 
mand the admiration of modern Europe, soon became the 
favourite object of study and imitation in Italy and the west- 
ern provinces. But the elegant amusements of the Romans 
were not suffered to interfere with their sound maxims of 
policy, for whilst they acknowledged the charms of the 
Greek, they asserted the dignity of the Latin tongue, and the 
exclusive use of the latter was inflexibly maintained in the ad- 
ministration of civil as well as military government.:): The two 
languages exercised at the same time their separate jurisdic- 
tion throughout the empire : the Grecian as the natural idiom 

* Tytler. f See Gast's Hist. Greece, vol. II, p. 565. 
% The Emperor Claudius disfranchised an eminent Grecian, probably 
in some public office, for not understanding the Latin language. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 27 

of science ; the Latin as the legal dialect of public transac- 
tions. Those who united letters with business, were equal- 
ly conversant with both ; and it was almost impossible in any 
province, to find a Roman subject of a liberal education, who 
was at once a stranger to the Greek and Italian languages.* 
From this period, the history of Greece becomes imperfect, 
and as it became a Roman colony, for many centuries, its 
historical records are chiefly to be found in the accounts of 
that conquering nation, and from whence it appears, that the 
Romans did not long remain peaceable possessors of their 
newly acquired territory. 

In the year 89, B. C. f Mithridates king of Pontus 
eg * conceived the daring design of overthrowing the 
Roman empire in Greece. Three generals march- 
ed against him with the conquering legions of Rome ; but he 
defeated them all, and having taken the three commanders 
prisoners, he made a spectacle of them through the cities, 
where they were treated with scorn and contempt. In ad- 
dition to this, he appointed a day when all the Romans who 
could be found should be massacred, without regard to age, 
sex, or condition. Thus miserably perished eighty thousand 
Romans in one day.J 

The intention of Mithridates to free Greece from the Ro- 
mans was now seconded by the Grecians themselves. The 
enmity of the Athenians against their oppressors had be- 
come exasperated by the fines imposed upon them at Rome; 
they therefore implored Mithridates to assist them in obtain- 
ing their freedom. Nothing could have been more gra- 
tifying to that prince than such an application. His troops 
immediately marched to Athens, the gates of which were 
willingly thrown open to him, and preparations were made 
to resist any attempt the Romans might make on that city. 

Meantime, Sylla, the Roman general, was preparing to 
punish this revolt, and having marched his army into Greece, 
the terror of his name was such as to occasion the submission 
of all the Grecian cities, with the exception of Athens. To 
this city, therefore, he marched his troops, with the intention 
of taking it by storm, and thus by a single blow to end the 
war in Greece. But in this he was disappointed. His as- 
sault made no impression on the well prepared and brave 
Athenians. His siege being finally turned into a blockade, 

* Gibbon's Decline and Fall, vol. 1. p. 40. 
f Gast's Hist. Greece, vol. 1. p. 579. J lb. 



28 HISTORY OF THE 

famine and disease, after many months, made such a dreadful 
havoc among the besieged, that they could hold out no longer. 
The Romans entered the city through a breach in its wall 
in the dead of night, and the inhabitants, worn down with 
famine and fatigue, could make but little resistance. 

Irritated with the obstinacy of the Athenians, be- 

Ar>' ing inured to scenes of carnage, and determining 
to make an example of a revolted city in Greece, 
Sylla gave Athens up to the sword and pillage of his Roman 
legions, in the year 86, B. C. # 

"Goaded on," says Dr. Gast, " by the fierceness of Sylla, 
and not less strongly perhaps, by their own resentment and 
avarice, the soldiery rushed furiously against the emaciated, 
dispirited, defenceless multitude. The darkness of the mid- 
night hour, the sound of the trumpets, the blowing of horns, 
the clang of arms, the shouts of the conquerors, and the 
screams of despair, all contributed to the horrors of this in- 
human massacre. Unchecked by any resistance, it soon 
made its way from quarter to quarter; many of the miserable 
inhabitants worn out with want, offering themselves to the 
stroke of death ; and some, even before the sword reached 
them, unwilling to outlive the liberties, or existence of their 
country, or wishing to prevent the violence of a brutal sol- 
diery, falling by their own hands."! According to Plutarch, 
this scene was one of the most dreadful among all those re- 
corded in Grecian history. Sylla ordered his soldiers to 
make an indiscriminate slaughter of all, whether citizens o 
soldiers, male or female, young or old. The number slai 
exceeded all computation, nor could any one judge of it ex 
cept by the quantity of blood, which is said to have poured in 
torrents through the gates of the city. 

The Roman legions having become sated with blood, and 
tired with the exercise of killing, Sylla spared what few Athe- 
nians remained alive, and directed the residue of his ven- 
geance against the city itself, and the beautiful edifices 
which its murdered inhabitants had raised. The Piraeus, 
which had been the pride of the Athenians for centuries, and 
on which they had expended immense sums, and exhausted 
the arts of decoration, was totally demolished ; what was 
spared by the fire being torn down by the soldiers. 

The destruction of Athens did not end the opposition of 
the Greeks towards their foreign invaders, nor the effusion 

* Gast's Hist. Greece. f Gast, vol. II. p. 587. 



! 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 29 

of human blood by the victorious Sylla. The Boeotians, 
probably instigated by the Macedonians, with whom they 
Jiad joined their forces, set up the standard of revolt, even 
while the ruins of Athens were smoking, and her sons lay un- 
buried on the field of battle. The two armies met at Cha> 
ronea, where a most sanguinary conflict ensued, in which the 
Romans were completely victorious, leaving, it is said, one 
hundred and ten thousand of their allied enemies dead on the 
field of battle.* Mithridates, notwithstanding these disas- 
ters, sent a third army to oppose the conquering Ro- 

\* ' mans. The two armies again met in Bceotia, and 
on the field of Orchomenos, Sylla again triumphed 
over his enemies, leaving a vast number dead on the field. 

After these victories, it now only remained for Sylla to 
take signal vengeance on the Boeotians, whose repeated re- 
volts had already reduced them to poverty, and their country 
to desolation. But neither the patriotism of these brave sol- 
diers, nor the sufferings of their women and children, had the 
least claim on the mercy of the relentless Sylla. He gave 
the whole province up to devastation and massacre. Most 
of the cities were laid in ruins, and their inhabitants, with- 
out discrimination, were put to the sword. f 

To the miseries consequent on so dreadful a war as that 
already described, there succeeded other calamities, scarcely 
less destructive to the lives and property of the Greeks. The 
Cilician pirates had become so numerous and powerful, that 
in the weakened and depopulated state of Greece, they in- 
vested her whole coast, and committed depredations and 
murders, almost without restraint. Not content with attack- 
ing and robbing ships, these lawless rovers assailed 
B '„£ ' towns, cities, and islands, which they pillaged, burn- 
' ed, or took possession of, as was most convenient for 
themselves. They possessed arsenals, towns strongly for- 
tified, and impregnable places. Their gallies amounted to u 
thousand, which were completely equipped,^ and the cities 
in their possession were not less than a hundred. § Indeed r 
so numerous, rich and powerful had this nation of pirates 
become, that at one time the whole of the JEgean sea, with 
its coasts and islands, was under their complete control, nor 
were the Ionian Isles or Candia free from their depredations , 



* Gast's Hist. Greece, vol. 2. p. 589. 

f Plutarch in Sylla. 

X Gust's Hist. Greece. § lb. 



30 HISTORY OF THE 

All the coast of Greece bordering on the sea, together with 
her islands, suffered beyond description from these barbari- 
ans. Cities and towns were sacked, and their inhabitants 
carried away, murdered, or suffered to perish from starvation 
and nakedness. Not even the temples of the gods were 
spared. Plutarch* enumerates seven of the most costly and 
revered in all Greece, and which the hand of no conqueror 
had dared to touch before, but now they were laid in ruins. 
Among them were the famous temple of Juno at Argos, 
and that of Esculapius at Epidaurus, and the temple of 
Apollo at Claros. During a period of near forty years, 
these enemies of mankind had thus continued -their outrages, 
and until some large portions of Greece, formerly full of vil- 
lages and inhabitants, had become entirely depopulated. In 
some parts of the Morea scarcely a living human being was 
to be seen. Perhaps the best idea of this total destruction 
may be obtained from a fact recorded by Plutarch, viz. that 
when Pompey came to suppress these piracies, he found 
a part of the Morea so entirely destitute of inhabitants, that 
in order to re-people it, a colony of the pirates themselves 
were sent there, where a province was designated for their 
cultivation, f 

In consequence of the care which the Romans 

A j ' were always ready to take of their eastern provinces. 
Greece was finally delivered from the power of these 
desolating pirates who had reduced her to a state of the most 
abject misery. But though Greece was delivered from pi- 
rates, she did not escape the desolation of war, for she soon 
after became the theatre of carnage among the Romans 
themselves. The desperate quarrel between Caesar and 
Pompey, in which some of the Grecian states were involved, 
could not but protract in this devoted country the calamities 
it had already experienced. The battle of Pharsalia, which 
terminated this sanguinary strife by the ruin of Pompey, did 
not therefore relieve Greece from becoming the scene of 
many subsequent conflicts. 

The death of Caesar had been celebrated by the Athenians 
as the era of their approaching freedom, and Augustus in re- 
venge for such insolence, deprived Athens of many of the 
few privileges which her former masters had allowed her. 
He also plundered the Arcadians, even to their very statues 

* See his Pompey 
f Plutarch. 



: 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 31 



and monuments of antiquity. He reduced Messenia to a 
-late of absolute vassalage, and observing the same line of 
conduct towards every other Grecian state, he dismembered 
some, and to others he disallowed all privileges not consist- 
ent with .absolute bondage. 

The Emperor Nero, when he became master of the desti- 

, ny of Greece, with a levity well becoming his character, 
made a mock show of granting her freedom and independ- 
ence, and this was declared publicly by his order, at the 
celebration of the Isthmian Games. This declaration did 
not, however, prevent his seizing every relique of Grecian 
splendour to be found, or even of plundering the temples of 
the gods of whatever valuables they contained.* Of the 
condition of Greece under the reigns of the succeeding em- 
perors, it is only necessary to state here, that little or no me- 

i lioration of their servitude was ever granted her, and in ad- 
dition to Roman bondage, she was afterwards to suffer from 
an unexpected source. This was from the incursions of a 
race of barbarians, before unknown to the Grecians, and who 
came from the northern parts of Germany. 

The Goths, for so they were called, entered Greece in 
vast numbers, commanded by their skilful general Alaric. 
Their route lay through Macedonia and Thessaly, which they 
laid waste. On their approach to the narrow pass of Ther- 
iqqK mopylae, they might have been destroyed, had the 
' Greeks then possessed the same valour which anima- 
ted Leonidas and his three hundred men, long before. The 
troops which had been posted to defend this narrow pass re- 
tired on the approach of Alaric ; and " immediately the fer- 
tile fields of Phocis and Bceotia were covered with a deluge 
of barbarians."! They massacred all the males capable of 
bearing arms, and drove away the beautiful females, with the 
spoil and cattle, to the flaming villages. 

Alaric next marched to Athens, when to save the city 
from plunder, and its inhabitants from the sword, the Athe- 
nians delivered him the greatest part of the wealth they pos- 
sessed. From Athens he turned towards Corinth, which 
yielded without resistance to his arms. Argos and Spar- 
ta also submitted on his approach, and thus all the most 
magnificent cities and the finest provinces of Greece, were 
cither laid under contribution, or what was more common, 



* See Gast's Hist. Greece, vol. II. p. COO. 
f Gibbon, chap. xxx. 



32 HISTORY OF THE 

pillaged and burned by the Goths. " The vases and sta- 
tues," says Gibbon, "were distributed among the barbarians, 
with more regard to the value of the material, than the ele- 
gance of the workmanship ; the female captives submitted 
to the laws of war, and the enjoyment of beauty was the re- 
ward of valour." 

No principal event happened to Greece Proper, which it 
is necessary here to record, for several centuries after the 
incursion of the Goths. From the time of the Roman con- 
quest, the character of the Grecians for patriotism and va- 
lour gradually declined, and their taste for the fine arts 
and the sciences, under the iron sceptres of the Roman em- 
perors, was finally lost. From the histories of Rome and 
Constantinople, and from the account of the crusades, some 
gleaning of the history of Greece may be, found. But this 
land, once so celebrated, was for many centuries blotted out 
of the list of empires. The Greeks did not, however, for 
many centuries, lose their veneration for the arts of their an- 
cestors, but as they removed to other countries, relics of 
their former pre-eminence in sculpture and other works 
were carried with them, and preserved with sacred care in 
many families. The larger and more expensive works which 
1204. a d°ruecl their ancient cities, were also, many of them 
carried away and preserved at the public expense. 
Hence, when the Latins took Constantinople from the 
Greeks, in 1204, a great number of the finest specimens of 
ancient Greeian art were found, which had been preserved 
with the greatest care. 

Immediately after the taking of Constantinople, the Ve- 
netians and French, after a pompous show of ceremony and 
circumstance, agreed to divide the Greek empire between 
them. In this partition, about three fourths were given to 
the Venetians, including ancient or proper Greece,* and 
Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat was created king. 

Meantime the eastern and southern provinces of Greece 
were involved in all the horrors of war. Boniface, the new 
king of Thessaly, was attacked by the Bulgarians, defeated, 
and killed. The Venetians took possession of Crete, and 
the islands of the iEgean sek. While Baldwin, Count of 
Flanders, lately made Emperor of Constantinople, was taken 
prisoner in Thrace, by John, king of Bulgaria. To judge of 
the horrid barbarities committed during these wars, it is suffi- 

* Gibbon's Rise and Fall, vol. 6. p. 89. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 33 

•cient to state that the Emperor Baldwin was dragged in chains 
to his capital, and after having his hands and feet cut ofTj was 
exposed in a desert to the wild beasts and birds of prey, in 
which dreadful state of misery he survived three days.* 

After a protracted and sanguinary war, in which the 
Latins, Greeks, Venetians, French, Saracens, Persians, and 
Turks, each participated, and during which Constantinople 
was taken and re-taken several times, and Greece Proper as 
often overrun, its provinces reduced to the utmost misery, 
and its cities sacked and burnt, the Turks finally establish- 
ed their empire in the East, at the beginning of the 13th 
century. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Othman founds the Turkish Empire. — Solyman crosses the 
Hellespont. — Solyman is killed. — Orcan also dies. — Amu- 
rath begins his reign. — He forms the Janizaries. — Jlmurath 
is killed. — Bajazet I. begins his reign. — Reduces Greece to 
servitude. — Battle of Nicopolis. — French prisoners decapi- 
tated. — Bajazet taken by Tamerlane, and confined in a cage. 
— Manuel Emperor. — He relinquishes the throne to John. — 
First appearance of Tamerlane. — His conquests. — John of 
Constantinople pays him tribute. — Tamerlane retires to Sa- 
marcand. — Tamerlane dies. 

The foundation of the Turkish empire is attributed to 
Othman, or Ottoman, and hence its name. He came from 
,onn the borders of the Caspian Sea during the reign of 
Andronicus II. of Constantinople. At this period, 
the Greek empire was reduced to the city of Constantinople, 
and the possession of some provinces in ancient Greece. 
The eastern world had for nearly a century been in a state 
of civil commotion. The schisms between the Latins and 
Greeks, the interposition of the crusaders, and the intestine 
wars, had reduced the eastern nations to a state of poverty, 
and thinned them of inhabitants. 

In this condition of the country, Othman, a fearless and 
cunning leader, made by treachery, an easy conquest of seve- 
ral cities and provinces in the vicinity of Constantinople. 

* Anquetil's Universal History, vol. 4. p. 321. 
4* 



34 HISTORY OF THE 

His son Orcan, who on the death of his father succeeded to 
the throne, continued to enlarge the Turkish possessions, by 
|ooq subduing every place in the power of his arms. He 
vanquished Andronicus the Greek Emperor in several 
battles, and took from him the cities of Necomeuia and Nice,* 
having besieged the latter city for two years. Having pushed 
his conquests as far as Natolia, which borders on the Helles- 
pont, or iEgean sea, he longed to penetrate across to Europe, 
and, if possible, make himself master of Greece. Orcan's 
son, Solyman, a young warrior full of ambition, wished for 
such a conquest more than his father. But the Ottomans 
were used to fight only by land, and had neither vessels, nor 
pilots, nor constructors ; they wanted even fishing boats, and 
every means of attempting this element, more redoubtable 
perhaps for those that understand it, than for those who have- 
never experienced it.f As Orcan had penetrated to the sea 
€oast, the Emperor Andronicus, fearing he might induce, by 
bribery or other means, masters of vessels to transport him 
across to Europe, published a decree which forbade under 
pain of death, the putting of any vessel, or even barque, on 
the Bosphorus of Thrace, or on the straits of Gallipoli. 
Knowing that the Ottomans had no vessels of their own, the 
Emperor flattered himself that this decree, and the sea itself, 
would present an impenetrable barrier to the farther progress 
of Orcan. But Solyman, the adventurous young Turk, over- 
came all these obstacles by his fearlessness and ingenuity, 
and crossed the Bosphorus at the head of eighty determined 
men, thus making himself master of the key of Europe.^ 



* Mignot's Hist. Ottoman Empire, vol. 1. p. 13. f lb. 

t See Hawkins's Mignot, vol. 1. p. 16. where the following account of 
this singular undertaking is given. 

" Solyman having made a hunting party, arrived, by a fine moon-light 
on the borders of the straits, at the head of eighty determined men. He 
constructed three rafts of thin plank, fastened on corks, and ox bladders 
tied by the neck, and thus risked himself and attendants to cross 5 leagues 
of sea on these frail skiffs, by the aid of long poles which served him as 
oars and even rudders. This rash enterprise succeeded beyond the 
wishes [hopes] of Solyman. He arrived without the least accident, at the 
foot of the castle of Hanni, in Europe. Both the night and the moon fa- 
voured him. He met a peasant at break of day going to work. This 
man, enslaved by fear, and gained by gold, introduced the Turkish 
prince, by a subterraneous passage, into the castle of Hanni, (the ancient 
Sestos.) There was no garrison in this place, as the Greeks thought it 
sufficiently defended by the sea ; all was still and hushed in profound 
sleep. Solyman made himself master of the castle, and having as- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 35 

The life of Solyman was short. After having overrun a 
part of Romania and Thrace, and while he was besieging 
Adrianople, an unruly horse threw him with such force as to 
terminate his life on the spot. His father died with grief at 
the loss. "The aged Orchan wept, and expired on the tomb 
of his valiant son."* But, says Gibbon,! " the Greeks had 
not time to rejoice in the death of their enemies ; and the 
Turkish scimetar was wielded with the same spirit by Amu- 
rath the First, the son of Orchan, and the brother of Soly- 
man. By the pale and fainting light of Byzantine annals, 
we can discern, that he [Amurath] subdued without resist- 
ance the whole province of Romania or Thrace, from the 
Hellespont to mount Haemus, and the verge of the Capital, 
and that Adrianople was chosen for the royal seat of his 
government and religion in Europe." After having deso- 
lated the provinces of Bulgaria, Bothnia, Albania, and Ser- 
via, Amurath met a sudden* death by the desperation of a 
wounded soldier. "A Servian soldier," says Gibbon, 
" started from the crowd of dead bodies, and Amurath was 
pierced in the belly with a mortal wound. "J 



sembled the principal inhabitants, he addressed them in the most flat- 
tering terms, and made use of the most magnificent promises to persuade 
these Greeks, who were all pilots or sailors, and moreover very little 
attached to their prince, to take the vessels which they had in two small 
ports just by, and conduct them to the other side of the strait, to em- 
bark four thousand Turks, who were there attending him. In a few 
-hours this small army was transported from Asia to Europe." 

The next day the governor of Gallipoli attacked the Turks with all 
the forces he could muster, but after a long and doubtful contest the 
G reeks were beaten. 

It is difficult at this time to ascertain the points whence Solyman 
departed and where he landed. D Anville, in his ancient Geography, 
says, " Sestos, which was the most frequented passage of the Helles- 
pont, only exists in a ruined place named Zerneuic, which was the 
first that the Turks seized in passing from Asia to Europe, under 
Sultan Or Khan, about the year 1356." 

* Gibbon. t Decline and Fall, vol. 6. p. 191. 

t It was Amurath who formed the band of soldiers, called Janizaries, 
and which has since become so famous, and exerted such an influence 
over the government of Constantinople. Having a body of young men 
selected for this purpose, Amurath stretched out his arm over the head 
of the first soldier, and blessed them in these words. " Let them be 
called Janizaries, (yengi cheri, or new soldiers ;) may their countenances 
be ever bright ! their hand victorious ! their sword keen ! may they 
return with white faces." 

White and black faces are common and proverbial expressions of 
praise and reproach in the Turkish language. See Gibbon's Decline 
and Fall, vol. 6. p. 92. 



36 HISTORY OF THE 

Amurath I. was considered a mild and modest prince, and 
a lover of learning and virtue.* We must remember that he 
lived at a time when devastation, and death by torture, were 
the common lot of the vanquished all over the east, and that 
usages which at the present day would be barbarities in any 
civilized country, would then have been considered mercies. 

Under the semblance of justice, Amurath had the eyes of 
his own son plucked out. He also, on one occasion, con- 
demned several young citizens who had carried arms against 
Mm, to be put to death by the hands of their fathers, and if 
the fathers refused to execute this unnatural order, they 
were massacred by their sons.f Still he was called a mild 
and virtuous prince. 

Amurath was succeeded by his son Bajazet the First. 
This celebrated prince was brave, ambitious, and restless. 
"In the fourteen years of his reign, he incessantly moved ai 
the head of his armies, from Boursa to Adrianople, and from 
the Danube to the Euphrates. "J He extended his conquests 
across the Hellespont into Europe, and whatever remained 
of the Greek empire, in Macedonia, Thrace, or Thessaly, he 
reduced to Turkish servitude. Penetrating towards the 
gates of Thermopylae, a traitorous Greek Bishop led him 
through that pass, and hence the whole of Greece became his 
prey.§ He carried death or Mahometanism wherever he 
went. His name and exploits finally became so terrible, that 
when Sigismond the king of Hungary determined to oppose 
him, his cause was considered that of Europe, and of the 
Christian Church. The Knights of France and Germany, 
were eager to join the standard of the Christian King, with 
their armies. An army of 100,000 Christians assembled to 
suppress the invasions of the infidel, and to break his power. 
The field of Nicopolis in Bulgaria, and the river Danube, 
were destined to become the grave of this combined army. 
The king of Hungary with difficulty made his escape, and 
the infidel king was completely victorious. The French 
captives who had survived this dreadful conflict, were 
brought before the throne of the Sultan, and as they refused 
to abjure their faith and embrace Ishmaelism, they were suc- 
cessively beheaded in his presence. || 

After this battle, Bajazet boasted that he would subdue 

1400 k° tn Germany and Italy, and that he would feed his 

horse with a bushel of oats on the altar of St. Peter, 

* Gibbon. f Hawkins's Mignot. + See Gibbon. § lb. 
|i Gibbon's Decline and Fall, vol. 6. p. 194, 






GREEK REVOLUTION. 37 

at Rome.* Gibbon says, with an air of triumph, " His pro- 
gress was checked, not by the miraculous interposition of 
the apostle ; not by a crusade of the Christian powers, but 
by a long and painful fit of the gout."t 

The fate of this scourge to the Christian world, is well 
known. He was taken prisoner by Tamerlane, in whose 
hands he died.j: 

The city of Constantinople was still possessed by the 
Greeks, but the conquests of Bajazet had given the Turks 
the possession of the country and cities in every direction 
surrounding it. Even the places from whence that immense 
city drew its supplies, and the avenues to it, were in the 
hands of the infidels. 

In this state of things, Manuel, the Greek Emperor, seeing 
the impossibility of obtaining provisions for his capital, and 
seeing that the Greek reign in the east was nearly at an end, 
chose rather to see the throne sink under another, than under 
himself. He therefore, of his own free will, relinquished to 
John, the son of Andronicus, his tottering throne, with the 
keys of his city ; and quitting Asia, now full of enemies, 
misery, and poverty, passed over the Hellespont, to lead 3 
wandering life at the different courts of Europe. 

John, it was well known, had made some overtures to Ba- 
jazet, with a view of taking Constantinople by treachery or 
force, and of dispossessing his uncle Manuel of the throne. 
With this intention, the Sultan had committed to him ten 
thousand of his troops, with which he was to besiege the 
capital if necessary. John had, however, now become the 
quiet possessor of the throne, by the abdication, and gift oi 
his uncle. A question now arose, whether John should 
give up the throne and capital to Bajazet, which he had pro- 
mised to do, if he became master of it. But it was under- 
stood also, that the troops which Bajazet had lent him, were 
to be the means by which he was to possess the city, which 
means the abdication of Manuel rendered not necessary. 

i: Gibbon's Decline and Fall, vol. 6. p. 194. 

■f History tells us that Tamerlane, or Timor, as he is also called, con- 
fined Bajazet in an iron cage, like a wild beast, and that he, to put an 
end to a life so miserable and odious, beat out his brains against his 
cage. This story is rejected as fabulous by most modern writers. Gib- 
bon, however, has collected several authorities to evince that this fierce 
warrior received the most ignominious and harsh treatment from hi? 
conqueror, and that the story of the iron cage was probably not without 
foundation. See Gibbon, vol. 6. chap. 65. 

$ Hawkins's Mignot, vol. 1. p. 44. 



38 HISTORY OF THE 

All the orders of the state conjured John to remain on his 
throne, protesting that they would rather see their children 
massacred before their faces, and perish themselves in the 
flames, than live under Turkish barbarity.* Whatever John's 
decision might have been, no Christian power could then 
have defended Constantinople against the assault of the Sul- 
tan, who had determined to possess himself of that city, and 
was on the point of marching towards it, when, from a source 
least expected, there rose up a powerful and successful op- 
poser to the future conquests of Bajazet. This was Timor, 
or Tamerlane. Tamerlane was a Tartarian prince, born on 
the frontiers of Parthia. In his youth he was principal 
equery to the prince of his country. Living in an age when, 
and among a people where personal bravery, sagacity, and 
treachery in war were qualities "best adapted to promotion, 
he rose with astonishing rapidity to the highest distinction. 
At the age of twenty-five or thirty, his fame as a conqueror 
became such as to induce all the petty princes of his country 
to join his standard, and he was thus enabled to raise an army, 
so numerous and powerful, as to defy all resistance. He 
gverran and conquered, with astonishing rapidity, Tartary, 
Hindostan, Egypt, and other countries.! 

From the Irtish and Volga, to the Persian Gulf, says Gib 
bon, and from the Ganges to Damascus and the Archipelago, 
Asia was in the hands of Timor ; his armies were invincible, 
his ambition was boundless, and his zeal might aspire to 
conquer and convert the Christian kingdoms of the West, 
which already trembled at his name.J 

His love of conquest was so insatiable that he warred 
a gainst, and indiscriminately subdued, both Tartarean, Pa- 
gan, Turkish and Christian nations; hence when he came to 
the utmost verge of Asia Minor, and his unbounded ambition 
impelled him to seek unconquered lands in Europe, he found 
that the Greeks and Turks had united to dispute the passage 
of their common enemy, either by the Hellespont or the 
Bosphorus. " On this great occasion, they forgot the differ- 
ence of religion, to act with union and firmness in the com- 
mon cause ; the double straits were guarded with ships and 
fortifications ; and they separately withheld the transports, 
which Timor demanded of either nation under the pretence 
of attacking their enemy."§ 



Hawkins's Mignot. t Gibbon. 

Gibbon's Decline and Fall, vol. 6. p. 219. § lb. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 39 

They soothed him with presents, and tributary gifts, and 
by an acknowledgment of inferiority, tempted him to re- 
treat with the honour of victory, without drawing his sword. 
John, the Greek Emperor of Constantinople, submitted to 
pay him tribute, and ratified a treaty with him, by an oath 
of allegiance. 

Tamerlane, after having filled Asia, India, and Europe 
with terror, devastation, and mourning, and after having con- 
quered vast territories, without the expectation or wish of 
making them tributary provinces, retired for a short period 
to Samarcand, his capital, to give himself some repose from 
the labours of war, and to display his magnificence and power. 
idftd Here he gave audience to ambassadors from Egypt. 
Arabia, India, Tartary, Russia, and Spain. On this 
occasion he married six of his grandsons, and celebrated 
their nuptials with all the pomp and splendour of Eastern 
magnificence. Whole forests were cut down to supply fuel 
for the kitchens ; the plains were spread with pyramids oi 
meat, and vases were filled with every liquor, of which thou- 
sands were invited to partake. A general indulgence was 
proclaimed, every law was relaxed, and every pleasure al- 
lowed; the sovereign was idle, and the people free.* After 
devoting fifty years to the attainment of empire, this, ob- 
serve the historians of Tamerlane, was the only happy 
period of his life. He could not, however, remain inactive. 
He had proposed to add to his conquests the vast and ancient 
empire of China, as the climax of his military glory. Two 
hundred thousand veteran troops had been selected, with 
sedulous care, for this great and important expedition. Their 
baggage was drawn in 500 great waggons, and the journey 
from the capital of the Great Mogul, to Pekin, it was esti- 
mated, could not be performed in less than six months. This 
army, headed by the Mogul in person, now aged seventy 
years, had scarcely began their march, when their aged war- 
rior sickened and died, the 1st of April, 1405. 

* Gibbon. 



40 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER V. 

Mahomet ascends the Ottoman throne. — He is a mild and just 
Prince. — Amurath II. ascends the throne. — The impostor, 
Mustapka, taken. — Amurath raises an army, and ravages 
Greece. — Thcssalonica taken, and destroyed. — Amurath 
reduces the Pachas. — Scanderheg. — Siege of Oroya. — 
Amurath obliged to retire in disgrace. — Character ofScan- 
derbcg. — His death. — The Turks dig up his hones. — Ma- 
homet II. prepares cm army to take Constantinople. — Con- 
stantine, the last Greek Emperor, dies. — The city is in- 
vested by the Turks. — Account of the Siege. — The city 
taken. — Distress of the inhabitants. — Mahomet pretends 
to be grieved, but destroys all the nobility. — Cuts off the 
head of Irene. — Repeoples Constantinople, and gives half 
of the Churches to the Christians. 

Mahomet I, ascended the Ottoman throne in 1416, and 
fixed his royal residence at Bursa, the seat of his ancestors. 
The Greek Emperor did not hesitate to send him ambassa- 
dors, who were received with respect, and dismissed with 
many honours. Mahomet protected the Greeks from the 
tyranny of their Turkish masters, and in general, distributed 
justice with an even hand both towards Christians and Ma- 
hometans. Two of his sons he even sent to the Greek 
Emperor for protection and guardianship, for fear, it is said, 
that their elder brother would have them strangled. This 
Sultan died in 1421, greatly lamented by his subjects, as a 
just and lenient prince, and under whose reign they had 
enjoyed peace and prosperity.* 

On the accession of Amurath II. to the Ottoman throne, 
in 1421, he found his kingdom greatly disturbed by an ad- 
venturer named Mustapha, who pretented that he was the 
son of Bajazet, and rightful heir to the throne. The city of 
Adrianople, and several of the provinces, espoused the cause 
of Mustapha, believing him to be their lawful prince. By 
the most cunning impostures, he drew many of the nobles to 
join his standard, and by this means raised a large and pow- 
erful army, with which he possessed himself of many cities 4 
and provinces. 

* Hawkins's Mignot, 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 41 

The first business of Amurath, therefore, was to subdue 
this impostor, who had passed over into Europe with the 
hope of making himself master of all the Turkish possessions 
on that side of the Hellespont. Having crossed into Europe, 
Amurath found that the pretender had left Adrianople, 
where he had sometime been, and had gone into Wallachia 
for the purpose of raising some troops. Here he was sur- 
prised, taken, and carried in chains to Adrianople, where 
Amurath, having exposed him to the scorn and derision of 
the populace, had him hanged in gibbets in the public square 
of that city. 

While Amurath was engaged in the reduction of this im- 
postor, he remained in perfect peace with Manuel, the Greek 
Emperor, who had now resumed the government. 

But he never forgot that Manuel had treated the impostor, 
his rival, as though he was in truth the true Mustapha, and 
legal heir to the throne. Whether Manuel really believed 
what he pretended is unknown. The Sultan, however, 
took him in earnest, and determined to punish him accord- 
ingly. With this intention, he retained the Greek ambassa- 
dors who were at his court, until he had raised an army of 
150,000 men. He then marched successively into Thessa- 
ly, Macedonia, and Thrace, each of which he ravaged. His 
intention was to lay waste the country, and finally besiege 
Constantinople ; but an unexpected insurrection at Nice ar- 
rested the progress of his desolations, and turned his atten- 
tion to his internal affairs. 

1404 Meantime, Manuel, the Greek Emperor, died at 
Constantinople, leaving his throne to John Paleo- 
logus, to whom he had already given a share of the govern- 
ment. 

Amurath did not forget his hatred of the Greeks, nor re- 
linquish his intention of warring against them. He there- 
fore raised an army, and invaded Greece Proper, throughout 
most of its maritime coasts. The Emperor John, seeing his 
finest provinces pillaged, and his subjects miserably enslaved, 
earnestly sought peace, and in order to obtain it consented 
to abandon to the Turks all the provinces and cities they 
had conquered, and to pay the Sultan an annual tribute of 
300,000 aspers besides. The Emperor also stipulated to re- 
sign Thessalonica, the present Salonica,* and to beat down 



* D'Anville's Ancient Geography. 



42 HISTORY OF THE 

the wall which the Greeks had built across the Isthmus 01 
Corinth, to protect the Morea from the incursions of the 
Turks.* 

The Thessalonians, however, averse to being sold as 
slaves, had recourse to the republic of Venice for assistance 
in defending themselves. The Venetians most readily ac- 
cepted their proposals, and made immediate preparations for 
a vigorous defence. Amurath, surprised to find himself op- 
posed by an enemy which he had not before thought of, and 
irritated that the Emperor did not enforce his stipulation, to 
put him in possession of Thessalonica, determined to subdue 
the place, cost him what it might. 

The Sultan's army was so numerous, that the besiegers 
were more than a hundred to one of the besieged ;f yet the 
defence was determined and desperate, and the Turkish 
general began to despair of reducing the place. He there- 
fore wrote to the Sultan, stating the case, and requesting his 
presence in order to encourage the troops. As soon as he 
arrived at the camp, he caused to be published by sound of 
trumpet, that he gave the soldiers every thing that should be 
found in Thessalonica, men, women, children, gold, silver, 
furniture, and wares, and that he reserved for himself only 
the place and the buildings.^ This proclamation so en- 
couraged the soldiers, that the attack was renewed with the 
most determined courage. The number of Turks was so 
great, that an assault could be made at every vulnerable 
point at the same instant. The soldiers and inhabitants had 
become worn down, and enervated with fatigue and watch- 
ing. The Turks mounted the walls in such numbers as to 
overpower the besieged, and after a desperate struggle on 
both sides, finally succeeded in opening the gates to the army. 

142Q ^ ne declaration of Amurath had made it for the 
interest of his soldiers not to put the inhabitants to 
the sword, since dead bodies would bring them no money ; 
they therefore saved the miserable and emaciated sufferers 
alive, and each soldier took for his own use, or sold for his 
own profit, as many as he could secure. The town became 
a desert, for not only the gold, silver, and all the riches of the 
place, fell into the hands of the Turks, but the inhabitants 
were all removed, while the churches, with one exception, 
were turned into mosques.^ 

* Hawkins's Mignot, vol. 1. p. 91. t lb. 
t Mignot's Hist. vol. 1. p. 91. § lb. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 43 

The attention of Amurath, as well as his army, was drawn, 
from Greece soon after the sacking of Salonica, and for 
twelve years he made war with his vassals in the different 
parts of Europe and Asia. His immense dominions had be- 
come a scene of continual warfare. The Pachas, to whom 
he had committed the government of his provinces, if not 
watched closely, soon became petty despots, enriching them- 
selves on the spoils of his subjects. These abuses Amurath 
made it his business to remedy with his sword ; and either 
by decapitation or imprisonment, had so reduced these re- 
fractory spirits, as to enjoy, with his subjects, a general 
tranquillity. But in the latter years of his reign he had to 
combat a warrior more formidable, and consequently more 
difficult to subdue, than any he had yet met with. 

At a period of which we are now writing, nearly all the 
1 MA P et ty princes of Greece had submitted to the Ottoman 
power, and paid an annual tribute to their conqueror. 
John Castriot had not only paid tribute to the Sultan, as 
prince of Epirus, but had submitted to have his four sons 
conducted to the court of that prince as hostages.* The 
three eldest of these sons died, and not without suspicion oi* 
poison. The youngest, whose name also was John, the 
Sultan caused to be circumcised, and brought him up in the 
Mahometan faith ; but it is said that he never gave up his 
belief in Christianity, though he did not profess it openly. 
Young Castriot signalized himself in the art of war, on many- 
occasions, and by his great bodily strength and courageous 
actions, obtained among the Turks the name of Scander, 
which signifies Alexander, to which they added Beg, which 
signifies prince.f 

Scanderbeg was kept constantly in the field of action by 
the Sultan, and being a man of considerable talents, became 
exceedingly skilful in all the arts and finesse of Turkish 
warfare. On the death of Scanderbeg's father, the Sultan 
established a Pacha in his place, thus exercising the power 
of an usurper, instead of relinquishing to the only surviving 
heir his hereditary dominions. Scanderbeg found that the 
Sultan, so far from being his benefactor, was only his ty- 
rant. He therefore, for a long time, had determined to leave 
him, and if possible obtain possession of his own province. 
A proper opportunity offered at the close of the Hungarian 



* See Gibbon, vol. 6. p. 290 — also Hawkins's Mignot. 
+ Hawkins, vol. I. p. 108. 



44 HISTORY OF THE 

war, when the Sultan, having left his army under the direc- 
tion of a Pacha, who happened to be taken prisoner ; the 
army was thus left without a commander. Scanderbeg, taking- 
advantage of this circumstance, invited the Reis EfFendi, or 
principal secretary of the Sultan, to his tent, where, pre- 
senting a dagger to his breast, he forced him to sign a firman, 
giving him the government of Epirus. This done, he put 
to death, with his own hand, the unoffending secretary, and 
buried him on the spot, so as to destroy every trace of this 
transaction.* 

Having arrived at Croya, the capital of his paternal pro- 
vince, its gates were thrown open to him, on his producing 
the royal firman ; and no sooner did he command the for- 
tress, than he threw off all dissimulation, and proclaimed 
that he, John Castriot, had come to avenge the wrongs his 
family and country had received at the hands of the Turks. 
He at the same time abjured both the Prophet and the Sul- 
tan, and called on the Albanians to defend their religion and 
country from infidel despotism. A general revolt was the 
consequence, and at a meeting of the several states of Epi- 
rus, Scanderbeg was appointed commander of the army 
against the Sultan. 

The city of Croya was strongly fortified, and provisioned 
for a long siege. The fame of Scanderbeg was such as to 
draw to his standard many brave adventurers from France 
and Germany,! and the Venetians lent him both men and 
money, to assist in the prosecution of the war. Croya was 
garrisoned by six thousand men, under the command of the 
lieutenant general Uruena, while Scanderbeg himself retired 
to the mountains at the head of his army. 

Amurath was allowed to approach the city and lay siege 
to it, but from this moment no rest was allowed to the Sul- 
tan's army. Uruena constantly annoyed the besiegers' camp 
with a well served train of artillery ; while Scanderbeg made 
daily or nightly sallies from the mountains, and having de- 
stroyed as many Turks as he could find, generally retired 
without losing a man. 

144ft ^ ne wno ^ e summer was occupied in fruitless at- 
tempts to reduce the place, and though the Turkish 
army consisted of sixty thousand horse, and forty thousand 
Janizaries,:): the Greeks found themselves stronger at the end 
of the siege than at its commencement. 

* See Hawkins's Mignot, and Gibbon's Decline and Fall. 
t Gibbon. $ lb. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 45 

Amurath felt irritated and ashamed that a young man, 
educated in his own family, should thus triumph over him. 
No means which he could possibly devise to reduce the rebel, 
not even offers of bribery, were left untried. Scanderbeg 
constantly came off victorious, notwithstanding his army was 
not one eighth so numerous as that of Amurath.* 

At length, after losing a great number of men, the Sultan 
saw the necessity of retiring, however disgraceful it might be 
to his army, or vexatious to himself. But this he could not 
do without additional losses, since Scanderbeg had posses- 
sion of the mountain passes through which his army must 
retreat : but there was no other alternative, and the siege of 
Croya was raised. In attempting to pass the defiles of the 
mountains, the Turkish army was constantly harassed, and 
great numbers of them destroyed by the Greeks, who in si- 
lence and unseen, were waiting at all the narrow places, well 
prepared for its arrival. Finally, after experiencing great 
difficulties and constant losses, the Sultan arrived at Adria- 
nople, with the remnant of a worn out and disappointed ar- 
my ; and it is said the vexation, shame, and fatigue of this 
campaign, so wrought upon him, as to shorten his days. I 

The enthusiasm of historians has ranked Scanderbeg with 
an Alexander, and a Pyrrhus, as a warrior. His limited do- 
mains, and the smallness of his armies, must, however, leave 
him far below those generals on the pages of history. But 
when we consider, that with the small means which he could 
command, he for twenty-threeyears sustained himself against 
all the powers of the Ottoman empire, and that he uniformly 
baffled all the attempts of the most skilful generals which 
the Sultan sent to take, or reduce him, we cannot withhold 
our belief, that under equal circumstances, his renown as a 
conqueror would not have been inferior to that of Tamerlane 
or Bajazet. Scanderbeg, however, did not fight for the pur- 
pose of making conquests, but from the more honourable 
motive of defending his country from cruel oppression. 
Hence, as a patriot and lover of national liberty, he cannot but 
rank higher in the estimation of virtuous minds than any mere 
conqueror. His exploits are still remembered and recount- 
ed with romantic enthusiasm by his countrymen. And the 
Turks themselves, even by the violation of his sepulchre. 

* Hawkins. 
5* 



46 HISTORY OF THE 

showed a superstitious reverence for his name.* The death 
of Scanderbeg happened at Lissa, a Venetian town, where 
he had gone to confer on the subject of a league. He died 
of a short illness, on the 17th of January, 1467. Soon after 
his death, his poor desolated country, after the most unheard 
of struggle, was obliged to submit to the power and tyranny 
of the Turkish arms. 

1452. The time now approached when the Greek empire 
in the east was to yield to the more powerful arms of the in- 
fidels. Constantine, the last Emperor, still sat upon his tot- 
tering throne at Constantinople. The Turks, with the ex- 
ception of that great city, had possessed themselves of al- 
most the whole Greek empire. 

Mahomet the Second determined to give a last and finish- 
1 * - o ing stroke to the Christian power in Asia. After 
immense preparations, he invested Constantinople, 
with an army of three hundred thousand men.f His artille- 
ry, consisting of fourteen powerful batteries, were brought to 
bear upon the city at the same time. The enemy approach- 
ed nearer every day, while the brave Greeks, determined to 
defend their beloved city to the last, continued to resist, un- 
til but a handful of their soldiers remained. Constantine, as 
a last effort to save his city from pillage and massacre, offer- 
ed to submit, and pay any tribute the Sultan might demand. 
But the Turk was eager for the glory of effacing every trace 
of the Greek empire. Thousands of his troops were preci- 
pitated into the ditch in attempting to gain possession of the 
walls. The ditch itself was entirely filled with dead bodies, 
so that at last the Janizaries were able to walk on them di- 
rectly to the assault. The unfortunate Constantine, seeing 
that there was no longer any hope, and determining not to 
fall into the hands of Mahomet, precipitated himself among 
the Janizaries, who killed him without knowing who he was. 

" After a siege of forty days," says Gibbon, " the fate of 
Constantinople could no longer be averted. The diminutive 
garrison was assaulted by a double attack ; the fortifications, 
which had stood for ages against hostile violence, were dis- 

* It is said that Scanderbeg slew three thousand Turks with his own 
hand, and that after his death the Janizaries dug up his bones, which, 
being cut into small pieces, wore distributed and worn as bracelets., or 
amulets. See Gibbon. 

t Hawkins's Mignot, vol. 1. p. 130. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 47 

mantled on all sides by the Ottoman cannon ;* many breach- 
es were opened, and near the gate of St. Romanus, four 
towers had been levelled with the ground. Mahomet, to 
spur on the ardour of his troops, proclaimed that the spoil 
of the city should be theirs. " The city and the buildings," 
said the Sultan, " are mine ; but I resign to your valour the 
captives and the spoil, the treasures of gold and beauty : be 
rich, and be happy." With such motives, the Turks became 
regardless of life, and impatient of delay. On the next as- 
sault, the breaches were found to be no longer defensible. 
The valour of the few Greeks which remained could do no- 
thing against such numbers. The gate Phenar was forced, 
and the Turks soon gained admittance at many points, at the 
same moment. 

Immediately on entering the city, two thousand Greeks 
were put to the sword ; but the richness of the place saved 
thousands more from the same fate. The cupidity of the 
soldiers overcame their hatred to the Greeks, and they soon 
relinquished killing, for the more profitable business 01 
plundering. 

Thus, after a siege of 53 days, Constantinople, which had 
heretofore defied the power of the Caliphs, was irretrievably 
subdued by Mahomet the second. It was taken on the 28th 
of May, 1453, two thousand two hundred and five years after 
the founding of Rome, and eleven hundred and twenty-three 
ye£rs after Constantine, the first Christian Emperor, had 
removed the seat of empire from Rome to Byzantium. 

After the Greeks found that their streets were full of Turk- 
ish soldiers, and that resistance would only lead to instant 
death, they threw down their swords and submitted to their 
kite, that of being bound and sold as slaves. Gibbon gives 
a most pathetic and interesting account of this scene. — 
" The Turks," says he, " encountered no resistance, their 
bloodless hands were employed in selecting and securing the 
multitude of their prisoners. Youth, beauty, and the appear- 
ance of wealth, attracted their choice, and the right of pro- 
perty was decided among themselves by a prior seizure, by 
personal strength, and by the authority of command. In the 
space of an hour the male captives were bound with cords ; 

* It is said that the Sultan had caused to be made some pieces of can- 
non for this attack, of enormous magnitude. One piece, of brass, cast 
at Adrianople, threw a stone of six nundred pounds weight, and took 
two months for its removal from the foundery to Constantinople. 



48 HISTORY OF THE 

the females, with their veils and girdles. The senators were 
linked with their slaves ; the prelates with the porters of the 
church ; and the young men of a plebeian class, with noble 
maids, whose faces had been invisible to the sun and their 
nearest kindred. In this common captivity, the ranks of 
society were confounded ; the ties of nature were cut asun- 
der ; and the inexorable soldier was careless of the father's 
groans, the tears of the mother, and the lamentations of the 
children. The loudest in their waitings were the nuns, who 
were torn from the altar with naked bosoms, outstretched 
arms, and dishevelled hair. Of these unfortunate Greeks, 
of those domestic animals, whole strings were rudely driven 
through the streets ; and as the conquerors were eager to 
return for more prey, their trembling pace was quickened 
with menaces and blows. Above sixty thousand of this de- 
voted people were transported from the city to the camp 
and the fleet ; exchanged or sold, according to the caprice or 
interest of their masters, and dispersed in remote servitude 
through the provinces of the Ottoman empire."* 

Meanwhile, the work of destruction was going on against 
the city itself, its buildings, its churches, and its ornaments. 
The dome of St. Sophia was despoiled of its oblations of 
ages. Its gold and silver ornaments, its sacerdotal vases, 
were taken or wantonly destroyed, according to the interest 
or caprice of the soldiers. The church itself was converted 
into a mosque, and so remains to this day. 

Mahomet pretended at first, to be full of grief at this mise- 
rable spectacle, which every where greeted his eye on enter- 
ing the city. He even ransomed several persons of rank, 
gave others their liberty, and declared himself the friend and 
father of the conquered. In this way he allured many to 
come and claim his protection and bounty. But this kind- 
ness was only a prelude to the fate of these unhappy vic- 
tims ; for before he left the city, his noblest captives were 
beheaded in cold blood by his order. Almost all the males, 
and particularly those who could bear arms, had been killed 
before the city was taken. There remained only women 
and children, without fathers, husbands, or brothers, and 
those who had these natural protectors, were, if possible, in 
a worse condition than those who had not, since they must 
bear the pain of seeing each other bound and drawn away 

* See Decline and Fall, vol. & p. 326. 






GREEK REVOLUTION. 49 

like beasts of burthen, or perhaps violated or massacred on 
the spot.* 

* The following account, from " VertoVs History of the Knights of 
Malta," will serve as an example of individual suffering, and at the 
same time give a good picture of Mahomet's character. 

" The women," says he, " detested the fecundity which made them 
mothers, and bitterly lamented the fate of the young infants they carried 
in their arms. An infinity of young girls, timid and faltering in their 
steps, who, not knowing where to go, wandered about like wretched 
strangers in the very bosom of their country, and, whilst they were in 
quest of their relatives, fell into an abyss of horrors, and into the hands 
of barbarians, from whom they experienced a treatment, more horrid to 
them than the most cruel punishment. Neither their tears nor their 
cries touched the insolent conqueror, and the meanest of the Turks had 
an accomplished beauty for his prey, though often taken from him by 
another Turk, either stronger than himself or of higher authority in the 
army. Most of these barbarians set their prisoners up for sale ; but the 
men of quality, the princes, and officers who were taken under arms, 
were executed by the Sultan's orders; none escaped his cruelty but the 
handsomest young persons of both sexes, whom he reserved for the 
abominations of the Seraglio. It was thus that a young Greek lady of 
noble birth, called Irene, hardly seventeen years old, fell into his hands. 
A Pacha had just made her his slave ; but struck with her exquisite 
beauty, thought her a present worthy the Sultan. The East had never 
before given birth to so charming a creature ; her beauty was irresisti- 
ble, and triumphed over the savage Mahomet; rough as he was, he was 
forced to yield himself entirely to this new passion; and in order to have 
fewer avocations from his amorous assiduities, he passed several days 
without allowing his ministers and the principal officers of the army to 
see him. It was soon perceived that war was no longer his passion ; 
the soldiers, who were inured to plunder, and accustomed to find booty 
in following him, murmured at the change ; the officers as well as sol- 
diers complained of his effeminate life ; yet his wrath was so terrible 
that nobody durst undertake to speak to him on that subject. At 
length, Mustapha Pacha, consulting only his fidelity, was the first that 
gave him notice of the discourses which the Janizaries held publicly to 
the prejudice of his glory. The Sultan continued some time in a sullen 
and deep silence, as if he was considering in himself what resolution he 
should take. The only order Mustapha received, was, to summon the 
Pachas to assemble the next day, with all the guards, and the troops to 
be posted, under pretence of a review ; after which he went into Irene's 
apartment, and staid with her all night. Never did the young princess 
appear so charming in his eyes ; never, too, had the Sultan given her 
such tender marks of his love before ; and in order, if possible, to bestow 
new lustre on her beauty, he desired her maids to exert all their care 
and skill in dressing her. When she was thus set out and adjusted to 
appear in public, he took her by the hand and led her into the middle of 
the assembled troops, when, tearing off the veil that covered her face, 
he haughtily asked the Pachas around, if they had ever seen a more 
perfect beauty. All the officers, like true courtiers, were lavish of 
their praises, and congratulated him on his felicity. Upon which, Ma 



50 HISTORY OF THE 

Although Mahomet had thus taken and sacked the only 
Christian city of any consequence in the East, and although 
it was then in his power to have exterminated Christianity 
from his dominions, yet it was his policy, and not his hu- 
manity, which forbade such an act. Constantinople, although 
drained of inhabitants, was not despoiled of her beautiful 
edifices, the work of ages, nor of her incomparable local 
situation ; it still bore the marks of an immense metropolis. 
Mahomet designed to establish his throne in this conquered 
city, which, though deserted, was not ruined. He therefore 
wanted inhabitants to fill the vacant houses, and to carry on 
the business, arts, and commerce of his capital. 

So soon as the Greeks heard that their lives, and even 
liberties and religion, could again be enjoyed on returning 
to their native city, they came in crowds to submit them- 
selves to their new master. The churches were divided be- 
tween the Turks and Christians, and the city was separated 
into sections to be occupied by the two religions. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Mahomet settled on the throne of Constantinople. — Thomas 
and Demetrius, princes of the Morea, and last remains of 
the Roman and Greek dynasty in the East. — Mahomet 
takes Negropont, and barbarously destroys Arretzo, the 
governor. — lie wars against Albania. — He menaces the 
island of Rhodes. — Siege of Rhodes. — Mahomet is defeat- 
ed, and marches to his capital. — His war against the Per- 
sians. — Bajazet sends his fleet against the Venetians. — 
Takes Lepanto and Coron. — Turks defeated in their turn 
by Cordova.— Peace between Venice and the Porte. — Ba- 
jazet strangles his sons. — Selim dethrones his father, and 
afterwards puts him to death. — Death of Selim. 

After having settled himself on his throne, and taken 
means to re-people his city, Mahomet began to turn his atten- 

homet, taking the fair Greek by the hair, in one hand, and drawing his 
sword with the other, at one stroke separated her head from her body; 
then turning about to his grandees, with eyes rolling and flashing with 
fire, — ' This sword,' said he to them, ' whenever I please, can cut asm 
der the ties of love,' " 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 51 

tion towards a fragment of the Greek Empire, which still re- 
mained in Europe. Two brothers of Constantinople, whose 
fate we have already told, possessed the principality of the 
Morea, which they governed together, each one having his 
separate dominions. These two princes, Thomas and De- 
metrius, were immediately laid under an annual tribute of 
twelve hundred ducats, with the payment of which the Sul- 
tan was so far satisfied as to allow them to remain in the en- 
joyment of their government for several years. But the 
brothers quarrelled between themselves, and even carried 
fire and sword into each others dominions. The Sultan, un- 
der pretence of settling this difficulty, marched an army into 
the Morea, and having declared for Demetrius, Thomas 
made his escape to Corfu, and from thence into Italy, where 
he remained an exile. Demetrius, having delivered up his 
daughter to the Sultan, was given a small city in Thrace for 
his maintenance, and that of his adherents. 

1461. Thus ended the last remains of a race of princes, 
who had possessed the throne of the east for more than 
eleven hundred years. 

Mahomet, continually on the look out, in search of prey, 
soon turned his arms against Euboea, now Negropont, 
which belonged to the Venetians. The commander, Arret- 
T4fQ zo » defended Calchis, which was strongly fortified, 
with the greatest courage. But the army of Mahomet 
amounted to a hundred and forty thousand men, while the 
besieged had only twenty-four thousand. The Sultan also 
had command of the sea, where he had a hundred vessels, 
and was thus enabled to prevent the garrison from receiving 
any supplies. Famine finally obliged Arretzo to capitulate, 
which he did, with the assurance that his life, and the lives of 
his soldiers, should be spared. But no sooner did this mon- 
ster gain possession of the city, than he ordered Arretzo. 
with his principal officers, to be sawn through the middle of 
the body, saying, with his usual barbarity, that he had guar- 
anteed their heads but not their flanks.* The daughter of 
Arretzo, a beautiful young girl, the Sultan designed for his 
Seraglio, but she, resisting the caresses of her brutal master, 
he put her to death with his own hand.f 

The island was filled with carnage and rapine. To the 
(Latin Christians they gave no quarter. Blood and desola- 
tion was every where to be seen, nor did these wretches 

* Hawkins's Mignot, vol. 1. p. 166. t lb. 



52 HISTORY OF THE 

leave this once beautiful island, until it was nearly converted 
to a desert. 

1480. The Albanians were next to suffer from the fire 
and sword of this merciless conqueror. The Venetians had 
undertaken the defence of that country, as guardians to the 
son of Scanderbeg, whose valour and patriotism have already 
been noticed. At the head of an hundred and fifty thousand 
men, Mahomet ravaged the whole province, and spared no- 
thing from the sword or the flames. 

The Sultan next menaced the island of Rhodes. This -is- 
land was in the possession of the Knights of the order of St. 
John, or as they were more commonly called, the Knights 
of Rhodes. Mahomet happening to see one of the galleys 
belonging to the knights, his envy and malice became ex- 
cited, and he swore that he would cut off the head of their 
Grand Master with his own hand, and that he would exter- 
minate the whole order. 

Great preparations were made to carry this oath into exe- 
cution. The armament consisted of an hundred and sixty 
high built vessels, besides galliots, and a hundred thousand 
land forces. The Grand Master Aubusson, also made pre- 
parations to receive these Turks in a manner becoming their 
order. 

Finding that the Turks made use of mortars, which threw 
shot of such magnitude as to fall through the buildings, and 
thus kill or overturn every thing opposed to their force, he 
constructed, with immense beams of wood, a place of safety 
for the sick, aged, women and children. The knights were 
also possessed of very formidable artillery, with which they 
hurled destruction and death on their enemies. 

The fortifications of Rhodes were so strong as to be con- 
sidered impregnable. The wall surrounding the city had 
been repaired, and the whole place fitted up to withstand the 
expected siege. 

The Ottoman army made their attack from Mount St. Ste- 
phen, with some heavy artillery ; and they soon so injured 
the wall as to give them hopes of carrying the place by as- 
sault ; but they were beaten back with great loss. The wall 
on the Jew's side of the city was next tried, and being old, 
soon began to tremble under the heavy shot of the enemy. — 
The Grand Master, seeing this, built a new wall and ditch 
within the old one- In this work, the ladies, Jewesses as 
well as Gbristians, assisted, carrying heavy burdens, which no 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 53 

one could have thought them capable of moving.* Mean- 
time, the breach in the wall continued to increase, and the 
Turks now thinking themselves certain of their prey, and 
impatient to seize it, again mounted the ruins to the assault. 
But what was their astonishment and rage to find a new and 
stronger wall within the old one. The Pacha, now seeing 
little hopes of taking Aubusson, resolved to have him poison- 
ed, and with this view sent two men to him, who pretended 
to be deserters from the enemy. This plan also failed, for 
their designs being discovered, they were immediately cut in 
pieces by the populace. The Turks, ashamed that this infa- 
mous design should have been discovered, and enraged thatx 
it did not succeed, now determined to sacrifice every thing 
rather than abandon the place. The fort, called the tower of 
St Nicholas, was separated from the Turkish camp by a ca- 
nal, and as this was the point on which the attack was to be 
made, the Pacha ordered a bridge to be taken from another 
place to the point most convenient for his soldiers to cross. 
This was done under cover of night, and the Ottomans be- 
gan to cross not only by means of the bridge, but in boats al- 
so. The Knights, always on the alert, could hear, though 
they did not see what their enemies were doing. So soon, 
therefore, as the bridge was full of soldiers, and the canal ol 
boats, Aubusson ordered his cannon to be directed towards 
the place from whence the noise came. The battle was fu- 
rious, and the destruction of the infidels terrible. The Grand 
Master's fire-ships attacked the galleys of the enemy, at the 
same time his cannon was sweeping the bridge. " Nothing," 
says Mignot, " was comparable to the horrors of this night ; 
the cries of those who beheld the fire approaching them, the 
groans of the wounded, the vortices of flame and smoke, the 
noise of the artillery, every thing rendered the combatants 
furious : they touched nothing but dead bodies and arms." 
At length the day came to give light to this carnage ; the 
breach in the wall, and the sea, were covered with bodies, 
some of which were half burnt ; with darts, arrows, turbans, 
and the wreck of galleys still burning. As soon as the 
Knights could see the bridge covered with soldiers, they 
broke it down with their cannon, every person on it being 
drowned. 

Again the Pacha returned to the attack, and after a con- 
tinual cannonade for four days, again opened a breach in the 

* See Hawkins's Mignot. 
6 



54 HISTORY OF THE 

wall. But the fate of battle was still on the side of the 

Knights. The Turks were repulsed with a great slaughter 

The Pacha, finding that the Grand Master was to be sub- 

1481 ^ ue( ^ ne * tner D y arms 5 treachery, nor poison, began to 
think of negotiation, and an honourable capitulation 

was offered to the besieged. Some of the people, worn out 
with fatigue, sickened with the sight of carnage and misery, 
and doubting what would be the result of the combat, were 
in favour of accepting his terms. But Aubusson, irritated at 
such an opinion, exclaimed, " Gentlemen, if there be any one 
among you who does not think himself safe in this place, the 
gate is not so closely blocked up but I can let him out."* 

This was sufficient. Every man returned to his duty, 
with a determination to defend his city to the last extremity, 
and no answer was returned. The Turk now swore he 
would have the whole city put to the sword. He even or- 
dered a quantity of stakes to be sharpened for the purpose of 
empaling the Grand Master and his principal Knights. He 
promised the pillage to the soldiers, if they would take the 
ri ty, and the attack was again commenced with redoubled 
fury. A breach was once more made in the wall, and the 
Turks in great numbers mounted the bastions. But such 
was the cool and deliberate courage with which the Knights 
received them, that they were either run through or thrown 
down from the wall. Aubusson, though twice wounded, 
still kept his ground, and his blood so animated the courage 
of the Knights and soldiers, that they took immediate re- 
venge by clearing the ramparts of every Turk remaining. 
The Pacha finding that every effort to possess himself of 
Rhodes served only to reduce his army, now already -di- 
minished one half, and panic-struck at the consequences of 
the last assault, suddenly withdrew to Constantinople. 

Soon after this event, Mahomet levied two numerous ar- 

1482 m * es ' tne one destined to go against the King of Per- 
sia, and the other against Rhodes. But in the midst 

of these great projects, and greatly to the relief of the east- 
ern world, that King, whose power had been exercised over 
so many thousands — the king of terrors — seized and carried 
him off. 

* See Mignot. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 55 

Greece, or some of her islands, as though destined to be 
14qe; the perpetual seat of war from age to age, did not 
long remain in repose after the death of Mahomet. 
His son, Bajazet the Second, who succeeded him, had too 
much of his father's disposition to remain long in peace. 
The Venetians, who possessed a considerable portion of 
Greece, had become too commercial and thriving a people, 
not to excite the jealousy or cupidity of the Turks. Some 
pretended commercial difficulties became a pretext for the 
declaration of war on the part of Bajazet, and large prepara- 
tions were made on both sides for the contest. 

The Ottoman fleet amounted to two hundred and fifty sail ; 
that of the Venetians to about a hundred and forty sail. An en- 
gagement took place, during which the Christians had every 
prospect of success, until on a sudden, the Turks discharg- 
ed a shower of inflamed arrows, which set fire to the sails of 
the Venetian vessels, and afterwards to the vessels themselves. 
This unexpected disaster gave the victory to the infidels. 
The Venetian fleet was chiefly burned, or otherwise de- 
stroyed, and a great number of sailors perished miserably 
in the flames, or being forced into the water, were drowned. 

The Turks, following up their victory, laid siege to the 
city of Lepanto, of which they made themselves masters in a 
few days. The city of Modon, though strongly fortified, 
was next to fall into their hands. The immense booty which 
the Turkish soldiers found here did not prevent them from 
putting the defenceless inhabitants to the sword. The city 
of Coron was menaced with the same fate ; but the governor 
determined, notwithstanding, to make good his defence. 
The people, however, hearing of the shocking barbarities 
committed in Modon, shut him up in his house and made 
terms of capitulation with the Turks. The enemy, now 
having no opportunity of selling the slaves they had already 
taken, and not wanting more, put every person to death they 
could find. 

At this period the kingdom of Naples fell into the hands 
of the Spaniards by conquest, and the famous Spanish Cap- 
tain Gonzalo de Cordova, immediately joined the Venetians 
against the Turks, with a fleet of thirty sail. The infidels 
now in their turn were pursued, and many of their ships 
destroyed. Bajazet, seeing that the fortune of war had turn- 
-jkqi ed against him, proposed terms of peace, which were 
gladly accepted by the Venetians. Thus ended a war 
of depredation and massacre, which had laid waste, and 
nearly depopulated some of the finest provinces in Qreece. 



56 HISTORY OF THE 

The Ottoman empire now enjoyed an unwonted tranquilli- 
ty with all the surrounding nations for several years. And 
the Grecian states, though under the servitude of a master 
from whom kindness was not to be expected, yet enjoyed an 
exemption from the horrors of war to which they had so long 
been familiar. But the followers of Mahomet are by nature 
too jealous and restless to remain long in peace even with 
each other. 

Bajazet, who now lived in profound repose at Constanti- 
nople, had five sons who had arrived to the age of manhood. 
Two of these he caused to be strangled, on pretext of diso- 
bedience, or some other slight offence. Of the three that 
remained, Achmet, the oldest, was the one most beloved by 
the father. To free himself from the cares of the throne, 
Bajazet, now advanced in years, thought of placing Achmet 
on it ; still, however, reserving to himself his authority in the 
government, to be employed as occasion might require. 
The temperament of Achmet was, however, too pacific, and 
his habits too tranquil, to please a soldiery whose only riches 
consisted in plunder, and whose only glory in the shedding 
of human blood. The abdication in favour of this son was, 
therefore, a matter of too much importance to the Janizaries, 
now the ruling power, to be quietly permitted. They sought 
some occasion against him, and finally decided among them- 
selves that he should never ascend the throne. 

Meantime they sent a deputation to Selim, the youngest 
son of Bajazet, then in a distant province, to inquire into his 
character for war, and to ascertain whether the title of Em- 
peror would be a sufficient inducement to dethrone his fa- 
ther. The delegation found in this young man the elements 
of all they could wish. He was ambitious, courageous, and 
cruel. The idea of possessing his father's throne, though 
by violence, was delightful to him. An army of twenty 
thousand men was immediately raised through his interest, 
and he crossed the Bosphorus, pretending that he was going 
to perform the sacred duty of visiting his father. 

The Sultan, suspecting the dutiful designs of his son, sent 
out a more powerful army, by whom he was defeated, and 
for a time this unnatural rebellion was suppressed. 

Meantime the Janizaries being determined to place Selim 
on the throne, sent another delegation, inviting him to come 
and take command of the Sultan's troops, who were ready to 
revolt in his favor. But being taught by his late defeat, he 
would not hazard such an enterprise, lest he should lose 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 57 

every thing. Could the European garrisons and the Janiza- 
ries be induced to rise as a body, and take part in his enter- 
prize, so that there could be no fear of failure, he would 
then come and occupy the throne thus prepared for him. 

Accordingly, Selim arrived in Constantinople, under the 
pious pretext of paying his respects to his father. He 
brought no troops with him, but the Janizaries marched with 
their arms to his camp, and the European troops joined his 
standard. The people hearing of Selim's arrival, exclaimed 
in the streets, that the glory of the empire, and of the Otto- 
man arms, was about to revive, while the miserable Bajazet 
remained in his divan chilled with terror.* 

The Sultan, seeing that his son, his army, his people, and 
the Europeans were against him, thought of nothing but re- 
signing his sceptre, and retiring, to spend the remainder of 
his days in peace and tranquillity. He therefore left the 
city, and was retiring to a place of refuge, when his barba- 
rous and unnatural son, pretending to suspect his father of 
conspiring against him, sent orders to a Jewish physician to 
poison him, which was immediately done. 

Under the reign of Selim, the Greeks enjoyed a compara- 
tive state of repose. Their servitude was in no degree 
lessened, but they possessed nothing worthy of the rapa- 
cious arms of the conqueror of Egypt and Grand Cairo. 

* See Hawkins's Mignot, vol. 1. p. 240. 



6* 



58 HISTORY OF TH£ 



CHAPTER VII. 

Death, of Selim. — Solyman the First ascends the throne* — 
His love of conquest. — Siege of Belgrade* — Collects tfnd 
sells religious relics. — He besieges the Island of Rhodes. — 
Solyman goes to Rhodes to encourage his troops. — Vigor- 
ous defence of the city by the Knights. — Proposals for 
Capitulation.- — City taken, and the inhabitants leave the 
Island. — Greece enjoys a period of repose. — Solyman plun- 
ders Corfu, and other Islands. — Siege of Malta, and de 
feat of the Turks. — Solyman issues an edict against 
crimes. — Takes Scio, and establishes JVIahometanism in the 
Island. — Death of Solyman. — Selim the second ascends the 
throne. — He proves to be a weak and cowardly Prince. — ■ 
Besieges the cities of Cyprus. — Takes Nicosia, and other 
cities, and finally makes himself master of the whole Island. 

On the death of Selim, which happened in 1520, Soly- 
man I., surnamed the magnificent, ascended the throne. 

The hereditary spirit of conquest which had so long ac- 
tuated the emperors of Constantinople, had descended to 
Solyman in its fulness. His predecessors had left little or 
nothing worthy his arms in Asia, he therefore determined to 
turn them against Europe. His ministers to the king of 
Hungary, had been insulted by the populace. This was a 
sufficient excuse for the acts of hostility which Solyman 
meditated. He immediately sent an army to besiege Belgrade, 
which soon fell into his hands. Here he found many religious 
relics which had been long venerated by the pious followers 
of the cross. Solyman ordered them to be carefully collect- 
ed, and carried to Constantinople, where they were shown 
to devout Christians for money. He then sold them to the 
Greek patriarch for 12,000 ducats, which he ordered him to 
raise for this purpose from those of his communion. 

The arms of the Porte, as we have seen, had been, under 
the reign of Mahomet, turned against the Island of Rhodes, 
but without success. Solyman determined if possible to re- 
move the stigma on the glory of the Ottoman arms, which 
the defeat of his predecessor had occasioned. He therefore 
wrote to the Grand Master, L'ile Adam, giving him formal 
notice of his intention. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 59 

The Knights made preparation for their defence, by re- 
pairing the fortifications of Rhodes, and by burning and de- 
stroying every thing on the island, on which the enemy might 
subsist. 

Solyman's fleet consisted of 400 sail, on board of which 
were an army of 150,000 men. The Grand Master, against 
this immense force, could muster only 6,000 men. The Sul- 
tan, before the attack began, offered the Knights and their 
soldiers life and liberty, if they would surrender ; otherwise 
he declared he would put them every one to the sword, and 
reduce their towers and walls to the height of the herb that 
grew at his feet. 

For a long time after the siege commenced, no impression 
was made on the walls of the city ; while the Turks were de- 
stroyed in great numbers by the cannon of the besieged. 

Solyman, hearing that his arms were resisted by a handful 
of men, came himself to the scene of action. By encour- 
agements and threats, he caused the attack to be made with 
greater vigour. But the Knights defended themselves with 
such courage and ability, that the enemy did not dare to at- 
tempt an assault, until they had battered the walls for two 
successive months. The assault was finally made on the 
five principal posts, called France, Spain, Italy, Germany, 
England. These posts were so named, because their defence 
was entrusted to Knights belonging to these different na- 
tions. Notwithstanding all the fury, as well as confidence, 
with which this attack was made, the valour and personal 
strength of the besieged, was more than proof against the 
number of their enemies. The Sultan, who saw that his 
best soldiers perished by thousands, and that after an assault 
of six hours, the Knights stood their ground undaunted, and 
ready to deal death on every Turk that approached them, 
with shame and vexation, sounded a retreat." 

The Sultan lost 20,000 men in this attack. He was about 
to raise the siege and leave the place, when information was 
given him, by a letter conveyed to his camp, by means of an 
arrow, that the Knights were in want of powder, that they 
had lost many soldiers, and could not possibly hold out much 
longer. 

The Turks, in consequence of this information, renewed 
their efforts with such fury, that, by relieving one another, 
they kept up an incessant fire upon the city night and day. 
The Knights and their soldiers being too few in number to 
relieve each other, were thus kept constantly on duty. 



60 HISTORY OF THE 

Breaches were finally made in the walls, which the Knights 
could defend only with the greatest difficulty and hazard. 
Their ammunition began to fail, and their provisions were 
1 ^22 near ty consumed. Being reduced to such extremi- 
ties, the authorities of the city, and the citizens them- 
selves, went to the Grand Master, and conjured him to save 
the lives of the remaining inhabitants, and spare the future 
effusion of blood, by a capitulation. To this ne finally con- 
sented, and the terms being agreed on between him and the 
Sultan, the Rhodians were allowed to leave their city with- 
out molestation. The Sultan, jealous of his honour as a 
warrior, saw all the articles of agreement carried into effect. 
He even praised the valour of the Grand Master, and treated 
him with respect and kindness. The Knights could not, 
without the greatest sorrow, leave a place which they and 
their fathers had possessed for more than 200 years, and 
Avhich they had before defended, to the astonishment of all 
the world, and where they had raised the martial glory of 
their order to the highest pitch of fame. The inhabitants, 
to the number of 4000, left the island, under the protection 
of these brave warriors. 

The Turks, by their own concession, lost 40,000 men in 
the siege and capture of this place. Thus, from the mere 
love of conquest, did Solyman the First destroy and utterly 
ruin a city and country, which for ages was the most vener- 
ated spot on the earth. The splendour of its palaces, the 
richness and magnificence of its cities, and the glory of its 
arms, dazzled the world, while the justice and wisdom of its 
laws, and the munificence of its public works, were exam- 
ples worthy the imitation of all other nations. 

From this period, Greece and its islands enjoyed, for seve- 
ral years, an exemption from war. The Venetians possess- 
ed many of the islands of the Archipelago, which they strong- 
ly fortified, Solyman, meantime, extended his conquests 
into Hungary, Germany, and Persia, carrying fire and sword 
wherever he went. 

Having returned to his capital with his victorious armies, 
he enjoyed, or rather permitted surrounding nations to enjoy, 
a short period of repose. But his Janizaries, inured to en- 
rich themselves by plunder, could not long be restrained in a 
state of inaction. The Venetians were suspected of a de- 
sign to violate a treaty which they had made with the Porte. 
This was considered a sufficient excuse to send an army 






GREEK REVOLUTION. 61 

against them. The island of Corfu was accordingly pilla- 
1P .ofi ged, and a vast amount of booty, and many of the in- 
habitants, fell into the hands of the Ottomans, and 
were sold as slaves. The islands of Skiros, Patmos, Stam- 
phalia, and Paros, were also taken possession of, and treated 
in the same manner. 

Solyman, not contented to witness the enjoyment of liber- 
ty in any Christian state, now turned his arms against the 
, -^ island of Malta ; but after a long siege, during which 
the greatest barbarities were committed, he was final- 
ly obliged to relinquish his prey and retire. The mortifica- 
tion occasioned by this defeat, Avas too great to be endured 
in silence. On his arrival at Constantinople, he proclaimed 
that the cause of this disgrace on the Ottoman arms, was 
the wickedness of the people. The sins of wine drinking,, 
and the neglect of attendance at public prayers, were enu- 
merated as the chief causes of this calamity. Against these 
and other crimes, he published an edict, ordering that every 
omission or commission, should be punished with fine, se- 
vere bastinado, or death. Not contented with venting his 
spleen on Mussulmen only, and being always willing to per- 
secute Christians, the island of Scio also shared in the effects 
of his rage. This island was inhabited only by manufactu- 
rers and traders. They had been so peaceable as hardly to 
know the use of iron, or steel, except in the cultivation of 
their fields, or the manufacture of their silks.* This quiet 
little community, Solyman singled out for destruction. All 
who had any share in the government, he seized, and banish- 
ed to various places in his dominions. The people and island 
he delivered up to rapine and pillage; and, with his usual 
barbarity, established Mahometanism by the same means 
with which he destroyed Christianity. 

On the death of Solyman, Selim the second was raised to 
lc . fifi the throne of Constantinople. This prince was so 
weak and cowardly, that he was in constant appre- 
hension from his Janizaries, who he thought sought some oc- 
casion to put him to death. He therefore was under strong 
inducements to keep these restless and blood-thirsty sol- 
diers constantly in the field of battle, or to employ them in 
some country which they could pillage and destroy at their 
leisure. The Pachas of Selim represented to their master, 
that the island of Cyprus was an object worthy the Ottoman 

* Hawkins's Mignot, vol. II. p. 117. 



63 HISTORY OF THE 

arms, and that it offered a field for plunder adequate even to 
the cupidity of the Janizaries. No objections were made to 
this project on account of the treaty of alliance, which ex- 
isted between the Venetians, who possessed the island, and 
the Porte. The Grand Vizier, though ready to break the 
treaty, thought that Cyprus contained too many fortified 
towns for such an enterprise ; but the Pachas persuaded the 
Sultan that the more formidable the place, the more glory 
would redound to his arms, and besides that, the longer the 
Janizaries were abroad, the longer his Highness would enjoy 
the sweets of repose at home. 

Having resolved in Divan to possess themselves of this 
happy and beautiful island, the next step was to find some 
pretext for breaking a treaty, every article of which the Ve- 
netians had scrupulously observed. The Divan sent an Am- 
bassador to the Senate with orders to complain, though it. 
was difficult to find any subject of complaint. The Turks., 
however, made it a point of religion, not only to undertake 
none but just wars, but always to precede their hostile acts 
by a solemn declaration.* In the present instance, the Vene- 
tians were accused of assisting in the late Hungarian war, 
and of permitting freebooters to molest the Turkish com- 
merce. The Venetian Ambassador at the Porte, seeing that 
Selim only wanted work for his Janizaries, tried to point out 
to him some other country, equally advantageous for such a 
purpose. But the Divan was not to be diverted from its 
purpose. An Ambassador was therefore sent to Venice to 
make a formal claim of the island of Cyprus, and to declare 
war, if this demand was refused. The Venetians called in 
the aid of the Christian powers of Europe to defend against 
the further encroachments of the infidels into Christendom : — 
But the spirit which animated the Crusaders had long since 
became extinct, and the state of Europe was such, as to de- 
mand the care of each nation, for its internal concerns. — 
Spain, and Pope Pius V., however, promised some succours. 
The Ottoman forces were soon assembled, and embarked in 
two hundred vessels, on board of which were eighty thou- 
sand troops, twenty thousand of which were Janizaries. 

The city of Nicosia was first besieged. This stood in the 
midst of a fertile plain, and was strongly fortified. Dondolo, 
a noble Venetian, who commanded the place, depended 
chiefly for its defence, on fifteen hundred of his countrymen, 

* See Hawkins's Mignst 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 63 

although there were ten thousand citizens there, who were 
able to bear arms. With such a disproportion between the 
forces, Nicosia could only hold out for a month. Dondolo 
was obliged to capitulate, and with a promise that the lives 
of the inhabitants should be spared, the gates were opened to 
the vanquishers. But instead of keeping this promise, on 
entering the city, every one they met was put to the sword. 
Streams of blood flowed in every part of the city, and the 
groans of the dying, and the screams of dismay, were mixed 
with the shouts of the victors.* 

Fifteen thousand defenceless men, women, and children, 
were massacred, in the streets and houses ; and twenty-five 
thousand men, whom they thought fit for slavery, were 
bound in chains, and saved alive, only to be sold into bon- 
dage. This rich and flourishing city was entirely given up 
to pillage — its females, celebrated for their beauty and ac- 
complishments, were forced to share the beds of the brutal 
janizaries, or saved to lead a still more miserable life in the 
seraglio of the Sultan. 

Several of these females, of illustrious families and great 
beauty, knowing their horrid destiny, determined to avoid 
it by a voluntary death. They had been but on board a 
vessel, loaded with booty and bound to Constantinople. One 
of them having pointed to the others, the fate which await- 
ed them, in the harem of the Sultan, they all agreed to pre- 
vent it, and at the same time deprive the barbarians of their 
rich booty. They therefore found means to set fire to the 
magazine, and thus, at once destroyed themselves, the vessel, 
and the infidels. 

, r ^ Having destroyed Nicosia, the Turks next laid 
siege to Famagusta, a city on the south side of the 
island. This place was better fortified than Nicosia, and 
surrounded by a forest of orange and lemon trees, which the 
besiegers immediately destroyed. Bragadin, the commander 
of the place, had taken care that his fortifications should be 
put in the best possible state of defence. Mustapha, Selim's 
commander, found that the siege went on slowly, and that 
he could make but little impression on the walls of his ene- 
my ; he therefore, for the present, turned the siege into a 
blockade, and went himself to examine, and ravage all the 
open towns throughout the island. He wished to ascertain 
the value of his conquest, which he now considered as cer- 

* See Hawkins's Mignot. 



64 HISTORY OF THE 

tain. Meanwhile Bragadin and his soldiers had not remain- 
ed idle. They repaired the walls, re-cast some pieces of 
cannon, and made preparations for a vigorous defence. 

Mustapha returned to the siege, reinforced with 20,000 
men. The siege and defence were conducted with great 
skill and vigour. The women, on this occasion, did not 
leave their husbands to defend the place alone, but were con- 
stantly on the ramparts, assisting and encouraging them to 
acts of heroism. The fate of their sister town, and the want 
of confidence in the faith of their enemies, made them re- 
ject all ideas of surrender, so long as even hope remained. 
After four months and a half siege, not one single prisoner 
was made on either side. It was a war of extermination. 
The Cyprians would neither give nor receive quarter. 
Christians, driven to despair, became as relentless and cruel 
as the Turks. Dreadful slaughter was made on both sides. 
Three fourths of the defenders of the place were killed by 
the Turkish cannon, and the walls became no longer defen- 
sible. In this condition it was expected that on the next as- 
sault, the whole city must meet with inevitable death by the 
swords of the Turks. To avert so fearful an event, Braga- 
din, after many remonstrances from the people against hold- 
ing out longer, consented to a capitulation. Hostages were 
exchanged, and it was agreed that the citizens should march 
out with arms, baggage, and cannon, and that those who 
wished to leave the island should be provided with vessels 
to transport them to Candia. Those who remained were to 
have their liberty, and the free exercise of their religion, 
and their property was to remain untouched. These terms 
being signed by Mustapha, the gates of the city were 
thrown open, and the soldiers entered. But so far from 
abiding by the terms of the treaty, they began immediately 
to commit disorders. Of this, Bragadin made complaint to 
the Turks, but without effect. 

He then went to the Pacha's tent, attended by some noble 
Venetians, to remind him of his treaty, and if possible to pre- 
vail on him to keep it inviolate. Instead of being softened 
toy the appeal in behalf of the sufferings of the people, or 
stuck with admiration at the presence of the noble and pa- 
triotic Bragadin, Mustapha ordered all these nobles to be 
Joaded with chains, telling them at the same time, with a 
barbarous smile, that if Christ did not wrest them from his 
hands, they might expect to perish.* Those who were pre- 
* Hawkins's Mignot. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 65 

paring to embark for Candia, he also seized and bound as 
slaves to the Sultan, his master. All who had accompanied 
Bragadin, he ordered to be beheaded in presence of that aged 
patriot. Bragadin himself he reserved for more refined cru- 
elty. Having first loaded him with stones, and put him to 
the hardest and most menial services, he then flayed him 
alive, had his skin stripped off, which was stuffed with straw, 
and carried to Constantinople as a trophy.* 

The arrogance and infidelity of the Turks had raised the 
indignation of all surrounding Christian nations, while their 
conquests and their barbarities were the cause of universal 
alarm and terror. 

The application of the Venetians to the neighbouring na- 
tions for assistance, had not been answered by any effective 
means, until the surrender of Cyprus. But the confederates 
now found themselves ready to put to sea, with a fleet con- 
sisting of two hundred and twenty galleys. This powerful 
armament was commanded by that celebrated Admiral, Don 
John, of Austria. 

The Turkish fleet, consisting of 300 sail, with more cou- 
rage than wisdom, had entered the Gulf of Lepanto, a narrow 
strait, where their superior numbers could be of no advan- 
tage to them. Ali Pacha, the commander, began to repent 
of this rashness, when he saw John approach him with a 
fleet, which, in a strait line, extended from shore to shore. 

The battle began with great fury on both sides ; but the 
Turkish line was soon broken, by the more skilful manage- 
ment, of both vessels and guns, on the part of the Venetians. 
The two admiral galleys attacked each other with equal vi- 
gour and tletermination to conquer. But after a most obsti- 
nate engagement, Ali, and almost all his men, were killed, 
and his galley taken. The victory on the part of the con- 
federates was complete. The Turkish fleet, with the ex- 
ception of 30 sail, was taken or destroyed, and 30,000 of 
their men perished. Fifteen thousand Christian galley 
slaves were liberated, in consequence of this victory. These 
miserable men, in truth, assisted the confederates in the work 
of destruction, for no sooner than the force of a galley be- 
came so weak as to be mastered by the Christians on board, 
they declared for their brethen, and assisted them in dispatch- 
ing the remainder of their tyrannical masters. 

* Hawkins's Mignot. 
7 



66 HISTORY OF THE 

The news of this defeat spread consternation among the 
Turks. Selim, in the fury and despair of the moment, or- 
dered all the Christians in Constantinople to be slaughtered, 
But his ministers represented to him, that such a course 
would betray the greatest want of policy, and indeed would 
be a greater loss than that he had already met with, since 
they could not re-build their navy without the help of Chris- 
tian artists. The Sultan, therefore, consulting his pecuniary 
interest, revoked this barbarous order. But such was the 
dread which this signal victory produced at Constantinople, 
and such the apprehension for the safety of that city, that 
the Sultan removed, for a time, to Adrianople, as a place of 
greater security. A new fleet was built with the utmost dis- 
patch. The treasures of the mosques were opened for this 
purpose, and workmen were brought from Asia, Europe, and 
Africa. No expense was spared which could facilitate this 
work ; the hulks, masts, and rigging were made at the same 
time, so that in less than six months a fleet of 200 galleys, 
completely equipped, covered the port of Constantinople. 

Meantime, the cowardly Sultan remained trembling with 
fear, at Adrianople ; nor dared again to visit his capital, un- 
til the joyful news reached him that his fleet was launched, 
and the city secure against his confederated enemies. 

The Turkish fleet immediately put to sea, to seek their 
enemies and prosecute the war. But the Venetians, worn 
down with a struggle, in which they had gained no solid ad- 
vantage, but had lost a large and fertile territory in the 
island of Cyprus, were desirous of making peace. Their am- 
bassador at Constantinople, therefore, received orders to ne- 
gotiate, and after much difficulty and delay it was settled 
that the Turks should retain all their conquests, and that the 
Venetians should pay them 300,000 ducats, by three equal 
payments. 

From this period, the Christians of the Mediterranean en- 
joyed a long exemption from the barbarities and conquests 
of the Turks. The Emperors who succeeded Selim, during 
several reigns, turned their arms against some of the Asiatic 
nations, or were engaged in quelling repeated insurrections 
in their own dominions. The ancient Greek possessions 
had for a long period been in the hands of some foreign pow- 
er, and had been taken, and re-taken, it appears, without 
any considerable interference of the Greeks themselves. 
Their condition as vassals and slaves, deprived them of the 
means of doing any thing towards their own defence. It is 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 67 

true, that in a choice of masters, Christians were preferred 
to Turks. But it is also true, that their servitude, and the 
horrid barbarities which they had so long witnessed, and 
which they had even practised, had extinguished their an- 
cient patriotism, and greatly lowered the standard of reli- 
gious principle among them. 

During the reigns of Amurath III., Mahomet III., Achmet 
I., Mustapha I., and Amureth IV., history relates nothing of 
particular interest concerning the Greeks of the Mediterra- 
nean. The arms of their predecessors had reduced to bon- 
dage the finest parts of Greece Proper, and most of the sur- 
rounding islands. The Venetians still possessed Candia, 
Tinos, Cerigo, and several other islands, and were under an 
alliance with the Turks, which they took great care not to 
1644 v i°^ ate * But during the reign of Ibrahim I. an occa- 
sion was taken to violate this treaty, and to open the 
way for one of the most bloody wars of the time. 

A slave of the seraglio being banished from Constantino- 
ple, with her infant child and retinue, the pomp with which 
the banishment was conducted made the people believe that 
this was a sultaness, and the child a young prince. In the 
course of their voyage, the vessels which carried them, took 
shelter in the port of Rhodes. The kinghts of Malta hear- 
ing of the embarkation, and being willing to repay them- 
selves for some of the expense they had formerly been at to 
defend their island against the Turks, took possession of this 
little fleet, and the supposed young prince. After the cap- 
ture the knights retired into one of the ports of the island 
of Candia, then in possession of the Venetians. The news 
of this outrage on the vessels of the Porte, produced great 
indignation at the capital. The Sultan vowed destruction 
to the whole order of the knights of Malta ; and his vizier 
bitterly reproached the Venetian ambassador, accusing his 
republic as an accomplice with the knights. Preparations 
were made, apparently, to carry the emperor's vow into ef- 
fect ; but his ministers, remembering their former attempts 
to reduce Malta, represented to him, that that island, if 
taken, would be found only a barren rock, and of no use to 
him whatever. — That since the Candians might be brought 
in as accomplices in the outrage committed on the empire, it 
would be just to take their island from them ; and that such 
an acquisition to his possessions in the Mediterranean, 
would greatly strengthen his power there, while it would 
tend as much to weaken that of the Venetians. 



68 HISTORY OF THE 

Ibrahim was pleased with these prospects, and the expedi- 
tion against Candia, was accordingly resolved on ; but lest 
the Venetians should prepare themselves for the approach- 
ing contest, it was given out at the Porte, that the expedi- 
tion, for which great preparations were making, was to be 
sent against Malta. 

The Ottoman fleet set sail in the spring of 1645, and con- 
.. «-- sisted of upwards of four hundred vessels, of various 
sizes. On their arrival at Tinos, an island in the 
JEgean sea which belonged to the Venetians, they were re- 
ceived and treated as friends. At Cerigo, another island be- 
longing to the Republic, they received the customary pre- 
sent of coffee and sugar, and assured the inhabitants of their 
good intentions. The fleet next sailed directly for Candia, 
and the army landed without opposition. 

The Capitan Pacha also took possession of the city of 
Canea, without opposition, the Governor retiring to his gar- 
rison, and the inhabitants to the city of Retimo. The latter 
city was then besieged and taken ; but from this time the 
Turks made no farther progress towards the conquest of the 
I nrr* island for the term of four years, when they reinforced 
their troops, and laid siege to Candia, the capital. 

The knights of Malta, to the number of sixty, each having 
a company of a hundred soldiers, assisted the Venetians in 
this celebrated defence. The Turks were resisted with the 
most consummate skill, and one half their army soon destroy- 
ed. The Capitan Pacha was obliged to retire to Retimo, 
until reinforcements could arrive, lest he should not preserve 
a sufficient number of men to defend the country he had al- 
ready conquered. The Turkish army lay at Retimo for four 
years, without receiving any succours from the Porte. The 
Venetians meanwhile were prevented from driving them out 
of the island by some misunderstanding among themselves; 
and the Sultan was deterred from prosecuting the Candian 
war in consequence of disorders at home, and other wars in 
which he was engaged. 

At length the Grand Vizier Kiuperli, a general of great 
celebrity, proposed to conduct, in person, the war against 
the republic. The magnitude of the preparations made, 
was sufficient to show the consequence attached to the re- 
duction of that island at the Porte. More than one hundred 
thousand fighting men were embarked as a reinforcement to 
the army already there. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 69 

The Venetians, aware of those mighty preparations, sent 
to Malta for further succours, and they also applied to the 
King of France for assistance against the common enemy of 
Christianity. Lewis replied, by sending them seven thou- 
sand troops commanded by the Duke of Beaufort, admiral 
of France. The Pope of Rome, as chief defender of the 
Christian faith, had before rendered the Venetians considera- 
ble assistance by sending vessels, men, and money. A great 
number of volunteers also arrived from various nations, but 
particularly from France, from whence came many gentle- 
men of the highest distinction. Candia was considered the 
barrier which was to prevent the further conquests of the 
infidels in Europe. This war was therefore in defence of 
Christianity, and against the abominations of Mahometanism. 
And perhaps no struggle between nations was ever carried 
on with greater bitterness, greater courage, or more skill. 

This war has been compared to that of Troy, which it re- 
sembled in its length, and in the obstinacy of the last siege, 
which continued for more than two years, and was one of 
the most sanguinary mentioned in history.* 

The Turks showed great knowledge of the military art on 
this occasion, while the confederates made all exertions, and 
took advantage of all the circumstances, that seemed possi- 
ble for valour and conduct, in opposition to such superior 
armaments, f Kiuperli, the Grand Vizier, had so fortified 
himself without the city, as to bring his cannon to bear upon 
its walls constantly. Assaults were repeated three or four 
times every day. Sometimes a bastion would change mas- 
ters as often, and each time be sprinkled with the blood of 
Infidels, or Christians. 

One hundred and ten thousand Turks perished before the 
city, and thirty-one thousand Christians were killed in the 
place. 

Finally, after a war of fifteen years, and a siege of two 
years and five months, Candia could no longer be defended. 
The Christians had been reduced to three thousand, and the 
city and its walls were literally a mass of ruins. 

A capitulation was signed by the contending powers, and 

l fifift '* * s ^ ue t0 tne memor y °f tne Grand Vizier, Kiuperli, 

' to state, that this treaty was carried into full efiect. 

and that the vanquished were treated in the most honourable 

and humane manner. 

* Hawkiira's MignoU t Modern Europe. 



70 HISTORY OF THE 

All the inhabitants who survived had permission to leave 
the place, so that when the Turks entered the city, which 
they did in triumph, they found only thirty people remain- 
ing. — From that time to the present, the beautiful and fertile 
island of Candia, which once contained an hundred cities, has 
been under the despotism of the Turks. At present its 
inhabitants amount to about three hundred thousand, of 
which about one half are Ottomans, the other half Greeks 
and Jews. 

After a twenty years' peace between the Turks and Vene- 
tians, founded on the treaty of Candia, the infidels committed 
some outrages on the flag of that proud and powerful repub- 
lic, which was the occasion of a formal declaration of war. 

On this occasion the Mainotes of the Morea, who claim 
the Spartans for their ancestors, and who retain all the har- 
diness, agility, and courage of that warlike nation, became the 
allies of the Venetians. The Avar was prosecuted with great 
vigour and ferocity on both sides ; but in the Morea the allies 
had altogether the advantage of their adversaries. The 
Turks were defeated before Coron and Calamata, and had 
lost two battles beside. The Capitan Pacha, for his own 
safety was obliged to flee, and took refuge in the island of 
Rhodes, where, however, he did not think himself in safety 
until the port was shut with a chain. 

During the after campaigns, the infidels not only gained 
1fi Q,~ nothing, but lost considerable portions of ancient 
* ' Greece. In that of 1687, General Morosini beat the 

Seraskier of the Morea in many battles, and took from him 
Patras, Lepanto, Misitra, Lacedemonia, Corinth, and Athens. 
In short, all the Morea, and the whole province of Attica, fell 
into the hands of the Venetians. 

The Venetians, however, soon found that their allies, the 
Mainotes, had no thought of submitting to a new master, 
because they had got rid of an old one. Under the Turk- 
ish government they had been allowed the free exercise of 
their religion, which was that of the Greek communion. — 
Their alliance with the Venetians had been the means of in- 
troducing among them many zealous priests of the Latin com- 
munion. These Italians, enemies to toleration, had so much 
influence with the authorities, as to get an order issued, to re- 
strain the reading of the Greek liturgy, and even to demo- 
lish several churches. The hardy Mainotes spurned such 
treatment, and determined not to submit. They asked of 
the Porte a governor of their own communion. A Mainote 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 71 

slave who had been long in servitude under a Turkish mas- 
ter, was selected for this purpose. He arrived in his own 
country with the sword, mace, and investiture of the Sultan, 
and raised the standard of rebellion. His countrymen, en- 
thusiastic in the cause of their religion, at once threw off all 
allegiance to the Venetians, and joined the standard of 
their deliverer. Little blood was shed in this revolution, 
since the Latins, being spread all over the country of the 
Mainotes, could not collect a sufficient number in time to 
prevent its becoming general. 

The other provinces of the Morea remained at peace with 
the Venetians, though it was by no means certain that the 
inhabitants considered their condition any better under the 
Latin Christians, than under the Mahometans. But how- 
ever the Greeks might have felt on this exchange of masters, 
the Turks were exceedingly irritated, that the Christians 
should possess so fine a country which was once tributary to 
their government. They therefore only waited a convenient 
opportunity to again attempt its reduction. 

Internal commotion and foreign wars had long absorbed 
the sole attention of the Porte ; but after the departure of 
Charles of Sweden from his confinement at the capital, the 
Turkish empire enjoyed a profound repose. The Janiza- 
ries, as usual, having nothing to do, had become trouble- 
some, and even dangerous to their master. They required 
enemies for the exercise of their swords, and plunder to en- 
rich themselves. The Morea was a country which present- 
ed ample rewards to the conqueror, and the Venetians had 
long since been guilty of wresting it from its rightful owners. 

These consideratious were sufficient, and it was decreed 
in Divan that the Morea should again be taken under the 
protection of the Porte. 

Considerable preparations were made for this expedition, 
and the surrounding nations saw that some foreign country 
was menaced, but no one knew which. The Knights of 
Malta prepared to make good their defence against their old 
enemies, and several other powers kept an eye of suspicion 
on these preparations for war. The Venetians were, how- 
ever, lulled into a fatal security. They believed that the 
Ottoman armament was intended to act against their neigh- 
bours, but not against themselves. 

The Venetians had only eight thousand men on which 
they could depend, for the defence of the whole of the Mo- 
rea. As soon as Delphino, the Governor, learned that the 



n HISTORY OF THE 

Turkish fleet was on the Grecian coast, he distributed this 
small force among the most important places, and made the 
best disposition for defence in his power. 
i~iq Meanwhile the Capitan Pacha arrived with his 
army, consisting of 70,000 veteran Janizaries and 
soldiers, at the island of Cerigo, on the southern coast of 
Greece. This island surrendered without drawing a sword, 
and the Pacha caused it to be dismantled of its fortifications. 
The inhabitants he transported into Africa. The army then 
landed on the main, and soon took possession of the Isthmus 
of Corinth, the key of the Morea. Napoli di Romania was 
next taken, and in succession every other town in the Morea. 
The Governor saw with regret and surprise that the whole 
of that great country was destined again to fall under the 
Turkish bondage. But he saw also, that any opposition he 
could make against a force so overwhelming, would only be 
delivering his troops up to the_ Ottoman sword. Many of the 
Greeks too, rather encouraged this conquest than opposed 
it. The persecution by the Latins, under the Venetian go- 
vernment, had been such as to hinder the peaceable exercise 
of their religious rites, and they hoped for the liberty of 
partaking their communion, and of reading their liturgy, with 
more freedom under the domination of the Turks. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Greeks join the Russians against Turkey. — Idea of driving 
the Turks from Europe. — Catharine proposes to free 
Greece. — Political state of Greece. — Defects of the Gre- 
cian character. — Astonishing that they are not still more 
debased. — They hear the Turkish yoke with impatience. — 
Possess a manly courage. — Ambitious to become waywodes. 
— Danger attending that office. — Proposition to slaughter 
all the Greeks. — Turkish right of possession. — Greeks 
never admitted to the rights of citizens. -^-Massacre of 
Greeks in the Morea. — Turks always faithless. — War be- 
tween Russia and Turkey. — Empress sends manifestoes 
to Greece. — Captain Psaro. — Delegates sent to the Em- 
press. — Their Memorial. — Plan to raise an army in Greece 
and invade Turkey. — Constantine to be Emperor of Con- 
stantinople. — Arrival of General Tamara in Greece*— * 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 73 

Bravery of Lambro. — Failure of the expedition. — Peace 
between Turkey and Russia. 

Having in the preceding chapters given a rapid sketch of 
the condition and vicissitudes of Greece and several of its 
islands, from the time of the Roman invasion, to 1718, when 
the Morea was re-taken by the Turks, we now shall hasten 
to the period when the Greeks began to think of their 
emancipation. 

In the war between Russia and Turkey, which happened 
several years anterior to the period of which an account will 
presently be given, the Greeks took up arms and joined the 
Russians. . The progress made against the Turkish power 
in Europe, during that war, which continued from 1769 to 
1774, was very considerable ; and, according to the opinion 
of Mr. Eton, had the Russian admiral been a man of expe- 
rience or enterprise, it might have ended in the total expul- 
sion of the Turks from Europe. It was probably the ac- 
quaintance which arose during this war, and the knowledge 
which the Russians obtained of the miserable servitude of 
the Greeks, that laid the foundation of an attempt to effect 
their emancipation. Their country as we have stated, had 
been the scene of perpetual conflicts between foreign na- 
tions, but the Greeks themselves had never taken up arms 
with a determination of freeing themselves entirely from the 
power of foreigners. A change of masters, or a removal of 
a heavier for a lighter burthen, appears to have been all they 
had ever attempted, or even thought of. 

To Peter the Great is attributed the first conception of 
restoring the empire of the east, and of driving the Otto- 
mans from Europe. This project was pursued with earnest- 
ness by his successors ; and Catharine, whatever her real 
object might have been, was the first potentate who seriously 
proposed to free Greece from the power of the infidels. The 
political state of Greece, and the character of its inhabitants 
at that period, we will recite from Mr. Eton, who, though 
in some instances, perhaps too partial to the Greeks, was 
still well informed on this subject. The present struggle 
shows that his views and opinions did not want foundation. 
"The political state of Greece," says he, # "has long announ- 
ced to the attentive observer that explosion which late events 
seem to have happily promoted. Greece can no longer sub- 

* Eton's Survey of the Turkish Empire, p. 320. 



74 HISTORY OF THE 

mit to the Turkish yoke ; she pants for emancipation, and 
already aspires to be ranked among the independent states 
of Europe. The rise, or rather the renovation, of her power 
will form an important era in European politics : to appre- 
ciate its probable consequences, we must consider the past 
and present circumstances of that famous country; we must 
recur to the eclipse of her former splendour by the Turkish 
conquest, to the long night of barbarism and oppression in 
which she has been overwhelmed, and to those struggles 
which of late years have shown that she is about to awake 
to the assertion of her native rights. 

" It is not here my intention to trace the details of classic 
story, to describe those heroic ages when the splendour of 
genius and illumination of science seemed to be concen- 
trated within the narrow boundaries of Greece, and by their 
irradiation to communicate animation and improvement to 
.surrounding nations ; it will be sufficient for me to call to 
the remembrance of the scholar some of the brightest pages 
in the history of mankind; it will be sufficient to cite the 
names of those poets and orators, those statesmen and 
moralists, whose illustrious deeds, and whose admirable pre- 
cepts, still extort the applauses of the universe. 

" India and Egypt had for many preceding ages cultivated 
the arts ; but these countries were only the cradle of know- 
ledge ; wiien transported to the genial climate of Greece, 
fostered by her political freedom, and animated by her viva- 
city and enterprise, it quickly attained the sublimest heights, 
and invested the human character with a dignity before un- 
known. 

"Ancient Rome, the victorious rival of Greece, in arms, 
caught from her captives the inspiration of genius ; but she 
never reached a similar degree of sublimity ; she imitated, 
but never equalled the poets, the orators, the historians, and 
the artists of Greece. 

" Such a nation could never have fallen under the yoke 
of a Turkish conqueror, had she not been prepared for that 
disgrace hy a long period of debasement and superstition. 
When this last and most terrible catastrophe arrived, she 
saw her cities and palaces laid in ashes, and the magnificent 
monuments of her ancient glory levelled with the dust, by 
the rude strokes of those ferocious barbarians, she saw her 
sons, a race who had graced and dignified society, slaugh- 
tered without distinction and without mercy, or subjected to 
a captivity still worse than slaughter ; but yet her weepin^ 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 75 

genius seemed to linger among the melancholy ruins, and re- 
luctant to leave them, to carry with her the infant remnants 
of learning and taste into more fortunate regions, where she 
sowed the seeds of that civilization and science, which at 
the present day so eminently flourish in Europe. 

" Conquered Greece polished Rome, but the conquerors 
were Romans. Conquered Greece did not polish Turkey, 
for the conquerors were Turks. The insensibility of these 
barbarians is astonishing ; living amid the effulgence of 
genius, they have not caught one spark ; they gaze with un- 
feeling stupidity on the wonder and boast of art, on their 
glorious monuments, on their temples, and conclude they 
were built by genii, and then destroy them, to burn the mar- 
ble for lime, to make stucco for their own tasteless houses ; 
whence the fine arts are banished ; where ignorance, tyran- 
ny, superstition, and gross sensuality do dwell, in sad and 
stupid, solemn pomp, or issuing out with savage fury, lay 
waste the country round, and imbrue their hands in the blood 
of the helpless, murdering those they have conquered with- 
out remorse. Thus the finest countries in the world have 
become deserts ; part inhabited by savage beasts, and part 
by more savage men ; the poor aborigines skulking in hiding 
places like the timid hare, (which epithet the Turks give 
them in derision,) while those beasts of prey roam abroad. 

" Every object, moral and physical, the fair face of nature, 
and the intellectual energies of the inhabitants, have alike 
been blasted and defiled by the harpy-touch of Turkish ty- 
ranny. As an instance of those changes which the country 
has undergone, we need only consider the island of Cyprus, 
now an almost uninhabited desert, which was, not only in 
ancient times, but when it was taken by the Venetians, popu- 
lous and exceedingly rich. The gentry lived like princes, 
in splendour, and even the peasants had each of them at 
least a silver cup, a spear, knife, and fork. The number 
and excellency of its productions were wonderful. At pre- 
sent, only a little cotton, some silk and wine, and a few 
drugs, are its produce. 

" Of the defects of Grecian character, some are doubtless 
owing to their ancient corruptions, but most of them take 
their rise in the humiliating state of depression in which they 
are held by the Turks. This degradation and servility of 
their situation has operated for centuries, and has conse- 
quently produced an accumulated effect on the mind ; but 
were this weight taken off, the elasticity and vigour of the 



76 HISTORY OF THE 

soul would have wide room for expansion, and though it 
cannot be expected that they would at once rise to the proud 
distinction of their former heroes, they would doubtless dis- 
play energies of mind, which the iron hand of despotism has 
long kept dormant and inert. It is rather astonishing that 
they have retained so much energy of character, and are not 
more debased ; for like noble coursers, they champ the bit 
and spurn indignantly the yoke ; when once freed from this, 
they will enter the course of glory. The truth of these ob- 
servations will appear, whether we consider the Greeks in 
their common character as one people, or whether we con- 
sider them according to their local and peculiar distinctions. 

" When we view the Greeks in their more comprehensive 
character as a nation, their superiority over the Turks in 
knowledge is surprisingly great ; they possess a great degree 
of genius and invention, and are of so lively an imagination, 
that they cannot tell the same story twice without varying 
the embellishments of circumstance and diction ; added to 
this, both men and women speak much, and with wonderful 
volubility and boldness, and no people are such natural ora- 
tors ; numbers of them speak Italian, but all have an activi- 
ty and sprightliness which strongly contrasts with the stupid 
and pompous gravity of the Turks. An European feels him- 
self as it were at home with them, and amongst creatures of 
his own species ; but with Mussulmen there is a distance, a 
non-assimilation, a total difference of ideas, and the more 
he knows their language, the more he perceives it. On the 
contrary, the more intimately he knows the Greeks, the 
more similar does he find them in habits and manners to 
other Europeans. 

" They bear the Turkish yoke with greater impatience 
than other Christians, (who have long ceased to struggle 
against it,) and possess a spirit of enterprise, which, however 
ridiculed by some authors, often prompts them to noble 
achievements. Their ancient empire is fresh in their memo- 
ry; it is the subject of their popular songs, and they speak 
of it in common conversation as a recent event. 

" That they possess a firm and manly courage, notwith- 
standing the insinuations of their calumniators, has been too 
often testified to be in the least doubtful ; the instances 
which they have displayed in the Russian service has been 
truly striking. They are passionate, and sometimes given to 
assassination ; but except in Zante and Cephalonia, the sti- 
letto is not so frequent with them as with the Italians, whom 



GREEK REVOLUTION. Tl 

they in general resemble ; the best of them, if we add more 
energy, being very similar in character to the Venetians, and 
the worst, to the Genoese." 

" The most observable difference in the Grecian charac- 
ter, is between those of Constantinople and their countrymen 
of the islands. The merchants and lower orders of those at 
Constantinople, have indeed no very marked character; they 
are much the same as the trading Christians in all parts of 
the Empire, that is to say, as crafty and fraudulent as the 
Jews, but less so than the Armenians, who are the most 
subtle of all usurers." 

" But there is in the suburb, called the Fenar, a race of 
Greeks, who call themselves nobles, and affect to despise 
those of the islands. They are certain opulent families, 
from which are generally appointed the dragomans of the 
Porte, and the waywodes of Wallachia and Moldavia. They 
have kept these places among them, as they are mostly allied 
to each other, and keep up a constant connexion with the 
officers of the Porte. They are continually intriguing to 
get those in office removed, and obtain their places ; even 
children cabal against their fathers, and brothers against 
brothers. They are all people of good education, and are 
polite, but haughty, vain, and ambitious, to the most ridicu- 
lous degree, considering the contempt they are treated with 
by the Turks." 

" Strange as is the infatuation which induces these Greeks 
io aim at the post of waywodes, it is perhaps not more as- 
tonishing than many examples which daily occur, in other 
nations, of the power of ambition.* Though styling them- 
selves noble, and affecting a superiority over the other 
Greeks, they only have relinquished the ancient Grecian 
spirit : they seem not anxious, as the islanders are, for liber- 
ty, but delight in their false magnificence, and in the petty 
intrigues of the Seraglio ; and their pride is to appear in their 
dress like the Turks ; and yet the situation which they are 
thus eager to obtain, is beset with perils, and scarcely one 
who holds it escapes deposition and punishment." 



* We see nothing strange or singular in this propensity to obtain 
places of office and emolument. A Greek, when once in office, exer- 
cises all the authority and tyranny which is so much complained of 
among the Turks. Mr. Eton describes on the same page, indeed, the 
very reason why this place is worthy of ambition. The way wode moves 
m state, and is enabled to give sinecures to his relations and friands 
Such infatuation is the common lot of man. 

8 



78 HISTORY OF THE 

" No sooner is the waywode appointed, than he sets out 
in great state for his government, attended by a crowd of his 
relatives and dependants, for all of whom, as well as for his 
own splendour, he must provide, by oppressing the unhappy 
subjects of his tyranny. Meanwhile, his countrymen at 
Constantinople are engaged in continual plots for his re- 
moval, and it becomes necessary for him to accumulate a 
large sum, to bribe the ministers and others on his return, 
and to avert the persecution which continues for years after- 
wards to hang over him. 

" The Greeks of Macedonia are robust, courageous, and 
somewhat ferocious ; those of Athens and Attica are still re- 
markably witty and sharp ; all the islanders are lively and 
gay, fond of singing and dancing to an excess, affable, hos- 
pitable, and good natured : in short, they are the best. Those 
of the Morea are much given to piracy ; but it is not to be 
wondered at, considering the cruel treatment they have met 
with, and the struggles they are continually making against 
the Turks. Those of Albania and Epirus, and in general 
the mountaineers, are a very warlike, brave people ; but 
they are very savage, and make little scruple of killing and 
robbing travellers. A Turk cannot venture in their country 
alone, for there is no one in it, but would make a merit of 
shooting him, so deeply rooted is their hatred to their 
oppressors. 

" It is scarcely possible," continues Mr. Eton, " for any 
person not to be mistaken in judging of the conduct of the 
Porte towards its provinces, by any analogy from the politi- 
cal operations of other nations. Amongst us, the unsuccess- 
ful revolt of a whole province would indeed give birth to 
some additional rigour, and to some striking example of 
punishment ; but the ferocious Turk proposes nothing short 
@f extermination, in order to free himself from the fear of 
future defection. It was thus, that when the inhabitants of 
the Morea, who, instigated by the desire of liberty, had ta- 
ken up arms in favour of Russia, returned to their yoke, a 
deliberate proposal was made in Divan, to slaughter them all 
in cold blood, innocent and guilty, of whatever age or sex. 
Nor was this the first time that the massacre of the whole 
Greek nation had been seriously debated. It was, how- 
ever, in the present instance, successfully opposed by Gazi- 
Hassan, both on motives of humanity and policy. The 
chief argument which he used, and which alone carried con- 
viction to his hearers, was : " if toe hill all the Greeks, toe' 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 79 

shall lose all the capitation they pay." Even without such a 
provocation, Sultan Mustapha, on his accession to the 
throne, proposed to cut off all the Christians in the Empire, 
and was with difficulty dissuaded from it.* 

In respect to the right of possession, which the Turks 
ought to have over their conquered provinces, Mr. Eton says, 
" The Greeks were conquered by the Turks, but they were 
(like all other nations they conquered) attacked by them 
without provocation. It was not a war for injury, or insult 
received, for jealousy of power, or for the support of an ally, 
contests which ought to end, when satisfaction or submis- 
sion is obtained : it was a war, having for its aim conquest, 
and for its principle, right to the dominion of the whole earth ; 
a war which asserted that all other sovereigns were usurp- 
ers, and that the deposing and putting them to death was a 
sacred duty. Do the laws of nations establish, that such a 
conquest gives right of possession ? They, on the contrary, 
declare such conquests, usurpation." 

The conquered were never admitted by the Turks to the 
right of citizens, or fellow subjects, unless they abjured their 
religion, and their country; they became slaves, and as, ac- 
cording to their law, the Turks have a right at all times to 
put to death their prisoners, the conquered and their poste- 
rity are forever obliged annually to redeem their heads, by 
paying the price set on them. They are excluded from all 
the offices of state ; it is death for a conquered Greek to 
marry a Turkish woman ; they are in every respect still 
treated as enemies ; the testimony of a Greek is not valid in 
a court of judicature, when contrasted with that of a Turk ; 
even their houses are painted of a different colour ; in fine, 
they are as totally distinct a nation as they were on the day 
they were conquered, and therefore, have the same right 
now as they had then, to free themselves from the barbarous 
usurpers of their country. 

At the close of the war between the Russians and Turks 
in 1774, it was stipulated by treaty between the two nations, 
that Russia should restore to the Sublime Porte all the 



* Tlttise propositions will not appear extraordinary, when it is consi- 
dered that the law of Mahomet makes the destruction of infidels a source 
of merit. Nor does it seem cruel in the eye of a Turk to kill his natu- 
ral enemy, when it is well known that on the accession of a Sultan to 
the throne, the custom has been, for him to order all his brothers to be 
strangled in his presence. This, with an exception or two, has always 
been the first business of the new Sultan. 



SO < HISTORY OF THE 

islands of the Archipelago, which were under its dependence 
and it was solemnly and sacredly stipulated by the Sublime 
Porte, that the inhabitants of the realm, so restored, should 
enjoy a general amnesty, and that all crimes whatever, com- 
mitted against the Porte, should be forgiven ; that neither 
the Christian religion, nor its character, should suffer the 
smallest oppression ; and that families which wished to leave 
the country should freely depart, &c. 

Notwithstanding these sacred engagements, almost as soon 
as the Russians had left the country, already exhausted by 
war, the Turks fell upon the defenceless and unsuspecting 
inhabitants, and massacred great numbers, particularly in 
the Morea. Whole districts were left without an inhabitant, 
and that fine country was reduced to a desert.* 

This terrible punishment was inflicted on the inhabitants 
for having joined the Russians in the war. The Russians, 
however, as well as the miserable inhabitants, depended on 
the treaty to save them from the common lot of all who fall 
into Turkish power. But the mufti, or priests of Mahomet, 
do not hesitate to teach that no faith is to be kept with Chris- 
tians ; nor do the Turks hesitate to put this precept in 
practice whenever it is found to be for their interest, or 
whenever they can do it with impunity, and at the same time 
dip their swords into the blood of Christians. 

In the account of their innumerable battles and sieges, it 
is as difficult to find an instance where the terms of capitula- 
tion have been strictly kept with Christians, as it is, in read- 
ing their history, to find a Sultan who did not strangle his 
brothers on the first day of his coronation. After swearing 
by the head of Mahomet, the strongest and most sacred oath 
a Turk can take, to spare life, limb, and property, these 
faithless wretches make it a point of religion, to murder, 
maim, and destroy, the moment they possess the power. 
The history of their wars present numerous instances where 
cities and communities have fallen into their hands on the 
strength of such oaths, and have been utterly destroyed : 
women and children massacred without mercy, and cities 
sacked and burned without remorse. 

The sufferings of the Greeks, and the inevitable conse- 
quences which they know must follow the failure of any en- 
terprise against the Turks, did not deter them from again 
joining the Russians in a subsequent war against the Porte. 



* Eton's Survey of the Turkish Empire. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 81 

l*,£ 7 In the year 1787, a war broke out between the Ot- 
tomans and the allied powers of Russia and Austria, 
and again the Empress Catharine sent manifestoes to all 
parts of Greece, inviting the inhabitants to take up arms and 
co-operate with her in expelling the enemies of Christianity 
from the countries they had usurped, and in regaining their 
ancient liberty and national independence.* 

The invitation of the Empress was not suffered to pass un- 
heeded. A man by the name of Sottiri was sent to Epirus 
and Albania, to distribute Catharine's manifestoes, and to 
consult with the chiefs on the best mode of raising and or- 
ganizing a revolt. A plan was soon concerted, an army 
raised, the head quarters of which were established at Sulli. 
The Pacha of Ioannina was next attacked by the insurgent?, 
his army defeated, and his son killed in the battle.f 

Meanwhile, the Empress sent Captain Psaro to Sicily, to 
establish a magazine for her fleet, which was expected to ar- 
rive under the command of the English Admiral Greig, whom 
she had taken into her service. She also sent several other 
persons to furnish the Greeks with money, and to remove 
the difficulties which the Venetians, still unwilling to offend 
the Porte, had opposed to the progress of the insurrection. 

Captain Psaro, however, seems to have deceived the Em- 
press and her ministers in respect to his character. He re- 
ceived money, as the agent of his mistress, for the use of 
the suffering Greeks, but retained it in his own hands, never 
paying a single rouble for the purpose intended. Where- 
upon a commission was selected to represent to her Majesty 
the defection and deceit of her servant, to pray for the con- 
tinuance of her protection and favour, and finally to beg that 
she would give them her grandson, Constantine, for their 
sovereign. 

The memorial was presented by three deputies, who at 
the same time laid at the feet of her Majesty the rich armour 
of the Pacha's son, whom they had slain in battle. Eton, 
who seems to attach great importance to this memorial, has 
inserted it in Greek, French, and English, j 

* Eton's Survey. 
t Eton, p. 343. 

| As this memorial laid the foundation of several important opera- 
tions, we have given the English translation : 
Madam — 

It was not until we had long solicited in vain your Imperal Ma- 
jesty's ministers for an answer to the memorial, which we had the 

8* 



82 HISTORY OF THE 

The Empress received the deputies most graciously, and 
promised them the assistance they asked. They were then 



honour of presenting to them ; it was not until driven to the utmost des- 
pair, by the reflection of the dreadful evils which this delay might pro- 
duce to our countrymen, who (invited by the manifestoes of your Im- 
perial Majesty,) have taken arms against the enemy of the Christian 
name, and deputed us to lay the offer of their lives and fortunes at the 
foot of your Imperial throne ; it was not until we had lost all hopes of 
otherwise obtaining a speedy answer, to stop those streams of the blood 
of our brethren, which doubtless flow already through this delay, that 
we have at length dared to prostrate ourselves at your feet, and to pre- 
sent our humble memorial to your Imperial Majesty in person. 

Another duty equally sacred, and which was a principal object of our 
mission, induced us to take this daring step : it was to undeceive your, 
Imperial Majesty, whom (as well as your ministers,) there have been 
people audacious enough to mislead. We have learned with indigna- 
tion, that the chevalier Psaro now erects himself into a chief, and con- 
ductor of our people ; a man abhorred by our nation, out of the dregs of 
which he rose, and where he would have remained, if he had not, with 
an unheard of audaciousness, deceived your Imperial Majesty's minis- 
ters, and assumed a reputation by attributing to himself exploits he 
never performed. If no ill consequences would ensue, but to himself, 
we should patiently await his appearance in our country, a boast, how- 
ever, which he never will perform, but in his writings. How he has 
acted towards us, your Imperial Majesty will see in our memorial. We 
hear that he has received immense sums, which he pretends to have ex- 
pended for us. We assure your Imperial Majesty that neither he, nor 
any of your officers sent to us, ever paid us a single rouble. The flo- 
tilla, and the other armament of Lambro, were equipped at our own ex- 
pense. One of us, (deputies,) abandoning his peaceful home, fitted 
out two vessels at his own expense, and expended in armaments 
12,000 zechins, whilst the Turks massacred his mother and his brother, 
levelled with the ground his possessions, and desolated his lands. We 
never asked for your treasures, we do not ask for them now ; we only 
ask for powder and balls, (which we cannot purchase,) and to be led to 
battle. We are come to offer our lives and fortunes, not to ask ibr your 
treasures. 

Deign, O great Empress ! Glory of the Greek faith ! deign to read 
our memorial. Heaven has reserved our deliverance for the glorious 
reign of your Imperial Majesty. It is under your auspices that we 
hope to deliver from the hands of barbarous Mahometans our empire, 
which they have usurped, and our patriarch, and our holy religion, 
which they have insulted ; to free the descendants of Athens and Lace- 
demon from the tyrannic yoke of ignorant savages, under which groans 
a nation, whose genius is not extinguished ; a nation which glows with 
the love of liberty ; which the iron yoke of barbarism has not vilified ; 
which has constantly before its eyes the images of its ancient heroes, 
and whose example animates its warriors even to this day. 

Our superb ruins speak to our eyes, and tell us of our ancient 
grandeur, our innumerable ports, our beautiful country, the heavens 
which smile onus all the year, the ardour of our youth, and even our 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 83 

conducted to the apartments of her grandsons, and offering 
to kiss the hand of the eldest, the grand-duke Alexander, he 
pointed to his brother Constantine, telling them, that it was 
to him they were to address themselves. To Constantine, 
therefore, they represented in Greek the object of their mis- 
sion, and concluded by doing homage to him as their Empe- 
ror. He answered them in the same language, Go, and let 
every thing be done according to your wishes* 

With their memorial, the deputies presented to the Em- 
press a plan of operations, by which they proposed, that she 
should furnish them with cannon, and send them engineers 
to conduct sieges, — that the army should assemble at the 
head-quarters, Sulli, where the congress was held, and from 
thence proceed to Livadia, and Athens. At appointed 
places they were to be joined by troops from the Morea, 
from Negropont, and from other sections of the country. 
From thence the army, thus increased, was to proceed to 
Thessaly, where large reinforcements were expected to join 
it, from Macedonia. From this point, the whole army, now 
amounting, as these patriots calculated, to three hundred 
thousand men, was to march to the plains of Adrianople to 
meet the Russians, and then proceed to Constantinople, 
where they hoped to find the Russian fleet. If the fleet had 
not arrived, it was calculated that their force would be suffi- 
cient to take that city, and to drive the Turks out of Europe 
and the islands.f 

The Empress dismissed the deputies, with a present of a 
thousand ducats, and sent them to Prince Potemkin, who. 



decrepid elders, tell us that nature is not less propitious to us than it, 
was to our forefathers. Give us for a sovereign your grandson Con- 
stantine : it is the wish of our nation, (the family of our Emperors is 
extinct,) and we shall become what our ancestors were. 

We are not persons who have dared to impose on the most magnani- 
mous of Sovereigns ; we are the deputies of the people of Greece, fur- 
nished with full powers, and other documents, and as such, prostrated 
before the throne of her, whom, next to God, we look on as our saviour ; 
we declare we shall be, till our latest breath, 

Madam, your Imperial Majesty's 

Most faithful and most devoted servants, 
PANO KIRI, 
CHRISTO LAZZOTTI, 
NICCOLO PANGOLO. 
St Petersburgh, April, 1790. 

* Eton, p. 355. 
t Eton, p. 356. 



84 HISTORY OF THE 

with the Russian army, lay in Moldavia. In the autumn oi 
the same year they arrived in Greece, by the way of Vienna, 
with major-general Tamara, who had been commissioned to 
command the whole expedition, by the Russian government. 
The Greeks were assured that they should have all the suc- 
cour this great expedition required. They were enjoined to 
prepare every thing, but to undertake nothing until further 
notice from Petersburgh. In this state affairs remained un- 
til a peace was concluded between Russia and the Porte, 
and thus all the hopes of the Greeks for emancipation, were 
blasted, and all the preparations for this great expedition 
lost. 

The fate of Lambro Canziani, a brave and patriotic Greek, 
deserves to be mentioned on this occasion. He had fitted 
out a small fleet by private subscription, which he command- 
ed. In an engagement with the Turks, in numbers greatly 
his superior, he lost his whole fleet, himself, and a few of his 
men, saving themselves in boats. His resources now only 
enabled him to procure a single vessel ; the news of peace 
arrived ; but boiling with indignation at the treatment he 
had received from the Russian agents, and thirsting for re- 
venge on the Turks, he sailed, notwithstanding, and destroy- 
ed several of their vessels. He was now declared a pirate 
by the Empress ; but continued his work of destruction, un- 
til again overpowered, his vessel sunk under him, and he 
again saved himself in a boat, and fled to the mountains of 
Albania. He was afterwards imprisoned for debts contract- 
ed in fitting out his vessels, and only released by the contri- 
butions of his countrymen. 

Whether Catharine really intended to deliver Greece 
from Turkish barbarity, and to attempt the great enterprise 
of placing her grandson on the throne of Constantinople, i^ 
perhaps doubtful. In 1790, the King of Prussia posted an 
^q.. army of 150,000 men on the frontiers of Bohemia, 
' and in the spring of 1791, an armament was prepared 
in England, to sail for the Baltic. Eton, who was probably 
well acquainted with all the circumstances, supposes that 
these preparations were made to intimidate Catharine, and 
to deter her, if possible, from the prosecution of such a 
mighty project as settling her dynasty on the throne of 
Turkey. 

" Thus," says he, " ended a war, which, had it not been 
for the interference of Great Britain and Prussia, would have 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 86 

placed the Empress' grandson on the throne of Constantino- 
ple ; and had not circumstances prescribed to them the part 
they acted, we should have had, in Russia and Greece, allies 
which would long ago have enabled his Majesty,* and the 
Emperor,! in all human probability, to have humbled a foe, 
which now threatens all Europe with total subversion. 

That the nations of Europe should dread any accession to 
the power of Russia, or any extension of her vast territo- 
ries, even so long ago as 1790, is neither extraordinary nor 
unknown. England, in particular, always guided by a wily 
policy, had every reason to believe, whatever the condition 
of Greece might be, it would be safer for her, that Turkey 
should remain in the hands of infidels, than that it should go 
to increase the already mighty power of Russia. Prussia, 
also, might perhaps with equal justice, fear the further ex- 
tension and power of Russia. Actuated by such considera- 
tions, these two nations had at least an excuse, notwith- 
standing the situation of Greece, for compelling Catharine 
to conclude a peace with the Turks. 

On the contrary, as stated by Mr. Eton, while it was still 
undetermined by the Empress, whether she would brave 
England and Prussia, and proceed with the plans she had laid 
down, a British ambassador arrived at Petersburg, instead 
of the English fleet. On the arrival of another ambassador, 
the Empress ascertaind that she had but a little to fear 
from the British armament, and consequently as little from 
the Prussian army. Still she concluded a peace with the 
Turks, and left the Greeks, now in a state of revolt by her 
instigation, to protect themselves in the best way they could 
against the accumulated fury of their barbarian masters. 

The Empress Catharine died in 1796, and with her expir- 
ed, for the time, the hopes of those who looked to see an- 
other Constantine on the throne of Constantinople. In the 
mean time, another personage had arisen in commanding 
influence and importance in the mountains of Epirus, who at 
one period bid much fairer to become the king of Greece, 
than any one who had appeared on the theatre of Europe 
since the extinction of the Eastern Empire.J This was no 
other than the celebrated Tepeleni, or Tepelene, Pacha of 
Ioannina, an account of whose birth, progress in power, and 
exploits, will be the subject of another chapter. 

* The king of England. 

t Constantino of Constantinople. 

t Modern Traveller. 



86 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER IX. 



Tyrant of Ioannina. — Mountains of Epirus never subdued. 
— Predatory warfare of the Albanians. — Klephts or rob- 
bers. — Instances of hardihood and valour. — Manners of the 
Albanians. — Their Morality. — Their mode of attack. — 
Paramathians. — Their lawless depredations and cruelty. — 
Character of AliBey, Pacha of Ioannina. — His exploits 
while a youth. — His misfortunes. — Finds a treasure which 
enables him to prosecute his wars. — His credit at Constan- 
tinople. — Is appointed Pacha of Ioannina. — His attempts 
to reduce the Suliots. — His letter to the Suliot Captains. — 
The reply. — Mosco. — Her prowess. — The Pacha's eleva 
tion and power. 

The history of the tyrant of Ioannina, is closely connect- 
ed with that of the Greeks, on whose political changes he 
exerted great influence, though his conquered dominions ex- 
tended no further south than Epirus. His capital Ioannina, 
or as others call it, Yanina, was situated in Lower Albania, 
the ancient Epirus. The condition of this country, and that 
surrounding it, first claims our attention, otherwise the 
reader will be unable to understand what is to follow. 

" # The mountains of Greece have never been completely 
subdued by the Ottomans. While the Christian inhabitants 
of the plains either retired before the conquerors, or became 
their vassals, the hardy peasantry of the mountains retain- 
ed possession of their native soil, where they were joined 
by many of the Lowlanders, fleeing from Turkish tyranny. 
From thence they waged a predatory warfare, which was 
not confined to their oppressors. The depopulation arising 
from these circumstances, together with frequent visitations 
of the plague, had produced, in many of the most fertile parts 
of Greece, desolation and consequent insalubrity. And the 
effects would have been still more extensive, had not the va- 
cancy been in part supplied by successive migrations from 
Albania and of the Black Sea. The extension of education 
in Bulgaria, where local wars, Mussulmen persecution, 
or redundant numbers on a very poor soil, had occasion- 
ally caused even greater distress than had driven the 

* Modern Traveller, part I. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 8? 

Greeks from their native lands. About two centuries ago. 
a large colony of Christian Albanians settled in Bceotia, At- 
tica, and Argolis, and a small tribe passed over into the bar- 
ren island of Hydra, where they founded the community 
which has since been so conspicuous for its commercial en- 
terprize and opulence. 

" The greater part of the peasantry in the plains of north- 
ern Greece, and in the neighbourhood of the great Turkish 
towns, were unarmed ; but in the more mountainous parts, 
and generally throughout the Morea, there were but few 
who did not possess a weapon of some kind. In case of any 
alarm of war with a Christian power, the Porte never failed 
to issue its decree for disarming all the rayahs ; but the 
Turks, not being very fond of venturing in the mountainous 
districts, were always willing to accept a small pecuniary 
compromise ; and the Sultan's commands, like many other 
of his decrees relating to his Christian subjects, ended in a 
contribution to the provincial governments. In some of the 
more mountainous parts, villages and even whole districts 
were left to the management of the primates, (proesti or na- 
tive magistrates,) who were responsible for the payment of 
the ordinary contributions, and who generally farmed the 
taxes for the Turkish government. In some parts, not even 
the kharadja, or mountain tax, was paid. These village oli- 
garchs are represented to have been, in many cases, as op- 
pressive towards the peasantry as they were contentious and 
jealous of each other : and the more powerful chieftains 
would often league with the Pacha, and plunder their fellow 
Christians. " These persons," says Mr. Leake, " being in- 
terested in the continuance of ignorance and Turkish tyran- 
ny, were, together with some of the higher clergy, the 
greatest obstacles to national improvement ; for the latter 
class, having generally procured their ecclesiastical dignitieF 
at a considerable expense, were, (except in the greater per- 
manence of their offices) placed in a situation very similar to 
that of the Turkish governors of provinces and districts, 
whose object it necessarily was, to exact from the governed 
as much as they possibly could during their transitory au- 
thority. 

" The armatoli were originally a species of militia, an es- 
tablishment of the Byzantine Empire, whose most important 
office was to keep the roads clear of robbers, and to guard 
the mountain passes. The Ottomans found it necessary to 
maintain the same kind of police ; and all Greece, from the 



88 HISTORY OF THE 

river Axius to the Isthmus, was gradually divided into se- 
venteen armatoliks. Of these, ten were in Thessaly and Li- 
vadia, four in Etolia, Acarnania, and Epirus, and three in 
Southern Macedonia. The Morea never contained any. 
The rank of a captain of armatoli was hereditary. The 
members of each band were called palikars (bravos or he- 
roes,) and the protopalikar acted as lieutenant and secretary 
to the capitanos. In addition to the bodies of armatoli ac- 
knowledged by the Porte, all the mountain communities 
maintained a small body of palikars, professedly for the pro- 
tection of the district ; but more frequently they were em- 
ployed against a neighbouring rival, or to withstand either 
Turkish or Albanian encroachments. 

" The klephtai, or robbers, (and they gloried in the name) 
differed chiefly from the armatoli in preferring open rebel- 
lion and the adventurous life of marauders, to any compro- 
mise with their Turkish masters. In fact, the only distinction 
vanished, when, as often happened, the discontented or op- 
pressed armatoli became a klepht, or when it suited the 
Turkish Pachas to include them under one common title. 
Owing to this the terms came to be often used indiscrimi- 
nately ; and in Thessaly, the word klepht designated either, 
or both. Their general character and habits are thus por- 
trayed by an enthusiast in the cause of Greece, to whose he- 
reditary talent we are indebted for a translation of some of 
the more popular ballads still current in the highlands, — the 
minstrelsy of the Grecian border.* 

" The klephts were hardy to a degree scarcely credible. 
They had no fixed encampment ; wandering in summer 
among the higher, in winter over the lower mountainous re- 
gions. But they had always a spot for rendezvous and oc- 
casional sojourn, called limeri, situated near the armatolik, 
from which they have been driven. When not engaged in 
an expedition, their chief resource for amusement was found 
in martial games, and particularly in firing at a mark. Con- 
stant practice in this led to a surprising degree of skill. By 
day-light, they could strike an egg, or even send a ball 

* Sheridan's " Songs of Greece." London, 1825. One highly cha- 
racteristic mark, Mr. Sheridan says, distinguished the klepht from a 
regular armatole : this was a worsted rope coiled round his waist for the 
purpose of binding the Turks whom he might capture who were gene- 
rally kept for the sake of ransom ; " though, on occasions when it was 
impossible to make prisoners, they were killed like wolves, without he- 
sitation." 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 89 

through a ring of nearly the same diameter, at the distance 
of 200 paces ; and in the most pitchy darkness they could 
hit an enemy, directed only by the flash of his musket. The 
activity of their limbs equalled the correctness of their eye. 
Niko Tzaras could jump over seven horses standing abreast, 
and others could clear, at one leap, three wagons filled with 
thorns to the height of eight feet. Their powers of absti- 
nence were not less surprising. A band of klephts have 
been known to combat during three days and nights, without 
either eating, drinking, or sleeping.* Pain found their cou- 
rage as untameable as thirst and hunger, although every 
klepht taken alive was inevitably subjected, before death 
came to his relief, to the most dreadful and protracted tor- 
tures. The klephts combined to a degree very rare among 
a rude tribe, an enthusiastic piety, with a distrust of the 
«Iergy, and of that union of church and state, the efficacy of 
which for the support of despotism and the rivetting of men- 
tal chains, was no where better understood than in Turkey, 
where the Sultan was in fact the real head of the Christian, 
as well as of the Mahomedan hierarchy. Yet, in their wild- 
est solitudes, in their most pressing dangers, they performed 
the ceremonies of their religion ; and the captain who plun- 
dered a chapel or a votive offering, was as unrelentingly 
put to death as if he had insulted a female captive. Bla- 
chavas, with his protopalikar, left his beloved mountains, at 



* " The instance referred to, in substantiation of this statement, is 
that of the famous Thessalian klepht, Niko Tzaras, who, on his road to 
join Prince Ipsilanti in Wallachia, at the head of 300 klephts, was 
stopped at the bridge of Pravi, on the banks of the Karasau, by 3,000 
Turks ; he ' broke through them, crossed the bridge, and entered Pravi, 
where his gallant band refreshed themselves, after a fast of four, and a 
iight of three days.' This was in 1804 or 1805 : he perished about two 
years after in an affray, by the hand of an assassin, who had been one 
of his own palikers." — Sheridan's Songs of Greece, p. 63. " Another 
remarkable story is that of Spiros Skyllodemos, of an ancient armatoli 
family in Acarnania. In 1806 he fell into the hands of Ali Pacha, who 
threw him into a deep dungeon, where he lay for many months, chained 
and immersed in mud and water. By means of a long sash and a file, 
he one night escaped from prison, but the gates of the citadel were 
dosed. As his sole chance of escape, he buried himself to the throat in 
the forest of reeds which fringes the lake of Ioannina, enduring in this 
situation, during three days and nights, the extremes of cold and hun- 
ger ; then, seizing a boat, crossed the lake, and escaped by mountain 
paths into Acarnania. He was subsequently pardoned by Ali, and be- 
came protopalikar to Odysseus, when appointed by that Pacha com- 
mander in Livadia." — Ibid. p. 52. 

9 



90 HISTORY OF THE 

the age of seventy-six, to visit the holy city on foot, and ac- 
tually died at Jerusalem. Frequent as apostacy was for 
ages among the harassed inhabitants of the plains, never did 
a klepht hesitate to prefer captivity, death, and even tor- 
tures, to the denial of his Redeemer. Yet, they had the sa- 
gacity to perceive, that the clergy, who looked to the Turks 
for promotion, and whose corporate property the infidels al- 
ways respected, must be suspicious friends, and often dan- 
gerous enemies to the revolted Greeks. The clergy of 
Greece have been her curse, alike under the Byzantine and 
under the Tartar systems of tyranny, and would equally 
continue to be so if the Scythians seized the country. Con- 
temporaneous documents exist to show, that the Russian 
cabinet fully expects to receive their assistance from the hie- 
rarchy of Greece. Next to their touching piety, the most 
striking qualities among the klephts, were generosity to 
their poorer and more timid countrymen, and especially to 
the herdmen who shared the mountains with them ; devoted 
love to their country in general, and of their own rugged 
parts in particular ; and tenderness in those domestic affec- 
tions which formed a beautiful relief to the stern and rugged 
parts of their character."* 

" There is nothing," says Mr. Hobhouse,f " more san- 
guinary in the- character of the Albanians, than there is in 
that of the other inhabitants of the Levant ; though, as they 
live under no laws, and each individual is the redresser of his 
own wrongs, bloodshed cannot but frequently occur. A 
blowis revenged by the meanest among them by the instant 
death of the offender ; their military discipline admits of no 
other punishment, and their soldiers are hanged or behead- 
ed, but never beaten. The custom of wearing arms openly, 
which have been considered as one of the certain signs of 
barbarity, instead of increasing, diminishes the instances of 
murders, for it is not probable that a man will often hazard 
an offence, for which he may instantly lose his head. They 
are not of a malignant disposition; and when cruel, with the 
exception of some tribes, it is more from sudden passion 
than from a principle of revenge. Treachery is a vice hard- 
ly to be found among them ; such as have experienced your 
favours, or, as their saying is, have eaten your bread, and 
even those who are hired into your service, are entirely to be 

* Sheridan's Songs of Greece ; see Modern Traveller. 
t See Hobhouse's Journey through Albania, 1809 and 1810. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 91 

depended upon ; and are capable often of the most devoted 
attachment." 

" I feel no great inclination," continues Mr. Hobhouse, 
" to speak of the morals of the Albanians. Their women, 
who are almost all of them without education, and speak no 
other than their native tongue, are considered as their cattle, 
and are used as such, being, except the very superior sort, 
obliged to labour, and are often punished with blows. They 
have in truth rather a contempt, and even an aversion for 
their females ; and there is nothing in any of their occasion- 
al inclinations, which may be said to partake of what we 
call the tender passion. Yet all of them get married who 
can, as it is a sign of wealth, and as they wish to have a do- 
mestic slave."* 

In respect to the religion of this people, it is said that the 
Christians, who can be fairly called Albanians, are scarcely, 
if at all, to be distinguished from Mahometans. They carry 
arms, and are many of them enrolled in the service of the 
Turkish Pacha, and differ in no respect from his other sol- 
diers. There is a spirit of independence, and a love of their 
country, in the whole people, that, in a great measure, does 
away the vast distinctions observable in other parts of Tur- 
key between the two religions. For when the natives of 
other provinces, upon being asked who they are, will say, 
4 we are Turks,' or * we are Christians,' a man of this coun- 
try answers, ' I am an Albanian.'! 

All these men are warriors, and equally capable of using 
the sword and the long gun ; the latter weapon, when slung 
across their right shoulders, they carry without any apparent 
effort, running up their hills with great ease and agility. Nor 
are their arms for show only, for until very lately, and in 
some places even now, every district was either upon the 
defensive against the band of robbers, or in alliance with 
them, and in rebellion against the Pachas of the Porte. 

In their mode of attack, these warriors are extremely 
cautious. They lie patiently, and in dead silence, perhaps 
for hours, covered with leaves, behind stones, in the water- 
courses, or in thickets on each side of the road. They suf- 
fer their prey to get into the midst of them, when, if the par- 
ty be numerous, they fire upon them suddenly without rising, 
and continue to do so, unless beaten, until they have made 



* Hobhouse 's Albania, vol. 1. p. 129. 
i Hobhouse's Albania, vol. 1. 



92 HISTORY OF THE 

their adversaries throw down their arms, and ask for quar- 
ter. In that case the prisoners are then gagged, bound, and 
plundered ; and if there be a man among them of consequence, 
the robbers make him write to his friends for a ransom oi 
so many thousand piastres, and if the money arrives they re- 
lease him ; if it does not, they cut off his head, or keep him 
amongst them until they disperse.* 

The life they lead in the course of their profession as 
plunderers, enables them to support every hardship, and to 
take the field, when in regular service, without baggage or 
tents of any kind. If badly wounded, they leave their corps 
and retire to their homes, until they are cured, when they 
return again to the field. Indeed their love of arms is so 
ardent, that those who may fear too long an interval of peace 
in their own country, enter into the service of the Pachas in 
every part of the Turkish empire. The guard of the sacred 
banner from Mecca to Constantinople, used to be entrusted 
to one hundred and fifty of them, armed and dressed in their 
own fashion. f 

Mr. Eton, who published his account some fifteen years 
before the travels of Mr. Hobhouse, gives a still more revolt- 
ing picture of a particular tribe of these barbarians. 

" I will speak a little,"! says he, " on the subject of these 
Paramathian Albanese. Their towns are situated twelve 
leagues distant from Yanina ; (Ioannina ;) they possess a ter- 
ritory of twelve leagues in circumference, and can bring into 
the field 20,000 men. Their country is so mountainous and 
inaccessible, that they have never been conquered by the 
Turks. How they became Mahometans they do not know 
themselves exactly ; some of them say, that when the Turks 
first invaded these countries, they made peace on condition 
of becoming Mahometans, and preserving their indepen- 
dence. They speak Greek, and know no other language : 
they look on the Turks and other Albanians as effeminate, 
and hold them in the utmost contempt. They have no regu- 
lar government; each family or relationship (clan,) ad- 
ministers justice among themselves. The largest clans have 
the most influence in the country, in all public or generaJ 
matters. They are careful not to kill a person of another 
kindred, as the relations revenge his death, and when once 
bloodshed is begun, it goes on until one of the clans is ex- 

* Hobhouse 's Albania, vol. 1. 
f Hobhouse s Albania. 
t Eton's Survey, p. 368. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 93 

tinct. They always carry their guns with them whenever 
they go out of their houses, and never quit them ; even at 
home they do not go without pistols in their girdles ; at night 
they put them under their pillows, and lay their gun by their 
side. The same precautions are taken in all those parts, 
except in the town of Ioannina. There are among the rara- 
mathians, however, a considerable number of Greek Chris- 
tians, who live in the same manner. Those who are Maho- 
metans know little of their religion, or pay little regard to it ; 
their women are not veiled, they drink wine, and intermarry 
with Christians. It is true, indeed, that they will not eat 
pork ; but if the husband and wife are of different religions, 
they make no scruple of boiling in the same pot a piece of 
pork and a piece of mutton."* 

All strangers, Turks, Europeans, Greeks, or others, who 
happen to pass on their territory, or are caught by them, are 
carried to the public market and there sold. 

" Being one day at Ioannina, says he, at the Greek Arch- 
bishop's house, I saw a Piedmontese priest, who, travelling 
in those parts, had been seized by the Paramathians, and sold ; 
his story, as related to me by the prelate, is as follows : Soli- 
man Ciapar being at his house one day on a visit, told him 
that he had bought a Frank for four piastres, but he was good 
for nothing, and though he had beat him daily, he could not 
make him do as much work as his bread was worth ; he 
would therefore, he said, when he got home, kill him as a 
useless beast. The Archbishop offered to buy him for the 
four piastres he had cost, and to pay him the money imme- 
diately, if Ciapar would give him security, for here no one 

* These mountain Albanians are known at Constantinople under the 
name of Jlimots. Their religion is generally determined by that of the 
master under whom they serve. Their business being war, they care 
not under whose banner they enlist, provided they are well paid ; they 
therefore become Christians or Mahometans, as they happen to serve 
under the sign of the cross or crescent. According to the account of 
Lady Montague, they blend the two religions still more closely, and 
with a view to insure their future happiness, practice the rights of both. 

" These people," says she, " living between Christians and Mahome- 
tans, and not being skilled in controversy, declare that they are utterly 
unable to judge which religion is best, but to be certain of not entirely 
rejecting the truth, they very prudently follow both. They go to the 
mosque on Fridays, and to the church on Sundays, saying for excuse. 
that they are thus sure of the protection of the true Prophet; but which 
that is they are unable to determine in this world.' 

9* 



94 HISTORY OF THE 

trusts another. The bargain being settled, the Frank was 
sent : he proved to be a man of learning, and the Archbishop 
established a school at Ioannina for Greek children, under 
His direction." "A stranger," continues the author, " might, 
however, travel into these mountains and would be treated 
hospitably by the inhabitants, if he put himself under the 
protection of a Paramathian, who would give security for his 
being brought back safe."* 

These mountain robbers or klephts, became so great a 
nuisance to the country, that the Ottoman government con- 
cluded to appoint some proper person to reduce them, and 
to insure the safety of travellers who had occasion to pass 
these mountains. This office was bestowed on Ali Bey, af- 
terwards Pacha of Ioannina, a man who made himself as fa- 
mous for his courage and talents as he was infamous for his 
tyranny and diabolical cruelty. 

The life of Ali has been the subject of several pens. The 
following sketch of him, compiled with considerable labour. 
is extracted from a recent English periodical work.f 

Ali, whose surname was Hissas, was born at Tepeleni, a 
small town of the Toshke clan, situated on the left bank of 
theVioussa, about the year 1748.J His family had been 
established in that place for several centuries : and one of 
his ancestors, named Muzzo, having been very successful in 
the honourable profession of a klepht, procured to himself 
the lordship of Tepeleni, which he transmitted to his de- 
scendants. Ali's grand-father, Mouctar Bey, was deemed 
the greatest warrior of his age, and fell bravely fighting at 
the siege of Corfu, leaving three sons. Veli Bey, the father 
of Ali, was the youngest : though in early life a professed 
klepht and a fratricide, he is said to have been a man of hu- 
mane disposition, and extremely well disposed to the Greeks a) 

* Eton, p. 370. 

f Modern Traveller, part xxvii. p. 16. 

| M. Pouqueville, indeed, makes Ali to have been 78 years of age in 
1819, which would carry back his birth to 1741 ; but he does not give 
his authority. Mr. Hobhouse says he was born in 1750. 

§ This excellent person, as Mr. Hughes characterises him, having 
been expelled his parental home by his two brothers on the death of the 
father, followed for some years the profession of knight-errant of the 
mountains, till, having collected a sufficient sum to retire on, he sud- 
denly appeared with his banditti before Tepeleni, and burned his two 
brothers in their own citadel. He then took quiet possession of the 
family title and estates, prudently renouncing his old trade forever. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 95 

He held for some time the pashalik of Delvino, but was de- 
prived of it by the intrigues of a cabal, and retired in chagrin 
to his native lordship of Tepeleni, where, harassed by the 
neighbouring beys and agas, and unable to make head against 
his enemies, he is stated to have died of grief and vexation, 
at the age of forty-five, leaving five children.* The mother 
of Ali and his sister Shainitza, was a woman of uncommon 
talents and undaunted courage, fierce and implacable as a 
tigress. " I owe every thing to my mother," said Ali, allu- 
ding to the education he received from her, and the ambitious 
projects with which she inspired him. At the death of his 
father, Ali was under fourteen years of age ; an obstinate, 
petulant, intractable child ; but he was attached to his mo-' 
ther, and she was well able to assert her authority. So long 
as Veli Bey lived, Chamco had appeared only an ordinary 
woman ; but now, with courage equal to her ambition, she 
renounced the spindle for the sword, the veil for the helmet, 
and with a handful of faithful followers, defended the remain- 
der of her possessions against the hostile clans, and effect- 
ually checked their encroachments. At one time, she was 
taken prisoner, together with her daughter Shainitza, by the 
inhabitants of Gardiki, who are said to have treated their 
captives with almost incredible brutality : if authenticated, 
it would go far to extenuate the dreadful retribution with 
which, forty years after, the town was visited at the hands of 
Ali. After enduring this barbarous treatment for more than 
a month, they obtained their liberty, — it is said by ransom ; 
at all events, Chamco was reinstated at Tepeleni, where she 
still continued to maintain her authority, till Ali grew old 
enough and powerful enough to take the burden of govern- 
ment off her hands.f 



* M. Pouqueville says that he was carried off by a disorder, " attri- 
bute a des exces bachiques. v He says nothing of his having filled the 
office of Pacha of Delvino, and attributes his quarrels with his neigh- 
bours to his unsubdued kleptic propensities. 

f In attempting to combine the various accounts of Ali's early life in 
a consistent narrative, we are met at every step by irreconcilable con- 
tradictions or discrepancies. The Rev. T. S. Hughes, who appears to 
have taken considerable pains in collecting authentic materials, states 
that Veli Bey left two widows and three children, attributing to Cham 
co, Ali's mother, the poisoning both of her rival and of the elder son. 
M. Pouqueville (whom the compiler of the Life of Ali Pacha, Svo. 1823, 
has copied) states, that Veli left, five children, but that the mother of the 
elder two died before him. He imputes to Chamco the poisoning of the 



96 HISTORY OF THE 

-^- 7 Ali's first exploits, undertaken, as it should seem, 
without the sanction of his mother, were more daring 
than successful. Before he had attained his sixteenth year, 
he had acquired as much celebrity as the fabled offspring of 
Jupiter and Maia, and in the same honourable calling. He 
plundered all his neighbours, till he found himself possessed 
of means sufficient to raise a small number of partisans ; and 
now commencing operations on a bolder scale, he undertook 
an expedition against the town of Chormovo. He was beat- 
en, and re-entered Tepeleni a fugitive, where he had to en- 
counter the indignant taunts of his mother, who bade him, 
coward as he was, go join the women of the harem. Again, 
however, he took the field, and having commenced hostile 



elder brother, and says, that the idiocy of a second was believed to have 
been caused by her hand. According to M. de Vaudoncourt, on the 
contrary, whose narrative bears stronger internal marks of authentici- 
ty, the brother was made away with at the time that Ali seized the reins 
of authority from the hands of his mother, and the suspicion of fratri- 
cide attached to Ali. " The partisans of Ali Pacha,'' he says, " assert 
that Ali's mother caused him to be poisoned, in order to secure to her 
own son the remains of his father's inheritance, and free him from a 
dangerous rival. This report is, at least, most prevalent throughout 
the whole of his states. His enemies, on the contrary, affirm, that it 
was he himself who stabbed his brother, having persuaded the multitude 
that he was engaged in a treacherous correspondence with their ene- 
mies. It is thus also that the story is related in the Ionian Islands." 
M. Pouqueville, too, kills one of Ali's brothers at this period. Again, 
with regard to the alleged treatment of Ali's mother and sister at Gar- 
diki, Mr. Hughes tells us, that the people of that town secretly attacked 
Tepeleni by night, and succeeded in carrying them off; that their sub- 
sequent-escape was effected through the generous aid of an individual 
Gardikiote, named Dosti, " whose turn it was to receive them into his 
dwelling;" he escorted them in safety to Tepeleni, " where they found 
the indignant Ali just preparing" (after the lapse of a month !) " to at* 
tempt their liberation with a large body of troops he had collected ;" 
further, that on discovering the flight of their captives, the people of the 
town pursued them, but in vain, and on their return, set fire to Dosti's 
house. M. Pouqueville's version of the story is, that Ali was taken 
prisoner with his mother and sister ; that it was by means of an ambus- 
cade ; and that their liberation was effected by a Greek merchant of 
Argyro Castro, who ransomed them for 22,800 piastres, (about 3,700Z.) 
The atrocious treatment they are said to have met with, the most im- 
probable as well as revolting part of the tale, is, strange to say, the only 
point in which the two stories agree. M. de Vaudoncourt, without ad- 
verting to the circumstance alluded to, simply says : " It was about this 
time that she (Ali's mother) was taken prisoner by the inhabitants of 
Goritza, when her ransom absorbed the greater part of the treasures 
she had been able to save." 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 97 

operations in the sanjiak of Avlona, was taken prisoner. 
Kourd Pacha, into whose hands he had thus fallen, was an 
old man, of mild and humane character. Struck, it is said, 
with the youthful beauty, the graceful manners, and the na- 
tural eloquence of the young klepht, he satisfied himself with 
reprimanding him, and after a friendly detention, dismissed 
him with presents.* 

It must have been about this period that, at the head of 
thirty palikers, he entered into the service of the Pacha of 
Egripo. From this engagement, though it could not have 
been of long duration, he reaped sufficient wealth to enable 
him on his return to his native mountains, to re-commencc 
operations as a klepht on a grander scale. After some suc- 
cesses near Tepeleni, he turned his steps towards the passes 
of Pindus, and pillaged some hamlets of the canton of Zago- 
ra ; but being overtaken and defeated by the Pacha of Ioan- 
nina, he was made prisoner a second time. And now, we 
are told, that the neighbouring beys, and more especially Se- 
lim, Pacha of Delvino, urged the necessity of inflicting sum- 
mary justice on the incorrigible marauder. The vizier, how- 
ever, had his reasons for not obliging them in this matter. 
He knew that he had less to dread from Ali than from the 
beys of Argyro-castro and Premeti, while Selim's Venetian 
connexions rendered him equally an object of suspicion : he 
therefore was not sorry to afford them fresh occupation, and 
he turned Ali loose again, who, it is said, gave him no further 
cause for inquietude during the rest of his days. Neverthe- 
less, collecting the remains of his scattered troops, he again 
ventured to take the field, but he was beaten afresh near the 
sources of the Chelydnus ; and so complete was the route, 
that he was obliged to seek for refuge alone on Mount Mert- 
zika. Here he was reduced to pledge his scimitar, in order 
to procure barley for his horse, no longer able to carry him. 

On returning again to Tepeleni, a fugitive, he was assail- 
ed by his mother with harsher reproaches than ever. When 
with great difficulty he appeased her, and obtained further 
supplies, they were accompanied with the injunction not to 

* Mr. Hughes maks both the wife and the daughter of Kourd Pacha 
fall in love with the young hero ; and adds, that in a war which broke 
out between the Kourd and the Pacha of Scutari, Ali so distinguished 
himself, and gained on the affections of the soldiery, that Kourd's hasna- 
dar, (treasurer,) advised his master either to put him to death, or make 
him his son-in-law. Kourd preferred the middle course of honourably 
dismissing him with presents. 



98 HISTORY OF THE 

return again but either as a conqueror or a corpse. " With 
the money thus obtained, AM immediately collected 600 
men, and directed his march through the valley of the Che- 
lydnus, towards Mertzika and Premeti. His first battle was 
again unsuccessful, and he was obliged to retire with loss. 
Having encamped the remnant of his troops in the vicinity 
of a deserted chapel not far from Velera, he entered into the 
solitary pile to repose, as well as to meditate on his bereft 
situation. There, he said, (for it was from himself that the 
narrative was obtained,) reflecting on that fortune by which 
he was persecuted, calculating the enterprise he was still able 
to attempt, and comparing the weakness of his means with 
the forces he had to combat, he remained a long time in a 
standing posture, mechanically furrowing up the ground with 
his stick, which the violence of his sensations caused him 
frequently to strike with vehemence. The resistance of a 
solid body, and the sound which issued from it, recalled his 
attention. He bent down, and examined the hole he had 
unconsciously made, and having dug further, had the happi- 
ness to find a casket. The gold which it contained enabled 
him to levy 2,000 men, and having been successful in a 
second battle, he returned to Tepeleni a victor. From this 
period fortune never abandoned him."* 



* Vaudoncourt, p. 226. Mr. Hughes tells the same tale, with some 
slight variation. M. Pouqueville says, the whole story is a fiction, in- 
invented by a Greek named Psalida, and that Ali himself told him so. 
" Cela donne une physionomie miraculeuse a ma fortune" was his in- 
dignant remark. It may be true, nevertheless. In Mr. Hughes' nar- 
rative, however, Ali is represented as having daied the commencement, 
of his good fortune from a still more romantic circumstance. He had. 
it seems, got married, and having raised fresh levies, was determined to 
make one last desperate effort against his ancient foes. In this expe- 
dition he was accompanied by his mother and his bride. The confede- 
rate beys of Argyro-castro, Gardiki, Kiminitza, Goritza, Chormove, &c. 
opposed him with an overwhelming force, and the Tepelenites were 
totally routed. The chiefs of Argyro-castro and Gardiki had returned 
home, when Ali resolved on the bold and decisive manoeuvre of going- 
alone by night to the camp of the other confederates, and placing his 
life and fortunes in their hands. The hazard he ran was not so great as 
might at first appear, since a voluntary suppliant is sure of obtaining 
protection from an Albanian chieftain; but Ali aimed at something 
more than securing his own safety. He sought to win them over to 
his cause, by representing that his enemies were in fact theirs ; that the 
absent chiefs were already too formidable, and that they sought his de- 
struction, only to be enabled the more easily to place the yoke on their 
necks . And so well did he succeed in rousing the jealousy of the Beys, 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 99 

. ^q And now it was, as it should seem, that Ali resolv- 
ed to take the management of affairs into his own 
hands. Having gained over the principal chiefs of Tepeleni, 
he took possession of the fortress, and confined his mother 
henceforth to the harem. She died soon after. The state 
of his coffers being, however, unequal to his ambitious pro- 
jects, he resolved to have recourse to his old profession. 
Having secured the whole of the defiles leading across the 
chain of Pindus into Thessaly and Macedonia, he pillaged 
and ransomed travellers and caravans, levied contributions 
on the villages, and sacked several defenceless places, till 
the ravages committed awakened the attention of the divan, 
and the dervenji pacha was ordered to march against him. 
The office was at this time held by no other person than 
Ali's old friend, Kourd Pacha, who soon found it advisable 
to attempt to settle matters by negotiation, as there was lit- 
tle prospect of accomplishing it by force of arms. He invited 
Ali to a conference, at which the latter displayed his usual 
address, and the old vizier was induced to accept of his ser- 
vice in the warfare he was prosecuting against the rebel Pa- 
cha of Scutari. The effective aid which Ali rendered se- 
cured the success of the expedition, and his conduct was re- 
presented in the most favourable light at Constantinople. 

Supported by this powerful alliance, Ali now came to be 
held in high consideration, and the Pacha of Argyro-castro 
granted his daughter to him, by whom he had his two eldest 
sons, Mouctar and Veli.* His ambitious projects soon be- 
gan to develope themselves. The towns of Kaminitza and 
Goritza first fell under his power : they were taken and pil- 
laged. His next attempt was a daring one. The old Pacha 
of Argyro-castro, Ali's father-in-law, had died, and the elder 
son had been assassinated by his brother. Ali hastened to 
allay the civil war this murder had given rise to ; but the in- 
habitants, aware of his designs, united against him, and he 

1 hat they not only determined to spare his life, but to range themselves 
under his standard. Ali's mother, who, on discovering his flight, had. 
we are told, given way to transports of alarm or vexation, met him re- 
turning at the head of the troops who had fought against him. By the 
support thus obtained, he secured an honourable peace, as well as his 
future fortune. On reaching Tepeleni, he took possession of the place 
as its master. 

* His marriage must have taken place long before this, if, as M. 
de Vaudoncourt states, he was only twenty years of age when he mar- 
ried. 



100 HISTORY OF THE 

was compelled to withdraw.* About this period, he is sta^ 
ted to have entered into a war with the town of Liebovo, (or 
Libochobo,) which, after an ineffectual resistance, submitted 
to his arms. Lekli, Giates, and some other places, were 
subdued in the same manner. He now determined to attack 
the strong place of Chormovo, on the inhabitants of which 
he had vowed vengeance. Internal dissensions favoured 
his project. The inhabitants, alarmed at his approach, en- 
deavoured to propitiate him by submission ; but Ali, having 
decoyed the chief citizens to a conference, had them treach- 
erously seized, while his troops fell upon the defenceless in* 
habitants, massacred a great number, and razed the town to 
the ground. The women and children were sold into slavery. 
One individual, particularly obnoxious to Ali, named Papas 
Oglou, or Krauz Pifti, (son of a priest,) is stated to have 
been impaled and roasted alive by his orders : the execution- 
er was a black slave, his foster-brother. By this execrable 
act of vengeance, he spread a terror of his name throughout 
the neighbouring tribes.f 



* M. Pouqueville gives a totally different account. In the first place, 
he states that Ali was about twenty-four when he married Emina, the 
daughter ofCapelan the tiger, Pacha of Delvino, who resided at Argy- 
ro-castro; this said Capelan, urged on by his worthy son-in-law, is 
represented as having secretly favoured the Montenegrins, while Ali 
gave secret information of his disloyalty to the Porte. Capelan was 
consequently sent for to answer for his conduct, and his son-in-law 
strongly urged him to obey the summons; he lost his head of course, 
but the pachalik was given to Ali of Argyro-castro, and the traitor was 
disappointed. The insurrection of Stephano Piccolo took place in 
1767 : and, if this account be correct, Ali must have been born before 
1747, or he could not have become Capelan's son-in-law by that time, 
at twenty-four years of age, and have acted subsequently the part here 
ascribed to him. M. Pouqueville goes on to state, that a marriage was 
brought about between the new Pacha of Delvino and Shainitza, Ali's 
sister ; but the Pacha in vain endeavoured to conciliate the good will of 
his brother-in-law by benefits. Not having been able to persuade his 
sister to poison her husband, Ali found means to persuade the Pacha's 
brother, Soliman, to turn assassin, on condition of marrying the widow ! 
Again, however, Ali was disappointed of obtaining the vacant pachalik, 
which was given to Selim Bey, whose treacherous assassination by his 
dear friend Ali, is not very consistently made to follow close upon the 
breaking out of the war in 1768. According to this statement, Ali must 
have got rid of three successive Pachas of Delvino in about a twelve- 
month ! 

f This act of diabolical cruelty, which reminds us of the crusa- 
ders, seems to be the best attested part of the narrative. Vassily, 
Mr. Hobhouse's attendant, who appears to have been a native of 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 101 

1767 These expeditions had made him master of the 
whole valley of the Chelydnus in front of Argyro- 
oastro, which he held under observation, while the inhabitants 
on their side established a sort of redoubt, and a post of 500 
men on the bridge below the city. He is said to have even 
made attempts at this time on both Ioannina and Arta, but 
was repelled. Shortly after, by means of his emissaries at 
Constantinople, he procured a commission for attacking Se- 
lim, Pacha of Delvino, who had fallen under the displeasure 
of the Porte for having delivered up to the Venetians the 
fortress and territory of Bucintro. Resorting to his favour- 
ite measures of deceit, he appeared before Delvino with only 
a small band of troops, under pretence of flying from his ene- 
mies. Having gained the confidence of the unsuspecting 
Selim, as well as of his son Mustapha, he was enabled to sur- 
round them with his own satellites. He caused the father 
to be beheaded, and the son to be arrested, and succeeded in 
carrying off his prisoner in the precipitate retreat wkich he 
was obliged to make, in order to escape from the indignation 
of the inhabitants. He obtained a large sum as a ransom 
for his captive, but this was the only fruit of his perfidy. 

In the mean time, Kourd Pacha having fallen into dis- 
grace,* a new dervenji pacha had been appointed, who, either 
actuated by the policy of setting a thief to catch a thief, or 
influenced by more substantial inducements, named Ali as 
his lieutenant. Instead of clearing the roads of banditti, 
Ali commenced a trade in licences, which he sold regularly 
to the klephts, receiving over and above, a per centage on 
their booty. This traffic did not last, however, above six 
months, though Ali is said to have cleared 150,000 piastres 
by the job. The country, as the natural consequence, hav- 

Chormovo, although the name of the place is not given,) told him, that 
lie had many a time gone down with the men of the village, and broke 
Ali's windows with shot, when he durst not stir out of Tepeleni. — 
' Well,' he was asked, "and what did Ali do to the men of your village 1 "' 
" Nothing at all; he made friends with our chief man, persuaded him to 
come to Tepeleni , and there roasted him on a spit ) after which we sub- 
mitted." — Hobhouse's Albania, letter xi. 

* Kourd Pacha is styled by Mr. Hughes and M. Pouqueville, vizier 
and Pacha of Berat. M. de Vaudoncourt says, he was vizier of Avlona ; 
that on his disgrace, the sanjiak of Avlona was dismembered, several 
districts passed under the control of the vizier of Scutari, while others 
were united to the sanjiak of Elbassan, whose Pacha was created a vizier, 
and fixed his residence at Berat. 

10 



102 HISTORY OF THE 

ing become quite impassable, the dervenji pacha was recalled, 
and paid the penalty of his head, while his crafty lieutenant 
bought himself off. 

So high did Ali's character, however, now stand for brave* 
ry, or so well was his money laid out at Constantinople, 
that, on the breaking out of the war with Russia, he obtained 
a command, at the head of his Albanian corps, in the army of 
the grand vizier Jousouf. " His conduct during the war," 
we are told by M. de Vaudoncourt, " was brilliant: his mili- 
tary talents, and the valour of his soldiers, inured by twenty 
years of war and victory, obtained for him general esteem, 
and at the same time tended greatly to enrich him. But his 
attention was not withdrawn from his ambitious projects. 
Hitherto, he had no government, no title, and he wished to 
be a sovereign, whatever was the sacrifice. Under the pre- 
text of obtaining the release of Mahmoud, one of his ne- 
phews, who had been taken prisoner by the Russians, he en- 
tered into correspondence with Prince Potemkin. The cor- 
respondence soon became active, and took a direction fa- 
vourable to the interests of Russia, who would have been 
able at that time to rely on Ali Bey in case of a fresh expe- 
dition to the Mediterranean. The correspondence between 
Ali and the Russian government lasted till he had become 
master of Ioannina, as well as of nearly all Albania, and had 
no longer any direct interest in aiding the designs of that 
power."* 

The war being ended, Ali had gained sufficient credit at 
Constantinople to have himself nominated to the government 
of Triccala, [Thessaly,] with the rank of a Pacha of two tails. 
The situation of this place was particularly adapted to his 
views. It commands the passage of merchandise from Io- 
annina to Constantinople ; and whoever possesses the coun- 
try has it in his power to intercept all supplies of corn from 
the fertile plain of Thessaly, upon which the provinces of 
Western Greece frequently depend for their subsistence. 
Here he established himself as absolute master over all 

* Vaudoncourt, p. 234. The Author himself saw at Ioannina a watch 
set in diamonds, which Potemkin presented to Ali after the treaty of 
peace had been signed, " in testimony of esteem for his bravery and ta- 
lents." Mr, Hughes says, that Ali had conceived strong hopes of being 
acknowledged sovereign of Epirus, when his friend should be seated on 
the throne of Constantinople ; that the correspondence which Potemkin 
held with Ali and many other Greek and Turkish chieftains, became 
known to Catharine, and probably precipitated the fall of the favourite. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 103 

Thessaly, except Larissa, which is an independent jurisdic- 
tion. The people of Ioannina, particularly the Greek mer- 
chants, who feared his exactions, beheld with the more alarm 
their formidable neighbour, inasmuch as complete anarchy 
then prevailed in that city. The turbulent and powerful beys 
were not only in rebellion against the Pacha, but were en- 
gaged in the fiercest contests with one another, so that it was 
frequently unsafe for a person to stir out into the streets. 
The most atrocious murders were committed in open day, 
till the bazar became deserted. At length, the death of 
the Pacha afforded Ali the golden opportunity he had been 
watching for. We give the sequel in the words of Mr. 
Hughes, with whose narrative the statement of M. de Vau- 
doncourt substantially agrees. 

" When Ali thought affairs were ripe enough for his pre- 
sence, he collected a considerable number of troops, passed 
the chain of Mount Pindus, and made his appearance on the 
plains to the north of Ioannina. The manoeuvre caused great 
consternation in the city : the beys, in imminent danger, 
stifled their enmity towards each other, joined their forces 
together, and advanced to meet the invader. In a great 
battle, which was fought at the head of the lake, they were 
beaten and driven back into the city by Ali, who encamped 
before it with his victorious troops. Not being strong enough 
to attempt it by storm, he employed a surer method for suc- 
cess. He had already gained a considerable number of ad- 
herents amongst the Greeks in the city, and especially in the 
district of Zagori : these, by bribery and large promises, he 
engaged to enter into his views, and send a deputation to 
Constantinople, to solicit for him the pashalik. They acted 
as he requested ; but the opposite interest proved too strong 
for them at the Porte, and they were made the bearers of an 
order to their principal to retire immediately to his own go- 
vernment, and disband his troops. One of the deputies, 
most attached to his interest, rode forward night and day, to 
give him early information of the failure of their mission, 
and on this occasion Ali executed one of those strokes of po- 
licy which has given him such advantage over the imbecility 
of the Ottoman Porte. After a short consultation with his 
friend, he dismissed him to return and meet the deputies, 
who waited a few days on the road, and then proceeded 
straight to Ioannina. The beys, to whom its contents had 
been already intimated, advanced as far as the suburbs to 



104 HISTORY OF THE 

meet the firman. It was produced, and drawn out of its 
crimson case ; when each reverently applied it to his fore- 
head, in token of submission to its dictates. It was then 
opened, and to the utter consternation of the assembly, it an- 
nounced Ali, Pacha of Ioannina, and ordered instant submis- 
sion to his authority. 

" The forgery was suspected by many, but some credited 
it ; whilst others, by timely submission, sought to gain fa- 
vour with the man who they foresaw would be their ruler ; 
in short, his partizans exerted themselves on all sides, the 
beys were dispirited, and whilst they were irresolute and 
undetermined, Ali entered the city amidst the acclamations 
of the populace. His chief enemies, in the mean time, sought 
their safety by flight, passing over the lake, apd taking refuge 
in the districts of Arta, Etolia, and Acarnania. 

" Ali's first care was to calm the fears of all ranks ; to the 
people, he promised protection ; to the beys who remained, 
rich offices and plunder ; his friends were amply recompen- 
sed, and his enemies reconciled by his frankness and engaging 
affability. In the mean time, he put a strong garrison into 
the castron, or fortress, and thus acquired firm possession ot - 
the pashalik before the imposture of the firman was discover- 
ed. It was now too late to dispossess him of his acquisition : 
his adherents increased daily ; a numerous and respectable 
deputation, led by Signore Allessio's father, carried a peti- 
tion to Constantinople, and seconding it with bribes to a 
large amount, ultimately prevailed in establishing his usurp- 
ed dominion. Thus, according to custom, despotism suc- 
ceeded to the turbulence of faction, and the people not un- 
willingly submitted to the change." 

17SS Soon afterwards, Ali, doubtless by the same potent 
' agency, gold, obtained from the Porte the important 
office of dervenji-pacha of Rumelia: whether he had a lieu- 
tenant is not stated, but if he had, he took good care that he 
should not trade in licences to the klephts. This office not 
only augmented his revenue, but gave him an opportunity to 
create an influence in many provinces of the Turkish empire. 
His next step was to pick a quarrel with his neighbour, the 
Pacha of Arta, and to annex his territories, as well as the 
whole of Acarnania, to his own dominions. Then, in order 
to establish a free communication between Ioannina and his 
native territory, he attacked and took possession of the strong 
post of Kilssura, followed it up by the reduction of Premeti, 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 105 

Ostanizza and Konitza, which secure the whole course of the 
Vioussa, from its source in Mount Pindus, to Tepeleni.* 

Soon after this, Ibrahim Pacha of Berat, who had former- 
ly rejected his alliance, gladly accepted the proposal to af- 
fiance his three daughters to the two sons and nephew of 
Ali, who himself espoused the rich widow of a Pacha with a 
considerable dowry in land. 

The accession of Ali Pacha to the government of loannina 
is stated by M. Pouqueville to have taken place towards the 
end of the year 1788. In the following year, the Sultan Ab- 
dulhamid died, and was succeeded by Selim III., who, on his 
exchanging the imprisonment of the Seraglio for the throne, 
confirmed Ali Pacha in all his honours and appointments. 
The situation of the Turkish empire was at this period most 
critical. The plan for the seizure of the Ottoman territories 
is said to have been arranged in the personal interviews be- 
tween the Emperor Joseph and the Russian Czarina, during 
their journey to the Crimea, in 1787, and they were carry- 
ing on their preparations for opening the campaign with an 
attack along the whole line of the Turkish frontier in Europe, 

* Klissura is situated at the entrance of the narrow defile anciently 
called the Fauces Antigonea Stena Aoi, where, in the first Macedonian 
war, Philip stopped the advance of the Roman legions till the key of his 
position was betrayed to Flaminius, by a shepherd. — Liv. 1. xxxii. c 5. 
The mountains forming the defile are now called, those on the north 
side, Trebechina and Mejourani ; those on the south, Melchiovo. The 
defile is about ten miles in length from Klissura, (which, from the re- 
mains of Cyclopean masonry observable there, Mr. Hughes supposes to 
be the site of Antigonea,) to the junction of the Aous with the river of 
Argyro-castro above Tepeleni. The precipices on each side are tre- 
mendous, being not much less than a thousand feet in perpendicular 
height. Premeti, which some persons have taken for Antigonea, is 
about twelve miles higher up the Aous or Vioussa.— Hughes, ii. p. 119. 
M. Pouqueville states, thai the Bey of Klissura at this time, was Mou- 
rad, Ali's own nephew ; and he gives a very minute account of his as- 
sassination by his uncle, who pretended to have been attacked by him. 
Mr. Hughes says, " I have read, in an account which pretends to be 
genuine, that Ali shot his favourite nephew in one of the apartments 
of his palace at Litoritza. But mark the difference ! I once spent an 
hour in that very apartment with Ali's chief physician, waiting for an 
audience. This gentleman, in whose arms the young Bey expired, gave 
me the particulars of his death, which was the consequence of a fever : 
he informed me that the Vizier was so dotingly fond of the youth, that 
he could scarcely be induced to quit his bed-side, and so inconsolable at 
his loss, that he had never once entered into the room from that time to 
the present And this relation was amply confirmed to me by others." — 
Hughes, vol. ii. p. 108. 

10* 



106 HISTORY OF THE 

when the Porte anticipated them in the declaration of war. 
It is stated by M. de Vaudoncourt, that Greek officers in the 
service of the Emperor, accompanied by engineers, had gone 
over the coasts of Albania, the Morea, and the gulfs of Le- 
panto and Avlona ; that they had made plans of the fortified 
towers of Navarino, Modon, and Patras, and reconnoitered 
the Isthmus ; that by means of a Greek archbishop, whom 
he had allured to Pesth, and of Greek merchants settled at 
Trieste and Fiume, he had opened communications with all 
parts of Greece ; that he kept up a large number of emissa- 
ries in Albania, who had extended themselves as far as 
loannina, and even Larissa ; that at Ragusa, the Emperor had 
forty-four vessels, placed under the name of a merchant, 
which in a few days could be equipped as frigates ; that in 
a word, the Austrian government at that time had neglected 
nothing to obtain the support of the Greeks, who, in fact, 
began to consider Joseph II. as their future liberator, and to 
feel towards him the same attachment they had always en- 
tertained for Russia.* But if ever there was any cordial 
union between the two imperial confederates who planned, 
at this time, the overthrow of the Ottoman empire, the death 
of that Emperor terminated the dangerous alliance* The 
mutual jealousy by which each power was actuated, prevent- 
ed their union in any common effort ; and the war was pro- 
secuted by Austria, as much for the sake of checking or 
thwarting its too powerful rival, as with any view to the con- 






* Under the pretence of furnishing Hungary with cultivators, he 
sought to induce Greeks to fix their residence there. He not only fa- 
voured the emigration of whole families, seeking to flee from the op- 
pression of their masters, but he also spread decoyers in the most distant 
provinces of his dominions. Another not less efficacious means was his 
edict of toleration, issued in 1782. He therein formally promised the 
Greeks who might come to establish themselves within his states, to 
admit them to all civil and military dignities, according to their merits. 
A great number of Greeks flocked there from all parts. Many formed 
establishments in Trieste and Fiume ; others were admitted into the 
military service. The Archbishop of Patras, Parthenius, who had been 
one of the most ardent in stirring up the Morea in favour of Russia, in 
the year 1770, and who had been obliged to take refuge at St. Peters- 
burgh, was allured to Pesth, where Joseph made a handsome provision 
for him, and whence he carried on an active correspondence with 
Greece. In 1782, two Albanian captains penetrated to Maina, and en 
tered into negotiations with that republic, offered succour in warlike 
stores and money, and promised to transport field-pieces there by a sea 
conveyance."— Vaudoncourt, p. 24 — 31. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 107 

quest of Greece. Thus it was that their united attack on a 
tottering and debilitated empire produced nothing but the 
capture of Oczakow and Belgrade, followed by separate 
treaties of peace.* By the treaty of Yassy, Russia added to 
her vast dominions only the steppe between the Bogh and 
the Dniester. 

i~gq Ali Pacha received orders to join, at the head of 
his contingent of troops, the Turkish army on the 
banks of the Danube. According to M. Pouqueville, he had 
seen only the smoke of the German Bivouacks, when he re- 
entered his winter quarters atloannina, bringing home with 
him, instead of captives, some hundred of Servians and Bul- 
garians, peaceable subjects of the grand Seignior, whom he 
formed into two little colonies at Bonila and Mouchari, in 
the interior of Epirus. This appears to have been in 1789. 
Whatever were Ali's views at this time, the death of his 
friend Potemkin, and the unexpected turn of affairs in Eu- 
rope, appear to have decided him, on identifying his inter- 
ests with those of the Porte. But his correspondence with 
Potemkin had got wind, and his enemies at Constantinople 
were endeavouring to make use of the circumstance, to un- 
dermine his influence in the divan. Fertile in expedients, 
he found means to counteract these plots, and to allay the 
coming storm ; principally it is asserted, by the good offices of 
the French Minister at the Porte, whose protection he ob- 
tained through the means of the Consul at Prevesa.f 

17Q0 ^ not a PP ear tnat tne long-protracted contest 

' between Ali, and the little republic of Suli, had any 
political causes for its origin. M. Pouqueville represents 
the Suliots to have been instigated to hostilities by Ibrahim, 
the vizier of Berat, and the agas of Thresprotia ; but he 
seems to think that their minds were inflamed by the flatter- 
ing statements brought back by the Greek deputies from St. 
Petersburgh. It is not, however, at all likely that they would 

* The reduction of Orsova, in April, 1790, was the only military 
event of importance that took place on the part of the Austrians after 
the death of Joseph 11. The insurrection in the Low Countries, the 
transaction on the Prussian frontier, and the influence of Great Britain, 
compelled the Emperor to enter into an armistice, and finally conclude 
a separate peace with the Porte. 

f Hughes, vol. ii. p 118. Vaudoncourt, p. 238. The latter tells an 
improbable story of Ali's writing to Louis XVI, and received from the 
French minister an insulting reply, declining his proposals, on which he 
turned his rage on the French consul at Arta. 






108 HISTORY OF THE 

have attempted a rising at so inauspicious a crisis, contrary 
to the express injunctions of the Russian government. It 
may be true, that at Suli, the rebellion was planned under 
Lambro Canziani, that was to have liberated the Greeks 
from the Ottoman yoke ;* and Sottiri may have endeavour- 
ed to engage the mountaineers of Epirus in the visionary 
plans of a revolution to be undertaken under the faithless 
auspices of Russia. But the Suliots were genuine klephts ; 
and nothing was more inevitable than that their proceedings 
should clash with the official duty and private interests of the 
dervenji-pacha, in which capacity the vizier of Epirus had 
most legimate grounds for waging warfare against them. 
It seems that the first force which was sent out against these 
mountaineers, was defeated with great slaughter, and pursu- 
ed to the very plain of loannina. This is said to have taken 
place before AH joined the army of the Danube, and must 
apparently have happened in the time of his predecessor. In 
the spring of 1791, the Suliots who had been for some time 
quiet, issued from their retreats, and ravaged Amphilochia. 
" Pillaging alike friends and foes," says M. Pouqueville, 
" they carried their imprudence so far as to embroil them- 
selves with the chiefs of the armatolis, and even with the 
Turks of Thesprotia. All commercial intercourse was in- 
terrupted in Lower Albania. The denies were no longer 
passable without numerous escorts, which were often defeat- 
ed by these audacious mountaineers. They even ventured to 
spread themselves over Pindus, and only withdrew to their 
own country at the approach of winter, at which season the 
snows render the rocky heights of Epirus uninhabitable." 
It seems pretty clear, that in his attempt to restrain and pu- 
nish these marauders, Ali was supported by the Greek arma- 
tolis, whom he is stated to have taken into his pay, but who 
had themselves suffered from the incursions of the klephts. 
In his first serious expedition against the Suliots, it is ex- 
pressly mentioned, that to the forces of the agas of Cha- 
mouri, and a corps of auxiliaries furnished by Ibrahim, Pacha 
of Berat, were joined by the armatolis of Agrafa, headed by 
Demetrius Paleopoulos, his brother-in-law Anagnostis, Cana- 
vos and Hyscos of Karpenitza. Altogether, the army is stated 
to have amounted to 15,000 men. f At the head of this formi- 

* Hughes, vol. ii. p. 122. Eton, p. 364. 

f Pouqueville, voL i. p. 51, 90. This Demetrius Paleopoulos, a 
native of Karpenitza in JEtolia, is celebrated as a man of distin 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 109 

dable force, Ali set out from Ioannina on the 1st of July. 
1792. To conceal his designs, he began to march in the 
direction of Argyro-castro, but he had scarcely proceeded 
twenty miles when he halted and encamped. A copy is given 
by Mr. Hughes of a letter which, he is said to have sent 
to Botzari and Tzavella, two of the most distinguished Suli- 
ot leaders, requesting them to join his army at the head of 
their palikars, and promising them double pay.* Suspicious, 
as it should seem, of his real intention, Tzavella only obey- 
ed the summons at the head of 70 palikars. All of these 
were now seized and bound, except one, who escaped by 
swimming the river Kalamas, and gave the alarm at Suli. 
When Ali made his appearance in that district, therefore, he 
found the Suliots fully prepared to give him a warm reception. 
Having ordered Tzavella to be brought before him, the 
wily Pacha now offered him the amplest reward if he 
would procure the submission of the republic, holding out 
the horrible alternative of being flayed alive. Tzavella re- 



guished bravery and talent. In the heroic age, says M. Pouque- 
ville, he would have been a Theseus. As it was, he was only a 
klepht, till promoted by the Porte to be a waywode of his native dis- 
trict. He had attached himself to Ali as far back as 1786, when they 
met at Triccala, and their fathers are said to have been intimate. On 
the occasion of the Suliot war, this Greek patriot took the lead against 
the klephtic republic. Nicholas Cojani, Boucovallas, Stathoss, his son- 
in-law, Euthymos Blakavas, Zitros of Olosson, Macry Athanasius, and 
Macry Poulios of Greveno, Christakis of Prevesa and Andriscros, the 
companions in arms of Lambro Canzianis, are mentioned by Pouqueville 
as maintaining on this occasion an armed neutrality. A pretty clear 
proof that the cause of Suli was not then considered as identical with 
that of Grecian liberty. The number of troops which were sent against 
Suli, is stated by M. Prevaux, " the historian of Suli," at 28,000 men. 
Mr. Hughes says, " about 10,000, all tried Albanian troops." 

* This letter, written in modern Greek, is preserved and translated 
by Eton. He, however, spells the names of the Suliot chiefs Bogia and 
Giavella. The letter runs thus • 

My friends, Captain Bogia and Captain Giavella, I, Ali Pacha, salute 
you and kiss your eyes, because I well know your courage and heroic 
minds. It appears to me that I have great need of you ; therefore, I 
intreat you immediately, when you receive this letter, to assemble all 
your heroes, and come to meet me, that I may go and fight my enemies. 
This is the hour and the time that I have need of you. I expect to see 
your friendship, and the love which you have for me. Your pay shall 
be double that which I give to the Albanians, because 1 know your cou- 
rage is greater than theirs ; therefore, I will not go to fight before you 
come, and I expect that you will come soon. This only, and I salute 
you. 



110 HISTORY OF THE 

presented, that his countrymen would never treat while he re* 
mained a prisoner, but he offered his son Foto as a hostage, 
if Ali would let him return to Suli, to endeavour to bring 
about a negotiation. His proposal was accepted, and as 
soon as he had regained the mountains, and consulted the 
other captains, he sent back a letter of defiance, in which, 
anticipating the sacrifice of his son, he swears to revenge 
him.* Foto, however, was not put to death, but subsequent- 
ly obtained his liberty. The Pacha now prepared to attack 
Suli by force of arms ; but at this crisis, the campaign had 
well nigh been terminated by the death of their enemy. A 
detachment of these brave mountaineers, to the number of 
200, having learned that Ali was encamped with his body- 
guard at some little distance from the main army, marched 
out with the determination to take him alive or dead ; and 
but for the timely information conveyed to Ali by a traitor, 
they would probably have succeeded. Ali, now infuriated 
to the utmost, put his troops immediately in motion. 

The four villages which formed the principal seats of this 
martial clan, occupied a sort of natural citadel in the heart of 
the Cassopaean mountains, consisting of a small plain about 
2000 feet above the bed of the Acheron : a grand natural 
breast-work descends precipitously to the river, while behind 
towers a lofty range of mountains. " The Acheron, (Kala- 
mas,) after passing through the valley of Dervitziana, first 
enters this chasm at the gorge of Skouitias, so called from a 
small village of that name. A narrow path, which winds 
through the dark woods on the right bank, conducts the 
traveller in about two hours to a narrow cut across his path, 
called Klissura, admirably adapted to stop the progress 

* See Eton, p. 371, where there is the following translation of the 
Captain's letter : 
Ali Pacha — 

I am glad I have deceived a traitor ; I am here to defend my country 
against a thief. My son will be put to death, but I will desperately 
revenge him before I fall myself. Some men, like you Turks, will say 
I am a cruel father, to sacrifice my son for my own safety. I answer, if 
you took the mountain, my son would have been killed, with all the 
rest of my family and my countrymen ; then I could not have revenged 
his death. If we are victorious, I may have other children, my wife is 
young. If my son, young as he is, is not willing to be sacrificed for bis 
-country, he is not worthy to live, or to be owned by me as a son. Ad- 
vance, traitor; I am impatient to be revenged. I am your sworn 
enemy. 

CAPTAIN GIAVELLA. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. Hi 

of an enemy. This defile was commanded by a fort called 
Tichos, and near it was the first Suliote village, called Ava- 
rice From this point a gradual ascent leads to the deserted 
site of Samoniva, thence to Kiaffa, (a word signifying a 
height,) and lastly to Kako-Suli, the capital of the republic. 
Near the spot where the mountain-path leaves the side of the 
Acheron, to wind up the precipices between Kiaffa and Ka- 
ko-Suli, a conical hill overhangs the road, called Kunghi, on 
which stood the largest of the Suliot fortresses, named 
Aghia Paraskevi (Saint Friday.) At this point, another 
small river, flowing from the Paramathian mountains, joins 
the Acheron, which, descending the romantic defile of Glyki, 
enters the great Paramathian plain, and empties itself, after 
flowing through the Acherusian lake, into the Ionian Sea, 
near the ancient city of Cichyrus, or Ephyre.* 

The Suliots, being obliged to retreat before superior num- 
bers, were closely pursued by Ali's forces down the valley of 
the Acheron, but, at the pass of Klissura, they made a stand. 
And here the Albanian troops were assailed by such volleys 
of musketry from the fortress of Tichos, and from behind the 
rocks which form the defile, that the passage became nearly 
choked up with the slain. The ammunition of the Suliots at 
length beginning to fail, they were compelled to retire to- 
wards Kiaffa. This also was soon found to be untenable, 
and, followed by the Pacha's army, they retreated towards 
Kako-Suli. The great fort of Aghia Paraskevi, which com- 
mands the Tripa, a deep chasm between Kiaffa and the capi- 
tal, was at this time so thinly garrisoned, that Suli would 
have been lost but for an act of female valour, which well 
deserves comparison with that of Telesilla and her Argives. 
" The heroine Mosco, (the wife of Tzavellas,) arming all 
her female warriors, rushed out of the town sword in hand, 
stopped the retreat of husbands and brethren, headed them 
in a valiant attack upon the assailants, now breathless from 
iheir pursuit of the fugitives up these steep acclivities, and in 
a moment turned the tide of war. The Albanians, in their 
turn, retreated and fled; the garrison of Paraskevi, reinforced 
by a number of fugitives, made a sally to increase their con- 



* Hughes, vol. n\ p. 121. The name of Suli is probably & corruption 
of the ancient Selli ; (Homer, Iliad, lib. xvi. 233 ;) but no vestiges of 
any ancient cities have been discovered within the district of the Su- 
iiotes. The distance of Suli from Ioannina is 14 hours ; from Prevesa. 
13; from Arta, 14; from Parga, 8; from Margarita, 6; from Parama- 
thia, 8. 



112 HISTORY OF THE 

fusion ; heaps of stone were rolled down upon the flying 
foe, who were again intercepted at the fort of Tichos, and 
almost annihilated. Hundreds of dead bodies were rolled 
into the bed of the Acheron, whose torrent was encumbered 
with the slain. 

" Arrived at this tower, Mosco discovered the body of hei 
favourite nephew, who had been killed in the first attack on 
this position. Animated with a desire of vengeance at the 
sight, she kissed the pale lips of the corpse, and calling on 
the Suliots to follow, she led them, like a tigress bereft of 
her whelps, against those troops who remained about the 
Pacha in the upper regions of the valley. Terrified by the 
fate of their companions, these took immediately to flight, 
and were pursued by the victorious Suliots as far as the vil- 
lage of Vareatis, within seven hours of Ioannina : they lost 
all their baggage, ammunition and arms, which were thrown 
away in the flight, besides an immense number of prisoners, 
whose ransom served to enrich the conquerors. Ali himself 
killed two horses in his precipitate escape, and when he ar- 
rived at his capital, he shut himself up in his harem for 
several days. About 6,000 men are said to have been slain 
and taken prisoners : the remainder having been dispersed 
over the woods and mountains, did not collect together at 
Ioannina for several weeks. This battle occurred July 20, 
1792."* 

Ali now saw that the conquest of Suli must be given up 
for the present, and he is said to have made peace on most 
degrading terms, ceding to them possession of their acquired 
territory as far as Devitzianna, and paying a large sum as 
ransom for his captive troops, besides restoring the palikars 
whom he had trepanned, and Foto Tzavella among the rest. 

During the ensuing four or five years, Ali appears to have 
kept quiet, directing his attention to the improvement of his 
capital, the construction of roads for the facilitating of inter- 
nal commerce, and the extirpation of the robbers who infest- 
ed all parts of the country. His subjects had to complain of 
his oppressive avanias ; but it seems to be admitted, that, at 
this period, he did not display that severity of character 



* Hughes, vol. ii. p. 132. M. Pouqueville says, that Ali escaped in 
disguise, having exchanged clothes with Paleopoulos; and that the great- 
er part of those who rallied round him were armatolis, who had formed 
his body-guard ; those who perished in the defile, were chiefly Moslems. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 1 13 

which subsequently broke out into so many acts of wanton 
cruelty ; and his despotism was, on the whole, a beneficent 
one to the country. In the meantime, French revolutionists 
were busy about Ali, flattering him with the hope of being 
enabled to throw off the yoke of obedience to the Porte, and 
to assume the independent sovereignty of Epirus ; and when, 
in 1797, he saw the Venetians driven from the Ionian Islands, 
and their continental dependencies, in pursuance of the trea- 
ty of Campo Formio, and the French flag waving on the 
shores of Epirus, he eagerly entered into secret negotiations 
With General Bonaparte, then at the head of his victorious 
army in Italy. The benefits which he drew from this alli- 
ance were substantial and immediate. He gained permission 
to sail with his flotilla through the channel of Corfu, in spite 
of former treaties ; and he surprised and captured the two in- 
dependent towns of Aghia Vasili and Nivitza, on the coast 
opposite to that island, massacreing the inhabitants in church 
one Easter Sunday, while engaged in divine service. Soon 
after this, he took possession of the important fishery at San- 
ta Quaranta, as well as of the excellent harbour of Porto Pa- 
lermo, where he built a large fort ; thus drawing a cordon 
round the pachalik of Delvino. His agents at Constantino- 
ple made a permit of these acts, by representing them as 
done solely for the advantage of the Porte and the subjuga- 
tion of infidels, which Ali did not fail to confirm by paying 
tribute for every place he conquered. Still further to raise 
his credit at Constantinople, he headed his contingent of Al- 
banian troops, and joined the Grand Vizier in his campaign 
against the rebel Pacha of Widin, Paswan Oglou.* He was 
engaged in this expedition when he received intelligence of 
the invasion of Egypt by the French, and the approaching 
rupture between France and Turkey. Foreseeing that the 
Ionian Islands would probably again change hands, he has- 
tened back to Ioannina, leaving his son Mouctar in command 
of his troops, that he might be in readiness to avail himself of 
any events that might be converted to his own advantage. In 

* An anecdote, highly characteristic, is related of him at this period- 
The Grand Vizier, under pretence of bestowing public approbation upon 
'lis conduct, requested his attendance in full divan. Ali, conscious how 
much more he merited the bow-string than half the victims who had 
been honoured with that Turkish martyrdom, went, but had the pre- 
caution to surround the vizier's tent with 6,000 of his Albanians. As 
might be expected, his reception was courteous, but the, conference 
was short- 

11 



114 HISTORY OF THE 



fact, he did not wait long before he commenced operations 
by seizing on Prtyyesa, the strongest and most important of 
all the ex-Venetian possessions on the continent. The al- 
leged detention of one of his brigs sailing into the Gulf of 
Arta, was made the pretext for attacking his former allies. 
The unfortunate Prevesans had scarcely time to send their 
families and moveable property to the neighbouring islands ; 
and many, discrediting the report of the Pacha's approach, 
neglected that precaution. The place was ill prepared to 
make any defence. The French garrison capitulated after 
a short resistance, and the Prevesans being most easily rout- 
ed, their city was given up to pillage.* Vonitza, Gomenit- 
za, and Bucintro, subsequently fell into his hands, and Parga 
and Santa Maura narrowly escaped ; the former, through 
the determined conduct and bravery of the inhabitants, the 
latter through the timely interposition of a Greek captain in 
the Russian service, who arrived off the island just in time to 
intercept Ali's flotilla. No failure in his schemes, it is said, 
ever annoyed him so much as this disappointment. 

In March, 1800, a treaty was concluded between Russia 
and Turkey, by which the independence of the Seven Islands 
was guaranteed under protection of the former power, upon 
payment of an annual tribute of 75,000 piastres to the 
Porte : the continental dependencies were all annexed to the 
dominions of the Sultan, except Parga, which resolutely 
maintained its independence. When the Russian forces had 
retired, Ali, unwilling to abandon his project, still indulged 
in the hope of being able to seize on Corfu and Santa Maura, 
the possession of which would have consolidated his power 
on the adjacent part of the continent. Under pretext of sus- 
taining the pretensions of the nobility, he excited the first 
commotions that broke out in those islands, of which he 
availed himself to represent to the Divan, that the only 
means of restoring tranquillity, would be to allow him to gar- 
rison Corfu, Parga, and Santa Maura. His representations 
and his gold would probably have prevailed at Constantino- 
ple, had not the Ionian senate defeated his intrigues by 
throwing themselves into the arms of Russia. This measure, 

* The bishop of Prevesa is said to have been an active agent in 
forming a party at Prevesa in favour of Ali ; but, disgusted with his 
atrocious cruelties, he afterwards deserted him. Upwards of 300 Pre- 
vesans are stated to have been massacred, by Ali's orders, in cold 
blood. 









GREEK REVOLUTION. 115 

which overturned all his projects, did not fail to increase his 
jealousy against that power, and he was thenceforth its im- 
placable enemy. Anxious to extend his foreign relations, he 
now availed himself of the appearance of a British squadron 
in the Ionian Sea, to open a correspondence with the admi- 
ral ; but it does not appear that his negotiations led at this 
time to any definite result, and he soon reverted to his French 
connexions. 

It was some compensation for the disappointment of his 
schemes, that the ambitious Vizier now received the public 
thanks of the Sultan for his eminent services, together with 
a present of the keliclc-caftan (a fine ermine pelisse) and a 
sword decorated with brilliants. To complete hi»elevation. 
he was made Rumelie-valisee, or Viceroy of Roumelia. Bound 
by the duties of his office to visit the provinces confided to 
his jurisdiction, he did not fail to turn to good account the 
discharge of this obligation. Being charged to collect the 
arrears of contributions due to the imperial treasury, as well 
in money as in kind, he increased them, it is said, in the pro- 
portion of three to five, reserving two fifths as his per centage 
for the trouble of collecting. He took up his residence for 
same time at Monastir, a large town about a day's journey 
west of the lake of Ochrida, which he pillaged in the most 
shameless manner, carrying away nineteen waggons laden 
with valuable effects. It is calculated that, besides money 
and other articles, 20,000 sheep were, by this visitation, ad- 
ded to his property ; and the sum total of the exactions 
wrested from these provinces has been estimated at 10,000,000 
of piastres. 



J!6 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER X. 

Ali intends to attach the Ionian Isles.— -He sends an agent to 
Bonaparte. — Obtains a skilful Engineer. — Napoleon oc- 
cupies the Ionian Isles. — Suli and the Suliots. — War be- 
tween them and Ali. — Suliots take the fortress of Villa. — 
Their women destroy their children and then themselves. — 
Mosco, a woman t holds a commission. — Ali's intrigues. — 
Plan of the French and the Porte to attack him. — The 
city of Argyro-castro taken by Ali. — He also takes Gar- 
diki and slaughters the inhabitants. — Sultan's Executioner 
visits Ali. — Carries a good account of him to his Master. — 
Attempts to take Parga. — Divan pronounces sentence 
against him. — His extremity and distress. — Retreats to 
his Castle at Ioannina % where he is besieged by the Sultan's 
troops. — His death. 

The victory of Austerlitz and the peace of Presburg, by 
which Dalmatia and Illyricum were annexed to the kingdom 
of Italy, recalled the attention of Ali towards France. As 
Russia still continued in hostility with Napoleon, and had 
just seized on Cattaro, Ali thought that a favourable opportu- 
nity was now afforded for attacking that power in the Ionian 
Islands.* He accordingly sent a secret agent to Bonaparte, 
to solicit that a French consul might be sen* to reside at his 
capital ; and M. Pouqueville was selected for the office, with 
the title of consul general, while his brother was appointed 
vice-consul under him at Prevesa. The French minister 
at the Porte at this time governed the Divan. Through his 
interest, Ali procured the pachalik of Lepanto for his elder 
son, Mouctar, and for Veli, his younger son, that of the 
Morea. In return, he assisted Sebastiani in promoting the 
rupture between Turkey and Russia. Hostilities having 
commenced, he engaged to push the war so vigorously 
against the Russians in the islands, that they should be una- 
ble to annoy the French army in Dalmatia, provided that he 
were supplied with artillery and engineers. At the com- 
mencement of 1807, he appeared to be on the point of ob- 
taining the object of his wishes. Fifty artillery men, several 

* The reader will remember that these islands were taken by the 
Russians in 1799, and kept by them until 1807. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 117 

officers, together with ordnance and military stores, were 
sent out to him in a gunboat and a corvette from the kingdom 
of Naples, while Colonel Vaudoncourt, a skilful engineer, 
sent out by Marshal Marmont, remained with Ali to superin- 
tend operations. Under his direction, additional works were 
thrown up round Ioannina, Prevesa was fortified, and the 
siege of Santa Maura was begun. Notwithstanding a well- 
timed diversion promoted by the Russians, who excited a 
general insurrection of the Tzamouriots and Paramathians, it 
was prosecuted with vigour. The explosion of a powder- 
magazine having dismantled one of the forts, a landing-point 
was left uncovered, and orders were given to construct a 
sufficient number of flat-bottomed boats to turn it to advan- 
tage. Indeed, every thing was ready for the arrival of a 
corps of 10,000 Albanians, when the peace of Tilsit most 
opportunely put a stop to hostilities. Ali would fain have 
prosecuted his operations ; but the French officers refused to 
consent, and Santa Maura was saved. Napoleon was suffi- 
ciently informed that all Ali's selfish views centred in the 
occupation of the Septinsular republic, and Mehemet EfFen- 
di, an Italian renegade, despatched by Ali to the Emperor, 
used every exertion to obtain a promise from Napoleon, that 
at least Santa Maura and Parga should be ceded to his mas- 
ter. The integrity of the Ionian Republic was, however, 
one of the bases of the negotiations resolved upon at Tilsit, 
and his agent could accomplish nothing ; Parga, of which 
he endeavoured to gain possession, placing itself under the 
protection of the Ionian government. 

As soon as Ali saw the islands occupied by French troops, 
his friendship with Napoleon was at an end. He now again 
turned to England, and requested that an accredited agent 
might be sent out to him from that country. In the autumn 
of 1808, a British agent had a secret conference with the Vi- 
zier at Prevesa, at which the plan of operations was concert- 
ed. Ali engaged to second, by all his influence, the attempts 
of Sir A. Paget to bring about a peace between Turkey and 
Great Britain ; and to him it is stated to have been entirely 
owing, that the point was carried. At that moment, the in- 
surrection of the janizaries and the death of the Grand Vi- 
zier had thrown every thing at Constantinople into such con- 
fusion, that Mr. Adair was about to quit his station in despair, 
when Ali wrote to him to urge his remaining to wait the 
event. So important, indeed, were his services deemed by 
the British cabinet, that, by way of acknowledgment, a 

11* 



118 HISTORY OF THE 

very fine park of artillery, with several hundreds of the then 
newly-invented Congreve's rockets, were sent him on board 
a transport, while Major Leake, who had the care of the ar- 
tillery, was ordered to remain to teach his Albanian troops 
the use of it, and to act as English resident. The expulsion 
of the French from Zante, Cephalonia, Ithica, and Cerigo, 
and the occupation of those islands by the English in the 
ieOQ autumn of 1809, confirmed his determination openly 
to espouse the interest of Great Britain. He now 
opened his ports to our merchants and cruizers, and granted 
supplies, on the most liberal terms, for our navy and army 
in the Spanish Peninsula. By this means, he secured a pow- 
erful ally against the hour of need ; and when, in 1813, the 
Divan, instigated by Andreossy, the French minister at the 
Porte, had, as it appears, well nigh determined on his de- 
struction, the representations of the British ambassadors had 
no small influence in averting the storm from the dominion of 
so useful an ally.* 

We must now go back a little, to give the sequel of the 
history of Suli. On his return to Ioannina, after his expedi- 
tion to Romelia in 1800-1, Ali determined to recommence 
operations against this little republic, to which he was more 
particularly incited by its intimate connexion with Parga and 
Corfu. Botzari, one of the most distinguished leaders, had 
been, in the meantime, bought over to his interests, and the 
Pacha was led to believe that Suli would surrender on the 
first attack. He was, however, wofully mistaken. Foto 
Tzavella survived, and together with the Amazon Mosco, a 
martial calayer or monk, named Samuel, of wild, enthusiastic 
character, and some other leaders of kindred spirit, still de- 
fied his power. Ali took the field with about 18,000 men ; 
the number of Suliot palikars never exceeded at any time 
3000. f But numbers, far from being of avail in such a field 



* M. Pouqueville asserts, that Ali actually received orders to quit 
Ioannina, and to retire to Tepeleni ; and he gives a long conversation 
which he alleges to have passed between the vizier and himself on the 
occasion of his departure. The French had then just entered Moscow. 
But no sooner had the tragical twenty-ninth bulletin of the grand 
army spread through Greece the news of Napoleon's disasters, than 
Ali returned to Ioannina. 

f Before their first war with Ali Pacha, the Suliots possessed six- 
ty-six villages, " all conquered by their arms ;" but the republic 
consisted of the four stations, Kako-Suli, containing 425 families ; 
Kiaffa, 60 ; Avarico, 55 ; and Samonia, 30 ; total 570. The settle- 
ment is said to have originated with a few goatherds about the mrd 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 119 

of action, only served to create confusion and embarrassment. 
The Albanian troops, on endeavouring to penetrate the de- 
file of Glyki, were overwhelmed with huge stones poured 
down from the overhanging precipices, and with volleys of 
musket-balls from unseen marksmen. Foto Tzavella, at the 
head of about 200 chosen palikars, is stated to have routed 
with great slaughter a detachment of 3,000 Albanians, while 
his own loss did not exceed twenty men. The total loss, in 
killed and prisoners, on the part of Ali, in various successive 
attacks, exceeded in numbers the sum total of the Suliot ar- 
my. Botzari was himself repulsed in a treacherous attempt 
to lead a party over the mountain of Raithovuni ; and his 
death, a few months after, was supposed to be the effect either 
of chagrin, or of poison administered by his own hand. 

Despairing to subdue such valiant and determined enemies 
in open warfare, Ali turned the siege into a blockade, re- 
solving to trust to famine and treachery. But his troops be- 
gan to desert ; and while the Suliots, according to a Parghi- 
ot historian, lost in nine months but twenty-five men, Ali lost, 
by defection, and in various skirmishes within the same pe- 
riod, nearly 4,000. In the desperate emergency to which the 
besieged were sometimes reduced, many stratagems were 
resorted to for procuring provisions, among which the con- 
trivance of Gianni Striviniotti deserves particular mention. 
" This man, having received intelligence that the Turk? 
had lately procured a large supply of cattle from the neigh- 
bouring pastures, dressed himself in his white capote and 
camise, and concealing himself till the shades of evening had 
descended, walked out on all fours from his lurking place, 
and mingling with the herds, entered together with them 
into the stalls where they were shut up. In the dead of the 
night he arose silently, opened the doors, unloosed the oxen. 
and drove them towards a party of his friends who were in 
waiting to receive them. The Albanians heard the noise, 
but were so alarmed by suspicion of an ambuscade, that the} 
lay still, and preferred the loss of their cattle to the danger 
of their lives." 

About this time, Ali was called off by orders from the 
Porte to lead his contingent against Paswan Oglou, and the 

die of the seventeenth century. In the notes to Sheridan's Songs of 
Greece, among which will be found several relating to Suli, it is stated 
that the Suliots never reckoned more than 1,500, and seldom above 
1,000 muskets. The population is set down at 5,000 souls. But little 
dependence can be placed on Greek statements. 



120 HISTORY OF THE 

Suliots availed themselves of his absence to lay in stores botl 
of provisions and • arms. On his return, he again had re- 
course to a false and treacherous proposal of peace, on the 
conditions of being allowed to build and garrison one tower 
within their district, and of their banishing the brave Foto 
Tzavella from the Suliot territory, as the chief impediment in 
the way of tranquillity. It does not appear that the former 
condition was complied with ; and yet, the folly and in- 
fatuation which a compliance with it would have displayed, 
would not have been greater than the Suliots were actually 
guilty of in " requesting the succession" of their bravest 
captain, whose highest panegyric was conveyed by the insult- 
ing proposal. Ali's ambassadors on this occasion were, as 
usual, two traitors, who had deserted their country's cause ; 
and by dint of threats and promises, they prevailed. Foto, 
on finding himself forsaken by his deluded followers, set fire 
to his dwelling, declaring that no enemy of Suli should ever 
cross the dwelling of the Tzavellas; he then buried his 
sword, and left his countrymen, " much in the same state," 
remarks Mr. Hughes, " as the silly sheep who were persua- 
ded by the wolves to dismiss their guardians." After this 
act of folly and baseness, one really feels a diminished inter- 
est in the fate of the republic. 

Whether a peace was or was not nominally concluded, or 
whether the Suliots were still in a state of blockade, is not 
very clear ; but in May, 1803, the Suliots made a vigorous 
attack upon an Albanian fortress at Villa, which served as 
the principal magazine for Ali's army. This they succeeded 
in taking, and destroyed by fire and sword nearly the whole 
garrison. So daring an achievement could not but inflame 
their implacable enemy to the utmost height of fury. He is- 
sued proclamations, calling upon every Mahometan through- 
out his dominions to avenge this slaughter upon the heads of 
the infidels, and an immense army was again brought into the 
field against this small band of mountaineers. Treachery 
opened to the invaders the otherwise impenetrable passes, 
and the Suliots, worn down at length by war and famine, and 
strictly blockaded, were reduced to the necessity of accept- 
ing terms of capitulation, which Ali never meant to fulfil. 
The treaty was ratified on the 12th of December, 1803, by 
which the whole population was to be allowed to emigrate 
and settle wherever they might please. Men, women, and 
children being gathered together, they separated into two 
bodies ; one taking the direction of Parga, the other that of 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 121 

Prevesa. Both parties were waylaid by the troops of the 
perfidious tyrant : the former fought their way through, but 
the latter all eventually perished. A party of about a hun- 
dren women and children, being cut off from the rest, fled, 
it is stated, to a steep precipice near the monastery of Za- 
longo ; there, the children were first thrown over the rocks 
by their mothers, and then the matrons, joining hand in 
hand, and raising their minds to the highest pitch of enthu- 
siasm by native songs, whirled round and round in a species 
of frantic dance till they approached the edge of the cliff, 
from which they one and all threw themselves headlong. 
Another small detachment, having been taken captive, was 
subsequently released, and allowed by Ali to settle at Vurga- 
reli, at the foot of Mount Tzumerka ; but this was only a 
treacherous respite ; they were afterwards extirpated by a 
detachment of Albanians, except a few that escaped into 
Acarnania. The scattered remnant of the tribe took refuge, 
some at Santa Maura, others with the Albanian beys ; but 
the greater part retired to Parga and Corfu, to subsist on 
charity, or to enrol themselves in the service of their pro- 
tectors. A number of them subsequently entered into the 
Russian service, and formed a regiment in the Albanian bat* 
talion. After the peace of Tilsit, this corps passed into the 
service of the French under Colonel Minot. Foto TzaveJIa 
and Mosco, his mother, both held commissions for some 
time, but resigned them from disgust at ill treatment. The 
former passed over to Ioannina, threw himself at the feet ot' 
the destroyer of his country, and was received into his ser- 
vice. Mosco, who accompanied him, married a second hus- 
band, and was living in the capital at the time of Mr. Hughes' 
visit. Their native mountains then formed the strongest 
post in their conqueror's dominions, and a splendid fortified 
serai adorned the highest top of Kiaffa as a monument of his 
base triumph. 

The history of Ali Pacha now becomes interwoven with a 
complicated series of intrigues and counter-intrigues on the 
part of Russian, French, and English agents, which it is very 
difficult to develope. M. Pouqueville admits, that Ibrahim 
Pacha of Berat had written to the French government, in- 
treating to be taken under its protection, and offering the 
exclusive commerce of the port of Avlona, as well as propo- 
sing to admit some French artillery-men into that fortress. 
The expedition of Ali against Berat, was not undertaken, 
therefore, without a plausible pretext. The Vizier of Ioannina 



122 HISTORY OF THE 

had good reason to dread the machinations of the French in 
that quarter ; and notwithstanding M. Pouqueville's pathetic 
and sentimental exclamations against the cruel treatment of 
the venerable Ibrahim, who, as being in the French interest. 
must needs have been one of the very best of men, there can 
be no doubt that, had not Ali seized upon Berat, his own 
dominions would soon have been invaded from that quarter. 
The citadel of that town, planted on a lofty hill on the right 
bank of the Apsus, had hitherto been deemed impregnable ; 
but so effectively plied were the newly invented rockets un- 
der the driection of the English engineer officer, (Major 
Leake,) that Ibrahim was obliged to capitulate upon condi- 
tion of retiring with all his suite and treasure to Avlona. 
u Ali, in his carriage," (we borrow the account from Mr. 
Hughes,) " surrounded by his troops, waited on the left 
bank of the river till Ibrahim had passed over the bridge ; 
he then entered and took possession of Berat, not only with- 
out the sanction, but even without the knowledge of the 
Porte. He thought it proper, however, to send a despatch 
to Constantinople, informing his sovereign, that a great part 
of Upper Albania being in a state of revolt, and Ibrahim 
Pacha being not only incapable, by reason of his age and 
other infirmities, to restore order, but lying under strong 
suspicions from his attachment, first to the Russians, and 
lately to the French, he had deemed proper to secure this 
important fortress with troops that could be relied on. He 
also sent very large sums of money to be distributed among 
the members of the Divan, and thus procured, not only par- 
don, but approbation from the Sultan, who yielded immedi- 
ately to his request of conferring the government upon his 
son Mouctar. The three tails, however, were not taken, as 
is usual on losing a pashalik, from Ibrahim, whose character 
was held in high estimation both at Constantinople and in 
his own dominions. 

" This success threw into the hands of Ali, not only the 
strongest fortress, but the finest province of Upper Albania ; 
for the great plain of Musakia is the very granary of the 
country. He at first used his victory with great moderation, 
lest the people, if persecuted, should join the standard of 
their former chief. Leaving this new acquisition in the hands 
of his faithful follower, UsuffAraps, Ali returned speedily 
to his capital, to take every advantage of the success of the 
British in the Ionian sea. During the bombardment of Santa 
Maura by the British troops, he encamped opposite that island 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 133 

with a large force, anxious to find some opportunity of min- 
gling in the affray, and urging his own claims to the occupa- 
tion of the island. These he pressed vehemently after its 
surrender, but, being unable to substantiate them, he deceiv- 
ed the commanders by cunningly gaining permission to build 
barracks for his soldiers ; instead of which, he threw up two 
strong fortresses, each commanding an entrance into the 
channel, and one of them even the castle of Santa Maura. 

" But, though Ali, could neither gain from his British allies 
the possession of Santa Maura, nor persuade them at this 
time to drive the French out of Parga, that he might himself 
occupy that fortress, he did not think it his interest to show 
any sign of ill-humour at present : he still had a great game 
to play, in which no ally could afford him such material as- 
sistance as England. He was placed in a most advantageous 
position between the great rival powers, and he was deter- 
mined to make the most of it. Five of the islands were un- 
der the protection of the British, and two under that of the 
French ; the former courting his assistance, the latter dread- 
ing his enmity. In this conjuncture of circumstances, he 
played his cards admirably. He encouraged the blockade of 
Corfu, under promise of co-operation, while he took advan- 
tage of the distress to introduce provisions secretly for his 
own gain and profit. Forging letters of correspondence be- 
tween the French generals and Ibrahim Pacha, or the rulers 
of other states upon the coast of the Adriatic,* he very easily 
procured the assistance of our naval commanders in all his 
enterprises ; while those hardy and warlike tribes who had 
hitherto resisted his aggressions, because their own valour 
had been seconded by the powers which possessed the Ionian 
Isles, finding their succours thus cut off, and their offers ol 
devotion rejected, were obliged to surrender unconditionally 
to his arms, or run the chance of extermination. The Chi- 
marriots, descendants of the ancient Chaonians, and the 
bravest people of Epirus, whose very trade was war, defend- 
ed their rugged mountains to the last extremity, fighting 
sword in hand, with very little intermission, for three suc- 

* Whether they were forged letters, as Mr. Hughes asserts, may be 
questioned. M. Pouqueville admits, that Ibrahim Pacha had trans- 
mitted proposals to the French government ; and Mr. Hughes, in the 
latter branch of this same sentence, speaks of an actual correspondence 
between the Chimarriots and the French and Russian authorities in 
the Ionian Isles. 



124 HISTORY OF THE 

cessive days, after they had expended all their ammunition. 
Ali, however, had gained possession of their principal vil- 
lage, called Vouno, by his old art of bribery, and falling upon 
the rear of these warriors, cut the greater part of them to 
pieces. The country then surrendered, and the Vizier, 
having garrisoned its strong holds, carried to Ioannina 250 
hostages, for the peaceable conduct of the inhabitants. 

1810 " * n 1810, Ali escaped the greatest danger with 
which he had hitherto been threatened. This was 
nothing less than a plan of operations concerted between the 
French generals, and sanctioned by the Porte, to attack him 
by a force from the island of Corfu, and at the same time 
by a large corps under Marshal Marmont, from Dalmatia. 
Nothing but the success of the British armies in Spain, 
which called Marmont's army to that quarter, preserved Ali 
from destruction. The French, however, never totally gave 
up the plan, and would have made the attempt from Corfu 
alone, but for the intervention of a British fleet. Poor Ibra- 
him Pacha had been implicated in the formation of this en- 
terprise, and was now left alone to resist the attack of his 
irritated and powerful adversary. Ali besieged him so close- 
ly in Avlona, while two English frigates blockaded the port 
against the introduction of supplies from the French, that 
Ibrahim fled in disguise, with a few of his principal follow- 
ers, and took refuge in the mountains of Liaberi or Liapuria. 
There, he was soon after betrayed, and was conducted by 
his conqueror, in a species of mock triumph, to the city oi 
Konitza, whence, after the lapse of a year, he was conduct- 
ed to Ioannina, and confined a close prisoner in a solitary 
tower, where this venerable old man, the father-in-law oi 
Ali's two sons, might be seen like a wild beast through the 
iron bars of his dungeon. 

" The Pacha of Del vino, with the chiefs of Liapuria, Ar- 
gyro-castro, and Gardiki, alarmed at the storm which they 
saw gathering round them, speedily assembled their forces, 
which were attacked and defeated by Ali in the plains be- 
tween Argyro-castro and Delvino. He then entered and 
took possession of the latter place, making prisoners two sons 
of Mustapha Pacha, whom he sent to Ioannina, and confined 
in a convent of the island. Two others made their escape 
to Corfu, where they were soon assassinated by an emissary 
of the Vizier's. Mustapha himself had retired to Gardiki. 
The great city of Argyro-castro next surrendered after a 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 

short conflict ; and the whole valley of the Drimo, the rich- 
est and most populous in all Albania, fell entirely under the 
Vizier's dominion.* 

No place now remained for him to conquer, but Gardiki. 
which had first offended him, and upon which he resolved to 
pour the vial of his wrath. This place, the population ol 
which was entirely Mahometan, surmounted a fine conical 
hill, surrounded with an amphitheatre of the most splendid 
mountain scenery. Well knowing what they had to expect 
from the resentment of their ancient foe, the Gardikiotes 
prepared for the most vigorous defence. For a long time 
operations went on slowly. Ali's own generals discovered a 
reluctance to execute his vindictive intentions ; upon which 
he despatched a confidential officer, at the head of a large 
body of Greek and Albanian troops, with instructions to act 
promptly in combination with all the other Greeks in the 
army. They, he well knew, would exterminate a Mahometan 
tribe with the greatest alacrity; and as the Turkish generals 
did not dare interfere, the city was soon given up to all the 
horrors of assault. Very few persons escaped. Those who 
were reserved as prisoners, were afterwards, to the number 
of between seven and eight hundred, massacred in cold 
blood in the presence of Ali, their bodies being left un- 
buried to rot upon the place of execution, which was a large 
khan near the commencement of the Gardikiote territory. 
The gate-way of the area was then walled up, and an inscrip- 
tion placed over it cut in stone, which signifies, " Thus pe- 
rish all the enemies of Ali's house." It is stated, that every 
individual victim underwent a personal examination by the 
Vizier himself, previously to the order being given for the 
execution, and that some few were in consequence spared, 
probably on its being found that they were unconnected with 
the old inhabitants. On the same day, seventy-two Gardi- 
kiote beys, and other prisoners of distinction, who had been 
conveyed to Ioannina, and treated with a delusive show of 
clemency and respect, were all strangled. From the khan. 
Vli marched to Gardiki itself, which he laid in ruins, and 
placed it under an anathema, prohibiting it from ever again 
becoming the habitation of man. The property of its citizens 
he had already converted to his own use ; and as they were 
great merchants, he is stated to have kept an accurate ac- 
count of all the debts due to them, and to have exacted the 

* Hughes, vol. ii. p. 187 — 191. 



126 HISTORY OF THE 

most punctual payment. " Every Gardikiote that was sub- 
sequently discovered within the dominions of Ali, was ar- 
rested and put to death, when his corpse Was sent to augment 
the mouldering heap of his unfortunate countrymen at the 
khan of Valiare. The Vizier was grievously offended with 
his son Veli, who refused to put to death some Gardikiotes 
in his service, or surrender them up." 

1S19 This crowning act of atrocity took place on the 
18 4 ' 15th of March, 1812. Mustapha, Pacha of Delvino, 
died soon after in prison at loannina, not without suspicion 
of having been starved to death.* A few months after this, 
Ibrahim Pacha disappeared : it was the general belief at loan- 
nina, that be too had been put to death, and the French 
consul despatched a courier with the intelligence to Con- 
stantinople. A capigi-bashee j of the highest rank was con- 
sequently sent to loannina, with orders to investigate the 
affair. On his arrival, Ali expressed the greatest astonish- 
ment, and directed the officer of the Porte to be conducted 
to Ibrahim's apartment, where the object of his visit was 
found, surrounded with every comfort, and professing to be 
perfectly happy in the society of his daughters and their 
children. The capigi-bashee was dismissed with magnificent 
presents, and on his return, gave a most favourable report of 
Ali's conduct. This attempt to draw down on him the ven- 
geance of the Porte, only turned therefore to his advantage; 
but Ali was not ignorant of the danger to which he had been 
exposed, or of the quarter in which it had originated.}: 

In the meantime, the battle of Leipsig had totally changed 
the aspect of political affairs in Europe, and Ali saw him- 
self on the point of being relieved from any dangers arising 
from French influence in the Divan. Foreseeing that the 
French possessions in the Ionian Sea would fall into the 
hands of the British, he resolved to be before-hand with them 
in seizing upon Parga, — " that single, solitary rock, which 
alone, throughout the whole extent of his dominions, was 

* M. Pouqueville states, that his fate was the same as that of Tous- 
saint Louverture. In his anxiety to blacken the dark character of Ali. 
he forgot that he was himself at this time the agent of Toussaint's 
murderer. 

| Sultan's Executioner. 

jMr. Hughes considers the whole to have been a manoeuvre of Ali's ? 
having for its object to sound the feelings of the Divan, prior to his 
venturing on the murder of Ibrahim. This does not appear, however, 
to be more than a probable surmise. If it was so, the French consul 
was clearly outwitted. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 127 

illuminated by the rays of liberty." " Having failed," says 
Mr. Hughes, " in the alluring temptations which he held out 
to M. Pouqueville and General Denzelot, (the commandant 
at Corfu,) he determined upon one of those prompt move- 
ments which were so habitual to him, and for which he had 
been some time prepared, feeling little doubt that, if he should 
once gain possession of the place, he could tind means to 
justify his conduct, or to appease resentment. Unauthorized, 
then, by his government, which, at this time, was at peace 
with France, and without any declaration of war, he moved, 
an overwhelming force against Parga, in the month of Fe- 
bruary, 1814; at the same time ordering his flotilla to sail 
from Prevesa for the purpose of aiding in the siege, and of 
intercepting all the inhabitants that might endeavour to es- 
cape to the islands. These directions, however, were ren- 
dered nugatory by the spirited conduct of some English 
cruisers, who refused to let his vessels approach. On the 
28th of February, Ali's troops carried by assault Aja and 
Rapesa, two frontier villages of the Farghiot territory, put- 
ting to death many of the inhabitants, and sending the re- 
mainder into slavery. Here a small fort was erected, and 
the army advanced upon Parga. The French garrison re- 
tired into the citadel without any show of resistance, the on- 
ly opposition being made by the bravery of the inhabitants. 
These marched out with exultation to the defence of their 
country, accompanied by women and children, who handed 
ammunition, and loaded the muskets of their husbands and 
parents. The contest was neither long nor sanguinary : for 
the Parghiots, having the advantage of ground and shelter, 
effectually checked the Vizier's troops ; especially his caval- 
ry, as they charged up a narrow causeway, leading to the 
city, so that they were obliged to retreat, after losing several 
of their companions, among whom was a near relation of 
Ali's, the commander of the Albanian forces, called Athana- 
sius Macrys. 
..OJ4 In spite of this victory, the Parghiots had sufficient 
' cause to tremble ; and they had additional reason 
for alarm when they discovered that a secret correspondence 
was carried on between their inveterate foe and the com- 
mandant of the French garrison.* In this dilemma, they 
despatched a message to Captain Garland, who had lately 



* M. Pouqueville pretends, that Colonel Nicole had not been in 
correspondence with Ali, but his own statement makes against him. 



128 HISTORY OF THE 

taken possession of the little island of Paxo, requesting to be 
received under British protection. With the utmost se- 
crecy, a plan was organized for taking possession of the cita- 
del. An English flag, concealed under the girdle of a boy, 
was brought into the fortress, without exciting suspicion ; a 
signal was given, by ringing a bell, to the conspirators, who 
rushing forward, disarmed the centinels, seized upon the rest 
of the garrison, and hoisted the British standard in place of 
the tri-coloured flag. Only one man lost his life in this al- 
most bloodless conspiracy ; he was a Cephalonian, in the 
French service, and commissary of police, who, thrusting his 
head out of a window, with loud exhortations to blow up the 
magazine, was instantly shot. The inhabitants being now 
in full possession of the place, the Hon. Sir Charles Gordon 
landed with a detachment of British troops, sent off the 
French garrison, under terms of capitulation, to Corfu, and 
took possession of the place on the 22d of March, 1814. 

" Under the powerful aegis of Great Britain, Parga remain- 
ed for about three years comparatively happy, increasing 
both in wealth and population, although the mention of its 
name was omitted in the treaties of Vienna and Paris, 
which consigned to English protection the Septinsular Re- 
public But Ali Pacha's ambitious mind could not rest 

quietly when disappointed in a design which lay nearest his 
heart ; and his gold proved in this, as in many other in- 
stances, all powerful at Constantinople. Parga was demand- 
ed by the Porte as the price of her acquiescence to the Bri- 
tish occupation of the Ionian Isles ; and a secret treaty con- 
signed over to Mahometan despotism the last little spot o 
ancient Greece, that had remained unpolluted by her infidel 
conquerors. An article, however, was inserted in this trea- 
ty, which provided that every person who emigrated should 
be remunerated for the loss of his property."* 

jciq On the 10th of May, 1819, the unfortunate inhabit- 
' ants resolving not to live under Turkish despotism, 
prepared to evacuate their native soil : and when Ali Pacha 
reached the walls, he found the city silent and deserted. 
The whole population had embarked, voluntary exiles, for 
the Ionian Isles. Still, he exulted over the barren conquest, 
which made him the master of continental Greece " from 
the Attic boundary of Fames to the rugged mountains of II- 
lyricum." 

* Hughes, vol. 2. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 129 

But the career of this modern Herod was now drawing to 
a close.* The accidental destruction of his palace at Tepe- 
leni by fire, is stated to have led to the discovery of the im- 
mense wealth concealed within its walls, exaggerated ac- 
counts of which reaching the ears of the Sultan Mahmoud, 
excited the cupidity, while it offended the pride of that mo- 
narch. Ali, however, might yet have been permitted to die 
in his bed, and the Porte would have been contented to be- 
come his heir, had it not been for the secret measures taken 
by his implacable enemy, Ismael Pacho, whom Ali's emissa- 
ries had repeatedly attempted to assassinate. Having gain- 
ed over Chalet Effendi, who had formerly been in the in- 
terest of Ali, but whom the avaricious Vizier had imprudent- 
ly ceased to salary, Pacho resolved to make use of his pow- 
erful influence in the Divan, to execute his long cherished 
scheme of vengeance against the family of Tepeleni. Ali 
heard with dismay, that the object of his hatred and fear was 
nominated a capiji bashee ; and the next intelligence was, 
that his son Veli was dismissed from the government of Tric- 
cala, (Thessaly,) to the pashalik of Lepanto. It was evident, 
either that his gold had lost its charm at Constantinople, or 
that it had not been of late so liberally distributed as former- 
ly ; and there is some reason to believe that his avarice pa- 
ved the way for his downfall. It was, however, now too late 
to intrigue, and Ali resolved to intimidate the Divan by one 
of those bold strokes which he had often found to succeed. 
Two Albanians were despatched to Constantinople with or- 
ders to destroy Pacho Bey. The attempt was made, but 
their intended victim escaped ; and one of the culprits being 
pursued and overtaken, after confessing that they had been 
employed by Ali Pacha, was hung before the gate of the im- 
perial seraglio. f The Divan now thought it high time to take 



* In 1819, Ali himself was, according to M. Pouqueville, seventy- 
eight years of age. Of his family, there were living Mouctar Beglier, 
Bey of Berat, aged fifty ; Veli, Vizier of Thessaly, (Triccala,) aged 
forty-six ; Salik, Pacha of Lepanto, aged eighteen. 

f M. Pouqueville tells us, that Ali sent three assassins ; that they all 
fired at Pacho Bey, as he was on his way to the mosque of St. Sophia, 
but that he was only slightly wounded ; and that all three were seized 
in the very act, and executed. An anonymous, but more credible ac- 
count, given in a private letter, states, that the chamberlain was fired 
at while looking out of his window ; that the assassins scampered off at 
full gallop, and that one only was overtaken at a village about sixty 
miles from Constantinople. Jn this account, the promotion of Pacho 

]0# 



130 HISTORY OF THE 

strong measures ; and in council specially summoned, the 
sentence of Jirmanly was pronounced against the old Pacha, 
by which he was placed under the ban of the empire, unless 
within forty days he should appear at the golden threshold 
of the gate of felicity, to answer to the charge of high trea- 
son. His old enemy, Ismael Pacho Bey, was nominated 
Pacha of Ioannina, and appointed to the command of the ex- 
pedition that was directed to proceed against tips too formi- 
dable subject. And to give the greater effect to these de- 
cided measures, a bull of excommunication and anathema 
was issued against Ali by the mufti, the primate of Islam. 
1820 These events took place in the month of February. 
r 1820. March, however, passed away without the 
army having been put in motion ; and an interval occurred, 
which might have been turned to good account, had Ali pos- 
sessed talents and energy equal to the occasion. But he 
seems to have halted between a desire to be reconciled to the 
Grand Seignior, and the determination to defend his posses- 
sions ; and thus divided, he took no effectual or decisive steps 
to accomplish either. His mind does not appear to have 
been enfeebled by age, so much as by avarice and distrust, 
which infallibly attend the last stage of a despot's career, 
neutralising or paralysing the passion of ambition itself. 
Ali's avarice had raised up his most formidable enemies, 
and it now withheld him from making the sacrifices which 
might yet have propitiated the Divan, or defeated its mea- 
sures. On the other hand, he had reason for distrusting his 
Mahometan subjects, well knowing that their religious scru- 
ples would restrain them from openly resisting the imperial 
firman, backed as it was by the anathema of the mufti. Un- 
der these circumstances, Ali had no alternative but to call 
the armatolis to his aid, and to put arms into the hands of 
the Albanian and Greek Christians, with the promise of libe- 
ral pay and ample booty. At the same time, he despatched 
emissaries to the Montenegrins and Servians, to excite 
them to a simultaneous revolt. It is even said, that he dis- 
sembled so far as to profess an intention to embrace Chris- 
tianity ; that he talked of emancipating the Greeks as a na- 
tion, and driving their Ottoman tyrants beyond the Bospho- 
rus. The armatolis rose in a mass at his call, and dispers- 

Bey, who had previously been sentenced to death, through the machi- 
nations of Ali, is ascribed to the influence of the viceroy of Egypt, to 
whom he had fled for protection. — See Hughes' Travels, vol. ii. p. 221. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 131 

ing themselves over the mountain roads and denies, perform- 
ed with alacrity his orders in intercepting all couriers, plun- 
dering the caravans, and putting a stop to all intercourse 
with the western provinces. But it does not appear that All 
placed much reliance on these guerilla bands ; and his ob- 
ject seems to have been, to intimidate the Porte by this ma- 
noeuvre, rather than to repel invasion. The time had been 
when the Divan might have been compelled by these means 
to come to some amicable arrangement ; but in vain did the 
primates now represent that Ali alone was capable of re- 
pressing these disorders : the stratagem, if such it was, did 
not take. The Turkish authorities had recourse, indeed, to 
a very dangerous and impolitic expedient for counteracting 
these operations. Suleyman Pacha, on entering Thessaly 
as seraskier, addressed a proclamation to the ecclesiastics, 
civil primates, and others, persons in authority, authorising 
the people to take up arms against Ali. It has been suppos- 
ed, however, that this measure was either an unauthorized 
act of the Turkish commander, and disapproved of by the 
Porte, or that it was the result of intrigue, perfidiously de- 
vised by Suleyman's Greek secretary, Anagnostis, who issu- 
ed the proclamation in his own language only. However 
this may have been, or whether Suleyman had really enter- 
ed into any correspondence or not with the rebel Vizier, he 
was suddenly recalled, and, in his way to Constantinople, 
was met at Salonica by the fatal capigi-bashcc* who came 
for his head. Thepashalik was given to Mohammed Drama 
Ali, the father-in-law of Ismael Pacho. 

And now the war against Ali appears to have been under- 
taken in earnest ; and while Ismael Pacho received orders 
to hold himself in readiness to march on Epirus, a Turkish 
squadron appeared in the Ionian Sea. Elated by some tri- 
fling success, and deceived by hollow protestations of fidelity, 
and the semblance of enthusiasm in ihe people of loannina, 
Ali appears to have been lulled into a fatal security. Could 
he have depended upon his troops, indeed, his situation 
would have been by no means hopeless. All his fortresses, 
twenty-five in number, had been put into a state of complete 
defence, and he was amply supplied with warlike stores. 
But the beys and warlike chieftains of Albania who might yet 
have rallied round his standard, had been exterminated ; 
and all faithful Moslems eagerly longed to be delivered from 

" Chamberluin of the court, Sultan's executioner. 



132 HISTORY OF THE 

the infidel ; while the Greeks, who were for the most part 
little disposed to confide in his professions, were again look- 
ing to Russia for deliverance, and the despot of Epirus was 
the enemy of Russia. On former occasions, Ali had been 
able to play off the Greeks against the Moslems, and the 
Moslems against the Greeks ; and holding tne scales between 
contending foreign factions, he had been indebted alternate- 
ly, more perhaps than he was aware, to Russian, French, and 
English co-operation, in defeating his enemies. But alike 
selfish and faithless, he had betrayed all his allies by turns ; 
and left to himself, the colossus fell as by his own weight. 
The armatolis of Thessaly submitted to Mohammed Drama 
Pacha without a blow. Veli, at the approach of the Turkish 
army, abandoned Lepanto, and took the road to Ioannina, 
sending away his harem and all his moveables by sea to Pre- 
vesa. Avlona and Eerat opened their gates to the Pacha oi 
Scutari ; and when the Capudan bey, having seized the port 
of Panormo and the fortresses of Delvino and Butrinto, ap- 
peared before Parga, young Mehemet Pacha, Ali's grandson, 
embarking with about thirty followers in a felucca, surren- 
dered at discretion. Finally, as soon as Pacho Bey had en- 
tered the defiles of AnovW hia, Omer Bey Brioni, Ali's se- 
raskier and favoured general, together with his lieutenants, 
Mantho (who had been one of the Vizier's private secreta- 
ries) and Alexis Noutza, primate of Zagori, went over with 
their divisions, to the invading army. Thus Ali, who had 
reckoned upon 17,000 men, suddenly found himself without 
generals, and without an army. 

Ali's means of defence, however, were still formidable, 
and he had prepared for the worst. His castle and vast for- 
tress on the lake of Ioannina were fortified with 250 pieces 
of cannon, and by means of a small squadron of gun-boats, 
he still commanded the navigation of the lake.* Hither, there- 

* It is singular enough that a city of the size and importance of 
Ioannina, the capital of this tyrant, should, with a single exception, 
have escaped the notice of modern travellers ; and yet, says Mr. Hob- 
house, after Adrianople and Salonica, it is the most considerable place in 
European Turkey. It is perhaps doubtful when or by whom it was 
founded, but it was conquered by one of the generals of Amurath the 
Second, in 1424. We shall not attempt to give a history of its pro- 
gress, even from that time, but only extract from Hobhouse's Albania, 
his description of it in 1809. 

" This city," says he, " stands on the western bank of the lake, 
(Ioannina,) at about two miles from its northern extremity. In its 
utmost length it may be perhaps two miles and a half; and in breadth- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 133 

fore, he now retreated with his remaining adherents, while 
Ioannina, after being pillaged, was set on fire in order to 
prevent its affording shelter to the enemy. The ruins of 
the capital were yet smoking, when Pacha Bey, on the 20th 
of August, made his public entry, and set up his three-tail 
standard as Pacha of Ioannina and Delvino. From the bas- 
tions of his castle, Ali might hear the acclamations of the 
Turks saluting his successor, and the cadi reading the sen- 
tence of deposition and anathema ; a brisk fire from the guns 
and mortars of his fortress, was his comment upon the pro- 
ceeding. Ali's garrison was about 8000 strong, all firmly 
attached to him ; and the castle on the lake to which he had 
retired, was provisioned for four years. The Turkish army, 
on the contrary, had brought neither heavy artillery nor en- 



though in some places it is much narrower, nearly a mile. Near the 
lake it stands on i flat, but the north, and north-western parts of it are 
built on slopes of rising and uneven ground. A triangular peninsula 
juts into the lake, and contains the residence of the Pacha, being defend- 
ed by a fortification, and a tower at each angle. The entrance of this 
fortress is over a draw-bridge, and from this point runs one of the two 
principal streets, which is intersected by the other, running nearly the 
whole length of the city. The houses are many of them large and well 
built, containing a court-yard, and having warehouses or stables on the 
ground, with an open gallery, and the apartments of the family above. 
These houses have a gloc my aspect from the street, but from within, 
they are many of them very pleasant, being furnished in the rear with 
gardens, planted with orange and lemon trees. The Bazar, or principal 
street inhabited by the tradesmen, is well furnished, and has a showy 
appearance. The covered Bazar is of considerable size, .and somewhat 
resembles-Exeter-Change. 

The lake is from ten to twelve miles in length, and at least three 
miles wide. On the one side it is enclosed by the city, a long succession of 
groves and verdant plains and gardens, and on the other by a chain of 
lofty mountains, that rise almost abruptly from its banks. 

The Pacha had four places, one situated in the fortress, one in the 
suburbs of the city, which he occupied as a summer residence, and two 
others, allotted to his two sons. His summer residence is placed in the 
midst of a garden, abounding with every kind of tree and fruit, that 
flourishes in that warm and favoured climate. It is in the form of a 
pavilion, and has one large saloon, with small latticed apartments on 
every side. The floor, made of marble, has in the middle a little fortress, 
also of marble, the brass guns of which spout forth jets of water, on a 
given signal. At the same time a small organ turned by the water, and 
placed in the recess, plays some Italian airs. The shade of orange trees 
protects this charming spot from the heat of the sun ; and here the Pa- 
cha, with the most favoured ladies of his harem, spent their time during 
the heats of the summer." 

\ 



134 HISTORY OF THE 

gineers for commencing the siege in form ; and their provi- 
sions had begun rapidly to diminish, exciting symptoms of 
discontent and even mutiny, before mortars and cannon ar- 
rived. The approach of winter rendered Ismael Pacha's 
situation still more critical. Already the early snows began 
to cover the summits of Pindus, and the different hordes of 
Macedonia and Thessaly had disbanded for the purpose of 
reaching their homes. Discontent soon found its way among 
the Albanian militia, unaccustomed to the tardy operations 
of a siege ; and dissensions broke out between the Moslems 
and the Christians. In order to procure fuel, the Turks 
were obliged to rummage among the ruins of the town ; pro- 
visions, too, had become scarce, as the convoys were gene- 
rally attacked by the banditti headed by Odysseus, who, after 
a pretended desertion to Ismael, had disappeared, and col- 
lected a band of klephts or armatoles in the mountains. The 
total consumption of their harvests, and the devastation of 
their villages, made the inhabitants regret even the govern- 
ment of Ali. In the meantime, seditious movements in the 
northern provinces occasioned fresh alarms, and the Rume- 
lie-valisee, Achmet Pacha, received orders to quit Epirus for 
the banks of the Danube. More than 5000 bombs had al- 
ready been thrown against the castles of Ali, without pro- 
ducing any considerable effect ; and the Sultan growing im- 
patient addressed a hatti shereef to Ismael Pacha, blaming 
the inefficiency of his plans for reducing the rebel Vizier. 

Ali, in the meantime, greater in adversity than he had 
ever shown himself in the day of his power, maintained an 
unshaken firmness and tranquillity, and set his enemies at de- 
fiance. He seemed, indeed, to have triumphed not only over 
his years, but over his passions. When informed that his 
sons Mouctar and Veli, who held the fortresses of Argyro- 
castro and Prevesa, had capitulated to his enemy, on the 
faith of the deceitful promises of the Porte,* he told his fol- 
lowers, that thenceforth the brave defenders of his cause 
were his only children and heirs. The aged Ibrahim Pacha 
and his son, he set at liberty to gratify his troops ; and when 

* The proposals made, were, that Veli should be nominated Pacha of 
Acre, and Mouctar and Salik were to be appointed to sanjiakals, in 
Anatolia. Both of them subsequently fell by the hand of a capiji bashi, 
on the very doubtful charge of holding a secret correspondence with 
their father. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 135 

they next demanded an advance of pay; he immediately 
raised it to about 4/. a month, saying, " I never haggle with 
my adopted children : they have shed their blood for me, and 
gold is nothing in comparison with their services." Having 
exact information as to the state of the besieging army, he 
insultingly sent Ismael Pacha some sugar and coffee, and 
even offered to sell him provisions. His communication 
with the interior was secured by the gun-boats which still 
commanded the lake ; by this means he was able to obtain 
better intelligence than the seraskier himself, and to disperse 
his emissaries in all directions. So well did they execute 
their commission, that the Suliotes entered into the service 
of their ancient enemy, on condition of receiving 2000 
purses, and being reinstated in their strong holds. Joining 
the armatolis under Odysseus, and 800 Zagorites under 
Alexis Noutza, (whose desertion seems also to have been a 
mere feint,) they gave a new character to the contest; and 
the winter of 1820 had hardly expired, when Ali found him- 
self unexpectedly supported by a general insurrection of the 
Greeks. It is possible that he might even imagine himseli 
to be the prime mover of a revolt to which he only furnish- 
ed the stimulus of opportunity, and perhaps gave the signal; 
and he talked of planting the Greek standard upon the walls 
of Adrianople. If this was not mere bravado, the subse- 
quent defeat of the insurgents, by Chourschid Pacha, must 
nave convinced him that no Greek army was likely to come 
to his relief. 

,q 21 Ismael Pacha had been superseded as seraskier by 
this general in the spring of 1821, but Chourschid's 
presence was soon required in other quarters, and it was not 
tjll November, that he re-appeared before Ioannina with a 
powerful reinforcement, and made preparations to carry the 
fortresses by storm. In the month of July, Ali's castle on 

' the lake had taken fire from accident, and almost all his maga- 
zines had been destroyed. Owing, it may be presumed, to 
(his disaster, he began to be straightened about December 

I for necessaries. Disease and desertion had reduced his gar- 

I rison to 600 men ; and now his chief engineer, a Neapolitan 
adventurer, named Curetto, went over to the enemy, and 
perfidiously instructed the besiegers how to direct the fire 

i of the batteries with the greatest effect. The island of the 
lake was taken towards the close of December, by a small 
flotilla which the Turks had at length fitted out. Treachery 
Opened to Chourschid the gates of the fortress of Litaritza 



136 History of the 

soon after tins ; and " the Old Lion" was at length reduced 
to take refuge, with about sixty resolute adherents, in the 
citadel, to which he had previously transported provisions, 
all his remaining treasures, and a tremendous quantity of 
gunpowder. The sequel is as differently told as every other 
part of Ali's eventful story. The following account, given 
by Mr. Waddington, is stated to be derived from the official 
communication verbally made by the Reis Effendi to the first 
interpreter of the Britannic Embassy, for the information of 
his Excellency Lord Strangford. 

" Chourschid Pacha, informed of this arrangement, sent 
his silikdar to Ali, to propose to him to surrender at discre- 
tion, to restore the part of the citadel which he possessed, 
and to consign his treasures to that officer ; for such appear- 
ed, in the extremity to which he was reduced, to be the only 
rational determination which remained for him to adopt. He 
added, that he knew a report had been spread, that Ali had 
resolved, in case he should be thrown into despair, to set 
fire to the powder, and to blow up himself with his treasures 
and all those who surrounded him ; but that this threat did 
not frighten him, and that if Ali did not decide immediately, 
he would come himself and apply the torch. Ali Pacha re- 
plied to the silikdar, that he was well assured that in his situ- 
ation there was no other choice, and that he was determined 
to surrender as soon as he should be assured of his life. 

" The silikdar undertook to carry his answer to his mas- 
ter ; and returned soon afterwards to inform him, in the 
name of Chourschid Pacha, that the fulfilment of this request 
depended exclusively on the Sultan ; that the Pacha would 
willingly give him his good offices with His Highness, but 
that he could not do it with any hope of success unless AH 
should previously deliver up all he possessed ; that he pro- 
posed to him consequently to effect the surrender of the fort, 
©f the treasures, of the stores, <fcc. &c, and to retire and 
await the arrival of the resolution of the Sultan in the small 
island on the lake, near the citadel. 

" Ali Pacha asked time at first to reflect on the decision 
which he should make ; at last, after several conversations 
with the silikdar, he consented to leave the citadel, and he 
retired into the island with all his little troop, with the ex- 
ception of one of his trusty friends, with whom he agreed 
on a signal which would instruct him whether he was to set 
fire to the powder, or give up all that was entrusted in his 
care to the officers of Chourschid Pacha. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 137 

li The silikdar received Ali Pacha in the island, at the 
head of an equal number of men with that which accompa- 
nied the Vizier ; they paid him all the honour due to his rank, 
and after having been treated for several days by Chourschid 
Pacha with the greatest respect, Ali had confidence enough 
to order the surrender of all that he had left in the citadel. 
They immediately made haste to transport the powder into 
a place of safety. 

" Directly afterwards, Ali Pacha requested that one of his 
officers who commanded a small party of a hundred men in 
the environs of Ioannina, might be permitted to join him in 
the island. Chourschid Pacha consented to this, but sent at 
the same time a detachment composed of an equal number 
of men, to keep Ali's troops in awe. 

" Different Pachas of inferior rank had been several times 
to visit Ali. On the 5th of February, Mohammed Pacha, 
governor of the Morea, offered to procure for Ali every pos- 
sible comfort, naming particularly provisions. Ali replied 
to this offer, that he desired nothing more than a supply of 
meat ; he added, however, that he had still another wish, 
though his unwillingness to offend the scruples of religion 
forbade him to give utterance to it. Being pressed to name 
it, he owned that it was wine which he wished for, and Mo- 
hammed Pacha promised that he should receive it. The 
conversation continued for some time in the most friendly 
manner, till, at last, Mohammed Pacha rose to take leave. 
Being of the same rank, they rose at the same moment from 
the sofa, according to the usual ceremonies, and before leav- 
ing the room Mohammed Pacha bowed profoundly. Ali 
returned the compliment, but at the instant of his inclination, 
Mohammed executed the will of his sovereign, and put him 
to death by plunging a poignard in his left breast. He im- 
mediately quitted the apartment, and announced that Ali had 
ceased to exist. Some men of Mohammed's suit then en- 
tered, and divided the head from the body. The former 
having been shewn to the Sultan's troops as well as to those 
Avho had embraced the rebel's part, a strife followed, in 
which several men were killed. But the minds of the peo- 
ple were soon calmed, and all discord was appeased by 
shouts of" Long live Sultan Mahmoud and his Vizier Chour- 
schid Pacha."* 

* M. Pouqueville must be allowed to kill Ali in his own way, and 
it will be confessed, he does it with more dramatic effect : but he omits 

12 



138 HISTORY OF THE 

Thus fell a man, who, for nearly sixty years, had braved 
every danger and dared every crime, and who, for half that 
period, had virtually ruled the greater part of Continental 
Greece and Epirus. With regard to his character, there 
cannot be two opinions : it was one of pure unsophisticated 
evil, with scarcely a redeeming quality ; one of those rank 
productions of the hot-bed of Turkish despotism which arc 

to mention his authorities. _ " It was five o'clock," says the Historian 
with his accustomed precision, " when the Vizier, who was sitting op- 
posite to the entrance gate, saw arrive, with gloomy countenances, Has- 
san Pacha, Omer Briones,Mehemet, Chourschid's selictar,his kafetanji, 
several officers of the army, and a numerous suite. At their appear- 
ance, Ali arises with impetuosity, his hand on the pistols in his girdle. 
- Stop ! what do you bring me ?" he exclaims to Hassan, in a voice of 
thunder. " The will of his Highness ; do you know these august cha- 
racters?" — showing him the brilliant gilded frontispiece which adorned 
the firman. u Yes ; I reverence it." " Well, then, submit to fate ; 
make your ablutions ; address your prayer to God and the Prophet ; 
your head is demanded by" — " My head," replied Ali, furiously inter- 
rupting him, ' ; is not to be given up so easily." These words were no 
sooner uttered, than they were followed by a pistol shot, which wound- 
ed Hassan in the thigh. With the rapidity of lightning, Ali kills the 
Jcafetanji, and his guards firing at the same moment on the crowd, bring 
down several tchoadars. The terrified Ottomans flee from the pavilion. 
Ali perceives that he is bleeding : he is wounded in the breast. He 
roars like a bull. They fire from all parts on the kiosk, and four of his 
palikars fall at his side. He no longer knows where to make head 
He hears the noise of assailants beneath his feet ; they fire through the 
wooden floor which he treads. He has just received a ball in his side ; 
another, firing upwards from below, hits him in the vertebral column ; 
he totters — catches at a window — falls on a sofa. " Run," he cries to one 
*f his tchoadars ; " go, my friend, and despatch poor Visiliki - ' (his fa- 
vourite wife,) " that the unhappy woman may not be outraged by these 
wretches." The door opens ; all resistance is at an end. The palikars, 
who have ceased to defend the tyrant, throw themselves from the win- 
dows. The selictar of Chourschid Pacha enters, followed by executioners. 
Ali was yet full of life. " Let the justice of God be accomplished," said 
a cadi ; and the executioners seizing, at these words, the criminal by the 
feeard, drag him under the perystile ; there, placing his head on one of 
the stairs, they had to strike repeatedly w T ith a notched cutlass before 
they could effect his decapitation." Historic, &c. torn. iii. p. 374 — 6 
M. Pouqueville's sentimental reflections on the agonies which Ali is re- 
presented to have suffered, and on the warning which his fate reads to 
tyrants, we have not thought it necessary to give. If his authority may 
be relied on, the head of Ali preserved something so imposing and ter- 
rible, that the Turks could not help gazing on it with a sort of stupor : 
Chourschid rose when it was brought him, bowed thrice, and kissed the 
beard of the deceased hero ; and the lamentations of the warlike Epiri 
otes 3 were eloquent and unparalleled ! 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 139 

remarkable only for their enormous growth, not differing 
otherwise, in a moral point of view, from the vulgarest speci- 
mens. Ali, Tepeleni, Djezzar, Kutchuk Ali, Mohammed 
Ali, have all risen to power by the same profligate means ; 
and their biography consists of a repetition of the same 
crimes or intrigues. The horrible political system of which 
they were component parts, the government of which they 
Avere the legitimate and patronised depositaries and minis- 
ters, must be considered as, in fact, the parent of all the evil. 
Estimating Ali with a reference to the habits of his country, 
the system of his education, and the principles of his reli- 
gion, comparing him with his predecessors and his rivals, 
there was nothing in his character out of nature, nothing 
enormous but his power. And if we consider the state of 
social disorder to which his strong governmnnt succeeded, 
die multitude of petty tyrants and brigands which he swept 
away to make room for the foundation of his empire, the 
number of smaller reptiles which this arch-serpent swallow- 
ed up, we shall be disposed to adopt Mr. Hughes' conclu- 
sion, that his government was on the whole a blessing to the 
inhabitants. 

Nothing could be worse, that traveller remarks, than the 
implacable feuds between fierce and independent tribes, and 
the perpetual civil dissensions which desolated the western 
pashaliks prior to the consolidation of Ali's power ; and so 
lawless were the natives of the wild mountains, to such an 
extent did brigandage prevail, that agriculture was neglect- 
ed, commerce languished, the very arts of civilization began 
to disappear, and the whole land presented one unvaried 
scene of poverty and wretchedness. But, under Ali, though 
all were subject to one mighty despot, no petty tyrants were 
permitted to exist, and protection was given equally to the 
Turk, and Greek, and the Albanian, against the aggressions 
of each other. Religious toleration was freely granted, and 
the regularity of monarchial power had in some measure suc- 
ceeded to the factions of aristocracies and republics. — 
" There exists at present," says Mr. Hughes, in 1819, "a se- 
curity in these dominions, which we should seek for in vain 
elsewhere where the baneful influence of the Crescent ex- 
tends. A police is organized, robbers are extirpated, roads 
and canals are made or repaired, rivers are rendered naviga- 
ble, so that the merchant can now traverse the Albanian 
districts with safety, and the traveller with convenience. 



140 HISTORY OF THE 

Agriculture, in spite of all obstacles, improves ; commerce 
increases ; and the whole nation advances, perhaps uncon- 
sciously, towards higher destinies and great happiness."* 

The author and main spring of these improvements may 
have been licentious, — he was a Moslem ; cruel and pitiless — 
he was born and bred a brigand ; faithless and perfidious — 
he was a compound of Turk and Greek, and all mixed castes 
inherit the vices of both sides ; besides, he had Turks and 
Greeks to deal with. In a word, totally devoid of reli- 
gion, he was restrained by no conscientious scruples, no 
moral principles. But he must be admitted to have possess- 
ed at least a capacity for greatness : and he deserves to rank 
in this respect, not with the Djezzars or Domitians of the 
earth, but with the Herods and the Napoleons. 

1822 ^ e ^ °^ ^^ was *^ e occas ^ on °f m g n satisfac- 
' tion and triumph to the Porte. The exhibition of 
his head at the imperial gate in February, 1822, and the tri- 
umphal conveyance into the capital of part of his spoils, ex- 

* Hughes, vol. ii. p. 215. Some further anecdotes relating to Al* 
Pacha's personal character and habits will be given in the description, 
of Ioannina. It is in a political point of view, chiefly, that the historian 
has to contemplate him. 

f Mr. Hobhouse, who visited the Pacha of Ioannina in his own pa- 
lace, gives the following description of what he saw there. 

After being conducted through a gallery crowded with soldiers, and 
through several rooms of a mean appearance, he was ushered into the 
apartment of Ali. He was standing to receive his guests,* but as they 
advanced, seated himself, and desired them to do the same. His room 
was large, handsomely furnished in the Turkish style, and contained a 
marble fountain in the middle. 

The Pacha was a short man, about five feet five inches high, thick set, 
and very fat. He had a pleasing face, fair and round, with blue, quick 
eyes, and not at all settled into the usual gravity so universal among the 
Turks. His beard was long and white, and such an one as any other 
Turk would have been proud of; though he, who was more taken up 
with his guests than himself, did not, as is customary among his coun- 
trymen, continue stroking and looking at it, to fill up the intervals of con- 
versation. He wore a high turban, composed of many small rolls, appa- 
rently made of fine gold muslin, and his ataghan, or long dagger, was stud- 
ded with brilliants. Instead of having his room crowded with the officers 
of his court, as is customary with the Pachas, and other great men, he 
was attended by only four or five young men, very magnificently dressed 
in the Albanian costume. These brought in refreshments, consisting, 
as usual, of coffee, sweetmeats, and pipes. 

* Lord Byron accompanied Mr. Hobhouse in this journey, and pro- 
bably was present on this occasion. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 141 

cited a high degree of popular enthusiasm at this critical mo- 
ment. Only a small part of the Pacha's gold, however, 
found its way into the imperial treasury ; and the Porte gain- 
ed but little in the substitution of one Albanian for another 
in the government of Epirus, when it bestowed on Omer 
Vrionis the pashalik of Ioannina and Arta, as the reward of 
his treachery. " Ali Pacha," remarks Mr. Leake, " may 
have thwarted the execution of all the measures of the Porte, 
which tended to reduce his authority, and, in general, those 
which did not originate with himself; he may have transmit- 
ted a larger sum to Constantinople in the shape of presents 
to persons in power, than in that of tribute to the imperial 
treasury ; and in the latter respect, he may never have sent 
as much as would satisfy the wishes of government ; never- 
theless, it is probable, that the Porte, during his reign, was 
more truly master of Greece than it had ever been before, 
and that it derived, upon the whole, as much revenue from 
the country ; while it is certain, that, by leaving Ali to op- 
pose tiie armed Greeks to one another, and to suppress the 
spirit of revolt by the military strength of Albania, she most 
effectually secured herself against the consequences of fo- 
reign intrigues among the Christian subjects of European 
Turkey ; — that concentration of power in Ali's hands, was 
the best protection which the empire could possess, on a 
frontier where it was (at one time) endangered by the in- 
crease of the power of France, not less than the north-east- 
ern side was menaced by the encroachments of Russia, 
Affairs, in fact, became less favourable to the future influence 
of the Porte over Albania, after his fall, than they had 
been under Ali, or than they would have been under the go- 
vernment of his sons.* 

* Outline, p. 34—62. 

13* 



11% HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER XI. 

Hetaria> the objects of this Association. — The oath and cater 
chism of the Hetarists. — Riga, his patriotism, character, 
and death. — Count Capo d'Istria. — Czerni George, and 
Galati, determine to begin the Revolution. — Death of 
George. — Death of Galati. — Michael Suzzo. — Alexander 
Ipsilanti and Prince Cantacuzene. — Plan to commence the 
Revolution. — Revolt of the Moldavians under Suzzo and 
Ipsilanti. — They take possession of Bucharest. — Black 
uniform of the Hetarists. — Hazardous condition of Ipsilan- 
ti and his army. — Russian Manifesto. — Ipsilanti pro- 
claimed a rebel. — Suzzo retires. — Defection of Vlademir- 
esco and his execution. — Turks take the field. — Ipsilanti 
returns from Bucharest, which city is taken by the Turks. 
— Plan of an intended Revolt at Constantinople, discover- 
ed. — The Turks commit the most horrid barbarities. — Ipsi- 
lanti defeated on the Oltau. — Heroism of the Sacred band. 
— They most of them fall. — Ipsilanti retires towards the 
Morea. — His arrest and confinement. 

That the reader may understand the exciting cause of the 
present struggle in Greece, we must now go back to about 
the year 1814, when that celebrated association called the 
Hctaria* was founded. 

The object of the Hetaria, or Society of Friends, undoubt- 
edly was the emancipation of Greece. Its head quarters 
were established at St. Petersburg, and nearly all the Greeks 
in Europe hastened to join it. An active correspondence 
was carried on between the agents appointed by the society ; 
and men of the highest standing in Greece visited Peters- 
burg under the pretext of commercial speculations, but real- 
ly with a view to promote the objects of the association. 
This society, formed in imitation of the secret associations of 
Germany and France, carried on their correspondence by 
means of emblems and signs. It was divided into three 
classes of members, viz. chiefs, coadjutors, and priests. Each 
class had distinct signs, and cyphers, and like the Free Ma- 
sons, understood each other by the position of the hands or 

* From the Greek, signifying Society. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 143 

lingers in their salutations. The three classes, also had cer- 
tain means of communication intelligible to all. The facility 
of admitting members was the means of rendering their 
numbers very great, for any member with the knowledge 
and consent of a single additional brother, had a right to ad- 
mit the candidate. The requisite qualifications were, that 
be should be a true Greek, a zealous lover of his country, a 
good and virtuous man ; and that he should not be a member 
of any other secret society. By the form of the oath of ad- 
mission, they bound themselves to devote their lives and for- 
tunes to the liberation of their country.* 

With regard to the persons who originated this society, or 
the authors of the oath and catechism, we have at the pre- 
sent time no certain knowledge.! By the catechism is under- 

* Mr. Waddington, from a Romaic document, gives the following ac- 
count of the objects of the Hetaria, their oath, &c. 

" The Hetaria consists of native Greeks, patriots, and is named the 
Society of the Friendly. Their object is the purification of this nation, 
and, with the aid of heaven, their independence." The principal oath, 
or form of adjuration, contained the following clauses : " In the presence 
of the true God, spontaneously I swear, that 1 will be faithful to the He- 
taria in all, and through all; I will never betray the slighest portion of its 
acts or words ; nor will I ever in any manner give even my relatives or 
friends to understand that I am acquainted with them. I swear, that 
henceforward I will not enter into any other society, or into any bond 
of obligation ; but whatever bond, or whatever .1 may possess in the 
world, when compared with the Hetaria, 1 will hold as nothing. I 
swear, that I will nourish in my heart irreconcilable hatred against the 
tyrants of my country, their followers and favourers ; and I will exert 
every method for their injury and destruction." [Then, after two or 
three clauses, binding the members to acts of friendship and mutual 
assistance, and referring to the introduction of others into the society, 
it proceeds.] " I swear, that I will ever so regulate my conduct, that 
I may be a virtuous man ; I will incline with piety towards my own 
form of worship, without disrespectfully regarding those of foreigners ; 
I will ever present a good example ; I will aid, counsel, and support the 
sick, the unfortunate, and the feeble ; I will reverence the government, 
the tribunals, and the ministers of the country in which 1 may be re- 
siding. Last of all, I swear by thee, my sacred and suffering country, 
— I swear by the long-endured tortures, — I swear by the bitter tears 
which for so many centuries have been shed by thy unhappy children. 
—I swear by the future liberty of my countrymen, — that I consecrate 
myself wholly to thee ; that henceforth thou shalt be the scope of my 
thoughts, thy name the guide of my actions, thy happiness the recon; 
pense of my labours.'' * 

f Mr. Blaquiere says, " it has been confidently asserted that the ori- 
ginal idea of forming secret societies in Greece, is due to the Empress 
Catharine ;. at all events, there is no doubt of her agents having pi»- 






144 HISTORY OF THE 

stood an explanation of the plans, principles, and ultimate 
objects of the society, which was from time to time laid open 
to all new members ; and it was necessary that the candidate, 
before his initiation, should not only desire to receive this 
information, but that his desire to be cathechised should 
proceed from no other motive, than a pure love of country. 
Whether the oath and catechism were written for the Heta- 
ria, or whether they were composed for another association 
previously instituted, is not known. It appears that, as early 
as 1782, a fraternity of seven individuals was formed for the 
purpose of preparing the minds of the Greeks for an effort to 
regain their liberties. One of these individuals was the cele- 
brated Riga, who it is said, with his companions, travelled 
all over Europe with the view of exciting sympathy and gain- 
ing advocates for their intended object.* 

In a memoir of the origin of the Revolution, referred to 
by Mr. Waddington, it is stated, that Prince Mavrocordato, 
a Greek, who was exiled, formed the plan of a society while 
in Russia, for the purpose of instructing and enlightening 
his countrymen. This project was executed in 1802, and the 
Prince died in 1814. After his death, four persons, whose 
names are not mentioned, assumed the direction of the socie- 
ty, and it appears that they depended chiefly on the assist- 
ance they expected from the court of Russia to carry their 
plans into execution. The count Capo dTstrias, the minis- 
ter to whom applications were made, for this purpose, was a 

moted their formation, as affording the best means of successfully resist- 
ing the Turks." 

* Riga was born in Thessaly, in 1760, and finished his education 
in Italy. He was a poet, scholar, and patriot, and to this day is 
the theme of admiration among all classes of the Greeks. Having fin- 
ished his education, and made the tour of Europe he returned to his 
own country, where he infused a spirit of liberty, and thirst for eman- 
cipation, which undoubtedly had its influence in bringing forward the 
present Revolution. He translated into his own language several for- 
eign works, calculated to increase the knowlegde of his countrymen, 
and prepare them for the effort he intended to make. He also published 
a map of Greece, with a nomenclature of modern Greek, for the use of 
the natives. The fate of this modern Tyrtaeus, as he is called, was 
well calculated to excite lasting impressions of indignation and regret 
on the minds of his countrymen. His talents, his celebrity, and the 
part he was acting, could not but have been known at the court of Con- 
stantinople. He was seized by Turkish emissaries while in the territory 
of Austria, and with the evident connivance of the court of Vienna, 
and to its indelible disgrace was dragged to Belgrade, and there be? 
hea^d. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 145 

native of Corfu, and consequently supposed to take an espe- 
cial interest in the affairs of the society. His answers were 
rather evasive than discouraging, and it is said that his refu- 
sal to act decisively, was generally accompanied by a pre- 
sent to the applicant, in the name of the Emperor. Under 
this state of suspense, a Moreote, named Galeotti, was sent 
by the Society to St. Petersburgh, to ascertain the real state 
of the case, and to obtain official intelligence of the inten 
tions of the Russian cabinet. The answer which the minis- 
ter returned destroyed all hopes of assistance from that 
quarter. The Russian cabinet, whatever might have been 
the expectations of the Greeks, could lend them no aid, 
either in men or money. The delegate, Galeotti, had scarce- 
ly returned to his own country when he died. 

Probably the disappointment which the Hetaria experi- 
enced in the refusal of the Russian Court to give their as- 
sistance, for a time dampened the ardour of its members. It 
did not, however, prevent its silent and secret proceedings, 
nor its extension into distant provinces. 

In 1817, Czerni George, an exiled chief of Servia, and 
Count Galati, a native of Corfu, seeing no immediate pros- 
pect of foreign aid, determined to commence the revolution, 
and trust to their own talents and resources for its success. 
They had concerted a plan of operations, by which George 
was to appear suddenly in Servia, his native province, put 
himself at the head of his former subjects, and thus draw the 
attention of the Porte to that quarter. In the meantime, 
Galati, and other Greek chiefs, were to raise the standard of 
insurrection in the southern parts of Greece and the Morea, 
and having collected an army, the two forces were to join, 
and continue the revolution. In the prosecution of this de- 
sign, the Servian chief set forward for his native province, 
and on his way discovered himself and his enterprise to a 
relative and former friend, named Milosh, on whose assist- 
ance he supposed he could depend. But instead of lending 
his co-operation, he treacherously caused his relation to be 
murdered, and his head sent to the Pacha of Belgrade, who 
transmitted it to Constantinople.* The Count Galati being 

* The following extract is made from the narrative of a diplomatic 
agent, long resident at Bucharest : 

Czerni George, the Servian chief, who acquired great celebrity du- 
ring the late war between Russia and Turkey, had, in consequence of 
his country's submission to the Turks, retired into Russia »ihere ho 



146 HISTORY OF THE 

thus deprived of his coadjutor, and having no authority 
among the Servians, on whom they depended to begin the 
revolution, retired to Bucharest, where he soon afterwards 
died. 

These circumstances, for a time, postponed the attempts 
of the Hetarists, but did not dishearten them. Determined 
in the next attempt not to begin until every part of their 
plans had been more completely matured, they fixed on the 
year 1825 for the execution of the great enterprise, thus 
giving ample time for every arrangement. 

In the meantime, Michael Suzzo, or Sutzo, was appoint- 
ed by the Porte, Viceroy [Hospodar] of Moldavia. He was 
a young Greek of accomplished manners and insinuating ad- 
dress, and, being naturally ardent and ambitious, he listened 
with attention to the suggestions of the Hetarists, and warm- 
ly espoused their cause. 

Another person, who appeared about the same time, and 
on whom great reliance was placed, was Alexander Ipsilanti, 
a prince by birth, a Major-General in the Russian service, 
and son of the late governor of Walachia. He had embraced 
the military profession in his youth, had served in the cam- 
paigns of 1812 with distinction, and was aid-de-camp to the 
Emperor at the time when the Hetarists called on him to as- 
sist in the emancipation of his country. 

With Ipsilanti and Suazo, was associated Prince Catacu- 



was living a- quiet life with the rank of Russian Lieutenant- General, de- 
corated with the order of St Andrew, and enjoying a very liberal pen- 
sion from the court of St. Petersburgh. No man appeared, to the con- 
certers of the plot, more fit for so difficult and important an undertaking 
as that of raising the standard of revolt against the Turks. Overtures 
were made to him, and an understanding took place between the parties. 
It was understood that Czerni George, after sounding and finding fa- 
vourable the dispositions of the Servians, should suddenly appear among 
them, call them up to arms, seize upon the fortified places occupied by 
a few unsuspecting Turks, and place the Province in such a menacing 
attitude as was likely to engross the attention of the Turkish govern- 
ment, and attract its principal forces. It was calculated that the Ser- 
vians, to the number of 40,000, would join the standard of their old 
leader, in which case they could, for a considerable time at least, set at 
defiance the Turkish army. Meantime, the Greeks throughottt the pro- 
vinces,it was expected, would rise on all sides, and so perplex the Turks, 
as to compel them to divide their means, and ultimately, it was hoped, 
they would be overpowered by numbers, and driven from Europe. But 
this plan, as we have already seen, was entirely defeated by the death 
of the principal actor, Czerni George. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 147 

zene, a man not less celebrated than his coadjutors as a mili- 
tary chieftain. He was descended from an illustrious Greek 
family, and though superior in rank and age to Ipsilanti, he 
generously volunteered to serve under him. These accom- 
plished soldiers, with the assistance of other Hetarists, laid 
down the plan of the approaching campaign. 

In the first place they entertained no doubt of the speedy 
reduction of the northern Turkish principalities, since Suz- 
zo, Governor of Moldavia, engaged to declare himself open- 
ly at the proper time, and the Servians, though they had lost 
their leader in the death of Czerni George, were still in a 
state of revolt, and of course, expected to rise and join in 
the contest. Ipsilanti was to assume the offensive beyond 
the Danube, while a spirited proclamation should summon 
the whole of Greece to arms, from Ossa to Tonarus. A for- 
midable conspiracy was at the same time set on foot at Con- 
stantinople, the explosion of which it was calculated would 
shake the Ottoman empire to its very foundation ; and it 
was hoped that certain circumstances connected with this 
plan would lead to a rupture between Turkey and the great 
northern Potentate, from which source the patriots still con- 
fidently expected assistance. 

All parts of this enterprise were undoubtedly well concert- 
ed, and, had each been carried into full execution, it would 
probably have been crowned with the highest success ; but 
unforseen difficulties and disappointments entirely frustrat- 
ed the plans and present hjpes of this band of patriots. 
Ipsilanti, owing to peculiar circumstances, was obliged to 
cross the Pruth and begin his operations sooner than was 
expected. The minds of the Moldavians were not prepared 
for so sudden an appearance, and symptoms of resistance 
were at first manifested ; but on the declaration of Prince 
Suzzo, that he fully participated in the measures of Ipsilanti. 
instead of resistance they joined the standard of revolt, and 
threw off all allegiance to the Porte. Ipsilanti now pub- 
lished an energetic proclamation, addressed to his country- 
men, calling upon them to shake off the Turkish yoke, to 
follow the standard of the cross, and to join him in the great, 
and glorious project of liberating Greece.* This document 
also contained an assurance, that a great power (meaning 
Russia) was ready to punish the infidels for their frequent 
breaches of faith, cruelty, and arrogance. 

* Blaquiere, vol. 1. p. 02. 



148 HISTORY OF THE 

The uniform of the Hetarists was entirely black, in sign 
of mourning for their afflicted country, and on their banners 
was planted a phoenix rising from its ashes, being the emblem 
©f regeneration.* The Moldavians were greatly excited by 
the proclamation and these appearances, and some young 
men offered their persons and fortunes for the benefit of the 
cause, while recruits came in from all quarters. 

Having obtained possession of Moldavia, the Hetarists 
marched towards Bucharest, the capital of Walachia, a city 
in part fortified, and containing about 80,000 inhabitants. 
The governor, on the approach of the insurgent army, ab- 
sconded in the night, and the city was thrown into a state of 
the greatest consternation and confusion. The patriots, 
however, after doing all in their power to restore order ana 
calm the fears of the citizens, took possession of the city. 

It was now, says Mr. Blaquiere, that Prince Ipsilanti be- 
gan to feel all the difficulties of his situation. He was in- 
deed master of Moldavia and Walachia, but so far from be- 
ing able to advance, it plainly appeared that he had little 
chance of being allowed to maintain his position at Bucha- 
rest. But the most fatal blow to his hopes came from a quar- 
ter the least expected, and indeed from which he calculated 
even direct assistance. As so unequivocally insinuated in 
his proclamation, Ipsilanti had, it seems, no doubt but his 
rising would be followed by the declaration of the Russian 
government in his favour, and the flattering reception he re- 
ceived by the Moldavians, after the declaration of Suzzo, 
was indeed owing to this opinion ; for like the rest of Europe, 
the people believed that Ipsilanti would not have embarked 
in so perilous an enterprise without the promise and assur- 
ance of some foreign aid. But the illusion was soon dissi- 
pated, and while the Russian Ambassador at the Porte re- 
ceived daily insults as being accessary to the revolt, his mas- 
ter at home was preparing a manifesto, in which Ipsilanti was 
published as a rebel and incendiary, and his conduct formal- 
ly disapproved. 

The publication of the manifesto fell like a thunderbolt on 
the Hetarists and their associates. The enthusiasts became 
cool, and the wavering loudly condemned the measures of 
the patriots, while Suzzo gave up his command in Moldavia, 
and retired with his family beyond the Pruth. At Gonstan 

* Blaquiere, vol. 1. p. 62. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 149 

tinople, the prospect was not less discouraging, the plot for 
effecting the revolution being entirely frustrated.* 

In addition to these disastrous events, it was suspected 
that Vladimiresco, a chieftain who had joined Ipsilanti with 
a considerable number of troops, was engaged in a traitorous 
correspondence with the Turks. The Prince, in consequence, 
had him arrested and tried by a military court ; when it was 
found, that for the consideration of being made Hospodar. 
he had agreed to betray his associates into the hands of the 
infidels. He was condemned to death and immediate exe- 
cution. 

The situation of Ipsilanti now became disagreeable and 
hazardous. He was still at Bucharest, and before the defec- 
tion of Vladimiresco, was desirous to hazard a battle for 
its defence. The Turks had taken the field, and were ap- 
proaching that place, and Ipsilanti, therefore, thought it most 
prudent to abandon it, and retreat to Tergovist. This re- 
treat was not effected without precipitation and consequent 
disorder. The Turks soon after entered the city with an 
army of 10,000 men, without firing a shot. On their way to 
this place, they had committed the most horrid barbarities. 
The Hetarists, who had the misfortune to fall into their 
hands, were empaled alive, and numbers of little children 
were hung up by the feet along the public roads.f 

,™ The Prince did not reach Tergovist before he 
' found that the Turkish army was in pursuit, and hav- 



* Mr. Blaquiere says, that the object of this extensive and deep-laiu 
plot, was to arm the Greeks, who formed a numerous portion of tho 
working and operative classes in the capital, to fire the Arsenal, and 
seize the person of the Sultan as he went to his devotions. Every 
thing was prepared, and the plan might have succeeded, had it not been 
for a certain merchant, one of the principal conspirators. He having 
some goods on hand, which he wished to dispose of before the explosion 
took place, had the time of rising postponed, and during the interval a 
discovery took place. 

f In addition to the terrific atrocities, several Monasteries, in which 
the inhabitants took refuge, were entered, and every soul butchered. 
Some idea may be formed of the scenes which marked the paths of the 
Turks, when it is added, that in one Monastery alone they destroyed 
three hundred women and children. Among these wretched victims 
was the wife of Major Rhote, and her seven children. 

A person named Udricky, attached to the Austrian consulate, is said 
to have been the principal eause of these calamities. He constantly as- 
sured the peaceable inhabitants that they had nothing to fear from the 
Turks, and thus lulled them into a fatal security, until it was too late 
for them to escape. — See Blaquiere. 

14 



150 HISTORY OF THE , 

ing called a council of war, it was determined to risk a bat- 
tle. As a preparatory measure, he crossed the river Oltau, 
and took his position at the monastery of Dragachan, within 
a few miles of Rimnik, in Walachia. Ipsilanti having made 
the necessary disposition of his troops, the battle commenced 
in the morning of the 17th of June. The Turkish infantry 
rushed forward with loud shouts, but were repulsed with the 
point of the bayonet. A second charge was repelled with 
equal intrepidity. But at this moment the fate of the patriot 
army was decided by the cowardice and treason of Caravia, 
an officer of the cavalry, who turned suddenly round and 
fled, followed by his men. The corps of Nicholas Ipsilanti, 
brother to the Prince, followed the example of the fugitives 
in spite of his authority, and thus the whole army was thrown 
into the utmost confusion. The panic soon became so uni- 
versal that almost all the troops recrossed the Oltau, nor 
could all the efforts of bravery on the part of the Prince, pre- 
vent a retreat so shameful and cowardly. Honourable ex- 
ceptions to this conduct were, however, displayed in the he- 
roism of the chieftain Giorgaki and his corps, and in the de- 
voted bravery of the Sacred Band. Giorgaki, during the 
rout, fell suddenly on a Turkish corps, killed great numbers, 
dispersed the remainder, and retook from them several pieces 
of cannon. The Sacred Band was a battalion of young 
Greeks, educated in Europe, and for the most part students 
or merchants' clerks, who had repaired to the standard of 
Ipsilanti, from Russia and Germany. They wore a uniform 
of black, as an emblem of mourning for the sufferings of their 
country, to whose service they had devoted their fortunes 
and lives. Their zeal, patriotism, and union, obtained for 
them the above appellation. 

These young men, animated by the spirit which taught 
their ancestors to perish at Thermopylae, preferred a glorious 
death to flight or dishonour. They scorned to turn their 
backs on their ferocious and blood-thirsty enemies, and while 
the main part of the army crossed the Oltau, they alone stood 
firm. But their numbers, amounting to only four or five 
hundred, exposed in an open plain to the attack of fifteen 
hundred Turkish cavalry, was too small to effect the fate of 
the day. Each one, however, sold his life dearly as possi- 
ble, and the contest ended in the fall of nearly four hundred 
Greek youth, at once the flower and hope of their country. 
" The heroism displayed on this occasion," says Mr. Bla- 
quiere, " will bear an advantageous comparison, with the 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 151 

best days of Grecian history, and is by far the most brilliant 
trait in the contest. As an example of true patriotism, it has 
had a most salutary effect on the people of Greece." 

Prince Ipsilanti* was now without an army, and bereft of 
all hope ; he therefore proceeded to Trieste, with the inten- 
tion of joining his countrymen in the Morea, where the patri- 
ot banner was already displayed ; but a mandate from the 
Austrian Cabinet arrested him on his way, and ordered his 
imprisonment in the Castle of ?vIongatz in Hungary. On 
what pretext of justice this unfortunate patriot has been thus 
incarcerated does not appear. He is neither a subject of 
Austria, nor has he taken arms against any state under the 
protection of that power. Some have suspected that the 
pleasure of the Ottoman Court was the cause of his arrest ; 
while others suppose him to have been the depository of 
some state secret, the disclosure of which his freedom would 
endanger. " With respect to the origin of Ipsilanti's enter- 
prise, it is still involved in considerable mystery. Whatever 
part the agents of the Russian Cabinet may have had in 
stimulating this officer to come forward, no person who had 
Matched the uniform policy of Russia, could feel the smallest 
surprise at the Emperor's disapproval of any participation in 
his proceedings. If he took the field without any other as- 
surances of support, except what could be derived from four 
or five hundred followers, against whom an overwhelming 
force could at any time be sent, Ipsilanti must have added 
madness to folly, but there is nothing connected either with 
his public or private character, to justify such an imputa- 
tion."! 

* The character of the Prince, as drawn by M. Pouqucville is not 
calculated to elevate our ideas of a Russian Major General. 

Destitute of talent, says he, but educated by preceptors, who had 
taught him to speak correctly several languages, — he was learned 
without possessing that masculine knowledge which is the result of 
well directed study ; a poet without inspiration ; amiable without 
urbanity ; a soldier without being warlike, although he had lost his 
right arm at the battle of Culm. But what especially characterised 
Alexander Ipsilanti, was the vanity common to the Phanariots, their 
spirit of intrigue, the ambitious end of which terminated in his becoming 
Hospodar of the brutish nations of ancient Dacia, and a feebleness of 
character which shewed itself in his suffering himself to be ruled by 
persons unworthy of his confidence. To what person the biographer 
here alludes, he does not explain ; nor do we know in this instance how 
far the prejudices of M Pouqueville has led him astray in the drawing 
of his picture. 

f See Blaquiere, vol. 1. p. 77. 



152 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER XII. 



Sultan orders all Greeks to be disarmed.— -The Archbishop 
Gregory hanged, with several other Ecclesiastics. — Indig- 
nation of the Greeks. — Emissaries called Apostles. — Revo- 
lution expected at Patras. — Order for disarming resisted. 
— Revolt begins at Suda, and then at Patras. — Greeks 
and l^urks plunder each other. — Turks shut themselves up 
in a Fortress. — Want of skill in the art of War among 
the Turks. — Greek with the White Flag, shot, on coming 
to town. — Insurrection in the Morea. — Hydra, Ipsara, and 
Spezzia, join in the common cause. — Turks obliged to retire 
to the strong places. — List of officers in the Morea. — 3Iav~ 
romicaWs manifesto. — Arrival of Isovf Pacha, and relief 
of the Turks in the Fortress. — Greeks evacuate Patras. 
— Burning of the town. — Horrid scene. — Attack and re- 
duction of the Lalliots. 

1821 ^° sooner did the news of the insurrection at 
' Moldavia and Wallachia reach the Porte, than the 
Sultan sent off orders to all his Pachas to disarm the Greek 
population throughout his dominions, and at the same instant 
the signal for a war of extermination was given at the capi- 
tal. On the 22d of April, being Easter day, on which is held 
the greatest festival of the Greek church, the Patriarch, 
Gregorius, appointed and acknowledged by the Porte, and 
who had recently issued his anathemas against the insur- 
gents, was seized and hanged in front of the church from 
which he was just retiring.* His body, to increase the ig- 

* Mr. Blaquiere says, that the Patriarch, whether considered in his 
capacity of head of the church, or as a man of the most exemplary 
virtue and unaffected piety, it would perhaps be impossible to name 
any victim that has fallen since the introduction of Christianity, more 
entitled to the honours of martyrdom. How melancholy to reflect, that 
it is only by such sacrifices, mankind have hitherto been able to acquire 
religious and political freedom. 

Gregorious was a native of Calavrita, and had made repeated efforts 
to retire to the place of his birth, but was always brought back by the 
orders of the Sultan, to whom he had rendered some very eminent 
services. He had passed his 70th year when the murder was perpe- 
trated, and no patriarch was ever held in higher estimation by the 
Oreek people. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 153 

Hominy of this savage murder, was given to the Jews, to be 
dragged through the streets as a spectacle and warning to 
his terrified brethren. This murder was accompanied or 
speedily followed by that of several other ecclesiastics of the 
highest dignity in the capital and other parts of the Empire, 
as well as by that of several other Greeks of every class. 
The motives for these atrocious proceedings, were probably 
the hope of terrifying the Greeks into submission ; but they 
excited more indignation than terror, and only tended to 
make the insurrection more universal. The destruction of 
several Greek churches, heightened the exasperation of the 
Christians, and a general eonvietion'prevailed that these pro- 
ceedings were but a prelude to an intended extermination of 
the whole nation. The priesthood of the islands of the Mo- 
rea, thinking themselves to be peculiarly marked out for de- 
struction, did not hesitate to increase the ferment by their 
spiritual influence, and to inspire the rebellion with all the en- 
ergy and malignity of religious warfare. Hence, neither the 
reverses of Moldavia, and the overthrow of Ipsilanti, nor the 
failure of the conspiracy at Constantinople, prevented the 
resistance of the Greeks, who constantly expected that there 
would be war between Russia and the Porte, and that thus 
the power and attention of the Turks would be divided.* 

Added to these feelings and expectations, were those of 
indignation and horror, at the slaughter which the Turks had 
begun in the various provinces and islands, as well as in Con- 
stantinople. In many places indeed, the Greeks were under 
the fullest conviction that it had been determined at the 
Porte to exterminate their entire race, and hence prepara- 
tions were made to sell their lives as dearly as possible. 

Another circumstance which tended to add enthusiasm to 
the passions already existed, was the harangues of emissa- 
ries, called by their employers, Apostles. These men were 
known to the people under the denomination of philosophers, 
and began their work just before the revolt of Moldavia. 
They were sent, it is said, from Russia, to stir up the people 
of Greece, and it is probable they were intrusted with some 
of the secrets of the Hetari. They were in the highest de- 
gree enthusiastic, and circulated reports that the Sultan had 
declared his resolution to transport all the Greeks into Asia 
Minor, and to establish Turkish colonies, drawn from that 
portion of his empire, in their places ; that Prince Ipsilanti 

* Modern Traveller, 
14* 



154 HISTORY OF THE 

was under the patronage and pay of Russia, and that he was 
marching with a large force upon Constantinople, <fcc. 
These orators occasionally pretended to select for their mo- 
dels, some one of their ancient brethren and countrymen, 
and would mount the rostrum in an open space, and harangue 
the people on the duties they owed their country and kin- 
dred, and on the means of protecting themselves and their 
children from the barbarities of their oppressors. These 
preachers produced considerable effect, particularly on the 
middling and lower class, who, not waiting to inquire into the 
truth of what they heard, prepared themselves at once to 
march towards the field of battle. 
1R21 About the first of April the excitement became 
* general, and a mutual distrust was apparent between 
the Greeks and Turks everywhere. The inhabitants of Pa- 
tras had become particularly disaffected on account of the 
heavy levies made upon them by the Turkish government, 
for the purchase of supplies for the army in Albania, which 
was acting against Ali Bey. Open hostilities had not yet be- 
gan, but both Greeks and Turks saw that a revolution was 
on the point of commencing. The Greeks at Patras, ship- 
ped off, or secreted their property, and the Turks who inha- 
bited the town, began to prepare for their defence, by repair- 
ing the fortress, into which many of them transported their 
families. The Ionihns residing in the city also became 
alarmed, and sent their families off to the islands.* 

In this state of things, the inhabitants of Suda, a large vil- 
lage near Calavrita, in the northern part of Arcadia, were the 
first to take the field. In order to conceal their design for a 
short period, they gave out that they intended to plunder 
travellers in the mountains, well knowing that the Turks are 
seldom in haste to suppress such excesses. 

At Patras, the order for disarming the Greeks was at- 
tempted to be enforced, but they flatly refused to deliver up 
their arms ; on which the Turks turning the cannon of the 
fortress against the town, soon took possession of it. Mean- 
while, Germanos, Archbishop of Patras, retired to Calavrita, 
where he assembled an army of nearly four thousand pea- 
sants. At their head he entered the city, and took it from 
the Turks, who were obliged to shut themselves up in the ci- 
tadel. On the 4th of April, the Turks set fire to one of the 
Greek Primate's houses. This was a signal for attack ; and 

* Green's Sketches of the War in Greece, p. 10 12. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 155 

a brisk lire of musketry took place between the Turks and 
Greeks in the streets of the city. The Turks now opened a 
lire from a fortress, probably for the purpose of preventing 
the people from extinguishing the conflagration, which in a 
short time spread over a considerable portion of the city, 
and in twelve hours upwards of three hundred houses were 
destroyed. 

While the town was burning;, both parties were pillaging 
each other without reserve, and in some instances the Greeks 
even robbed those of their own nation. 

At the very commencement of the insurrection, says Mr. 
Green, a Patracine Greek, who inhabited and owned the 
house adjoining my own, determined on quitting the place, 
and requested I would take charge of the key of his house, 
in which was deposited a great part of his property, and fur- 
ther intreated me to protect it until he should be able to re- 
turn in safety. Shortly after the entry of the insurgents, 
one of the leaders, whose residence likewise adjoined mine, 
but on the other side, paid me a visit, and in the name of the 
Greek chiefs demanded the key of his neighbour's house, 
which he had learnt was in my possession. Although I of 
course refused to comply with so unjust a demand, the Greek 
still persisted, and at length told me to my face, that if I re- 
tained the key, he should force the doors open. I cannot 
deny that I was exceedingly irritated at such unlooked-for 
and insolent conduct ; however, 1 thought it prudent merely 
to request the Greek to quit my house; observing to him. 
that a few days previous he probably would not have made 
use of such an argument. Determined to protect the proper- 
ty entrusted to my care, I forthwith sent to the Archbishop 
and Primates, informing them of what had passed, when they 
assured me that it was without their knowledge, and that the 
house should be respected. Two days after this declaration, 
it was forced open, pillaged, occupied, and converted into a 
manufactory of ball cartridges. 

The slate of Patras at this period, cannot be better descri- 
bed than in the language of Mr. R. L. Green,* from whom 
we borrow the following account : 

" The moment of the breaking out of the revolution in 
Greece, was a most interesting one. For some weeks pre- 

* Sketches of the war in Greece, by Philip James Green, late 
British Consul for the Morea, with notes by R. L. Green. Vice- 
Consul. 



156 HISTORY OF THE 

vious to the affair of Calavrita, great distrust and jealousy 
prevailed between the Greeks and Turks. The latter were 
evidently making preparations for repairing and provisioning 
their old and neglected fortresses, and the task of putting 
them into good order had commenced. There was no longer 
that supineness, that absolute security, which had hitherto 
marked the Turkish government. The inhabitants of the 
towns and villages began to look at each other with suspicion, 
and the Greek was bold and gibing, in his bearing towards 
his Turkish neighbour. He first insulted him in the streets 
of Patras, and then, contrary to the known regulations, ap- 
peared with arms. The Turk, on the other hand, instead of 
coming out merely with his pistols in his girdle, rarely stirred 
abroad without gun and sword. And yet, in spite of this 
state of feelings in spite of the great disproportion in num- 
bers between the two classes, the Turks forced the Greeks 
to drag up new ordnance from the sea-shore, and such is the 
force of habit, absolutely to plant it in the very fortress 
which was shortly to be attacked by them. 

" As soon as an open rupture had taken place, the mode of 
warfare between these two semi-barbarous people was 
strikingly characteristic. 

" The Greeks at first had no cannon, but at length they 
procured some four and six pounders from an Ionian vessel 
that was lying off Patras, and transported them to a house 
which was within one hundred and twenty feet of the wall of 
the castle. They then erected a battery within the house 
itself, and when they were prepared they unmasked it by sud- 
denly pulling down the wall which intervened between them 
and the castle, and instantly commenced a vigorous attack. 
Had these little guns been directed even to the most tottering 
part of the fortress, they would scarcely have moved a stone ; 
but here, unfortunately, their battery was directly opposed to 
a portion of the wall which the Turks had just repaired from 
the damage done by lightning. The consequence, as may 
easily be conceived, was, that their time, trouble, and shot, 
were absolutely thrown away. However, they persevered, 
and several Greeks were killed. At last, a Turk seeing 
one man very busily employed at the guns, took deliberate- 
aim from the embrasures, and shot him in the head as 
he was in the act of stooping to load. This poor fellow 
happened to be an Italian, and probably therefore was more 
expert at gunnery than the Greeks. The latter no 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 157 

sooner found their loss than they quitted their battery in de- 
spair. 

" The Turks, on the other hand, were not a whit more 
skilled than their enemies. In the first place, being merely 
the inhabitants of a town, and having no soldiers to instruct 
them, for there was only a nominal garrison at Patras, not a 
soul knew the management of a gun ; — and in the second, 
had they possessed the requisite knowledge, the whole of 
the ordnance, with the exception of the new guns, just re- 
ceived, was in such a miserable state, that nothing effectual 
could have been done. Many of the cannon were without 
carriages, and being of enormous weight, could only be moved 
with the greatest difficulty. The Turks might be seen hoist- 
ing and propping them up with levers of wood, and then 
firing in any, or rather in no direction. The Greeks in the 
meanwhile, occupied houses close to the castle, and kept up 
a brisk fire of musketry ; others, however, who were not 
quite so brave, used to make a noise at a ridiculous distance, 
and expend their courage and powder most vigorously. 
Those within the houses usually tried to pick off the Turks 
employed at the cannon, and this they might do with perfect 
safety to themselves, for it was quite clear, that there was no 
gunner among them who even hit a house by aiming at it. 
The Turks, therefore, were obliged to screen themselves 
when loading their guns, by stopping up the embrasures with 
matrasses and boards, and when they were ready to fire, 
these were withdrawn. 

" Clusters of Greeks, who were chattering away in the 
vine-yards, would be on the look-out, and as soon as they 
marked the spot where the ball fell, they ran towards it and 
picked it up, carrying it to their magazine. If, as it often 
happened, a six pound shot had been discharged by the con- 
summate skill of the Turks out of a twenty-four pounder, the 
Greeks used to load their small cannon with it, and send it 
back again. 

"Thus there was a constant noise with little execution. 
In spite of all their practice, there was nobody among the 
Turks that acquired any skill in gunnery, with the exception 
however, of one man, a barber. His skill, nevertheless, was 
limited, for he could only fire from his own cannon, but that 
to be sure, happened to be mounted. Among the earliest 
and most memorable of his feats, was the following. When 
Patras was attacked!, the Greeks used to come from the 
neighbourhood to assist their brethren in the town. One 



158 HISTORY OF THE 

fine day, a reinforcement of these, coming from Gastouni, 
were observed from the castle, just appearing on the brow of 
a hill. In the midst of the troop was an unfortunate fellow 
mounted on a white horse, and he by way of eclat, was car- 
rying and flourishing a white flag. The Turkish grandees 
who were besieged, were in the habit of offering money to 
their gunners if they hit any object pointed out to them; 
and one of them told the barber, that he would give him a 
machmoudie if he would bring the man on the white horse 
down. The barber pointed his gun, and neither flag, horse, 
nor man were ever after heard of. The next feat which 
the redoubtable barber accomplished was this. The houses 
in Patras are built of mud and straw, made into a sort of 
bricks. This is done for the sake of economy, as the soil 
thrown up in digging the foundation not only serves as ma- 
terial for the walls, but as earthquakes are frequent, damages 
are thus easily and speedily repaired. One of these houses, 
situated just under the walls of the fortress, was occupied by 
the Greeks, and became from its proximity a source of great 
annoyance to the besieged. Whenever a Turk appeared, 
half a dozen bullets whizzed about his head, while the 
Greeks remained in perfect security. This went on for a 
long time ; the guns of the fortress had been directed in 
vain upon it, and each man had tried his luck in hitting it 
but all to no purpose. At last the barber desired to essay 
his skill : the first shot he fired took effect, and in a moment 
a score of Greeks were seen issuing from a cloud of dust, 
some scampering, others crawling off most nimbly on their 
bellies among the vines, and no one, I believe, ever ventured 
there again." 

While these things were taking place at Patras, the insur- 
rection became general throughout the Morea, and several 
of the islands being prepared for such news, on hearing what 
was transacting on the continent, instantly threw off all re- 
straint and joined in the general cause. 

Among the islands, the most conspicuous for patriotism 
and promptness were Hydra, Spezzia, and Ipsara. The en- 
terprising and industrious inhabitants of these islands imme- 
diately prepared a naval armament, by turning their merchant 
vessels into men of war. Their united force amounted to 
eighty or ninety vessels averaging 250 tons each, and carry- 
ing on an average 12 guns. Besides these, fifty or sixty 
smaller ones were supplied by the otherfslands. In the lat- 
ter end of May, the inferiority of Turkish marine in skill and 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 159 

enterprise, to that of the Greeks, was shown in the loss of 
me of theii two-decked ships of war, which having been 
separated from the fleet, near Lesbos, was burned by a 
.lydriot fire-ship. 

Soon after midsummer, not only in the Morea, but through- 
>ut a great part of northern Greece, as far as Salonica, the 
Turks had retired into the fortified towns, and strong places, 
til the mountains and open country being either in the hands 
of the Greeks, or subject to their incursions. Agents had 
been sent to Europe for the purchase of arms and ammuni- 
tion. Many volunteers, Franks* as well as Greeks, had ar- 
rived in the Morea, and many generous contributions of 
money and stores had been received both from foreigners 
and from opulent Greek merchants settled in different Eu- 
ropean sea-ports. 

The native Greeks who took the lead in the Morea, were 
Petros Bey, better known by the name of Mavromicali, who 
had been some time before nominated by the Sultan, Bey of 
Maina, Constantine Colocotroni, who like his father had 
long been a capiianos of armatolif in the Morea, and had 
held commissions both in the Russian and English service. 
Demetrius Ipsilanti, a younger brother of the Prince Alex- 
ander, who like him had been an officer in the Russian ser- 
vice. He bore a commission from the Prince, appointing 
him general-in-chief of all the military forces in Greece. 
He was received by the Hydriots with discharges of cannon 
and other demonstrations of joy. Among his followers came 
a younger brother of Prince Cantacuzene, and an individual 
named Condiotti, who had served as valet-de-chambre to 
Count Capo d'Istria. There also arrived in the month of 
August, Prince Mavrocordato, a distinguished Greek, whoso 
talents and character procured him great authority among all 
classes. 

On the commencement of the revolution, Mavromicali ad- 
dressed a manifesto to the European courts, through their 
Consuls, residing in Greece, stating that the tyranny of the 

* By Franks, is meant not only Frenchmen, but I believe any white 
foreigner from Europe or America, with the exception of Russians. 

f The armatoli were a kind of militia appointed by the Turks, whose 
duty it was to keep the roads clear of robbers ; and guard the mpimtaiu 
passes. 



160 HISTORY OF THE 

Turks had forced the Greeks to take up arms, and soliciting 
assistance from the several European governments.* 

A council for the direction of affairs was also formed at 
Patras, consisting of several Primates, Mavromicali, and a 
number of rich and influential Greeks. Meanwhile, the 
Turks were closely besieged in the citadel, and had began to 
suffer for want of water and provisions, while the Greeks 
were making every effort to compass their destruction. 
They had nearly completed a mine with which in a short 
time to blow up the place. 

* The following is a translation of that instrument from Modern 
Greek. — See Green's Sketches, p. 272. 

MANIFESTO. 

To the European Courts, on the part of the Patriot Coritmander of the 
Spartan and Messinian forces. 

The intolerable yoke of Ottoman oppression, after a period of above 
a century, had reached that height, that nothing remained to the 
unhappy Greeks of the Peloponnesus, but the liberty of breathing, 
and this served only to force out their sighs from the bottom of their 
hearts. 

Reduced to a condition so pitiable, deprived of every right, we have, 
with an unanimous voice, resolved to take up arms, and struggle against 
the tyrants. All factions and discords amongst ourselves, sown by 
tyranny, are sunk in the abyss of eternal oblivion. 

Our arms — shackled up to this hour with chains of iron, now burst 
their bonds, and eagerly grasp the sword to annihilate abhorred 
tyranny. 

Our feet — that have laboured day and night at the most cruel tasks, 
now hasten to vindicate our rights. 

Our heads — which bent the neck to the yoke, now plan our freedom. 

Our tongues — which before dared not utter a sound, except vain sup- 
plications for clemency, now cry with a loud voice, and make the air 
re-echo with the sweet name of liberty. In one word, v/e are unani- 
mously resolved on Liberty or Death. Thus determined, we earnestly 
invite the united aid of all civilized nations to promote the attainment 
of our holy and legitimate purpose, the recovery of our rights, and the 
revival of our unhappy nation. 

With every right does Greece, our mother, whence yc also, O 
Nations, have become enlightened, anxiously request your friendly as- 
sistance, with money, arms, and counsel, and we entertain the highest 
hope that our appeal will be listened to : promising to show ourselves 
deserving of your interest, and at the proper time to prove our grati- 
tude by deeds. 

Given from the Spartan Head Quarters, Calamata, 23d March, 
1831, (O. S.) 

Signed, PIETRO MAVROMICALI, 

Commander-in-chief of the Spartan and Messinian forces. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 161 

In this state of affairs, Isouf, Pacha of Negropont, arrived 
at the head of three hundred and fifty Turkish soldiers, 
chiefly on horseback. Mr. Green, who was present on this 
occasion, says that the Turks did not fire a shot, but that on 
their approach, the garrison besieged in the fortress dischar- 
ged all the artillery simultaneously, as a kind of salute. This 
roused the Greeks, most of whom were in their beds, and 
they commenced a precipitate flight towards the mountains 
and the sea-shore. It is quite impossible, says he, to de- 
scribe the scene that followed. Crowds of men, women, 
and children, rushed towards St. Andrea, on the sea-shore, 
where there were about sixty vessels and boats. Ionians 
and Greeks, with their women and children, embarked on 
board the different vessels, which weighed anchor and pro- 
ceeded towards Zante ; the Russian, Prussian, and Swedish 
Consuls being among the number. 

The evacuation of the town by the Greeks really appeared 
to have been agreed upon, as the Turks did not attempt to 
pursue them or cut off their retreat ; and the entire popula- 
tion, amounting to perhaps eight thousand souls, of which 
number there were six thousand men capable of bearing 
arms, were suffered quietly to depart. 

Four hours after the arrival of the Pacha, the town was 
given up to pillage, and the work of destruction began. 
Numbers of Greeks, chiefly old men, women, and children, 
took refuge in the Consulates. Several unfortunate Greeks 
were found near the town, whom the Turks took, and having 
cut off their heads, threw the bodies into the streets. 

On the 16th of April, the Pacha gave orders to set fire to 
the houses of the Greek primates, who were suspected to be 
the instigators and leaders of the revolution ; the wind be- 
ing high, and the houses composed of combustible materials, 
about 700 were burned in the space of ten hours, including 
the Dutch, Russian, and Swedish Consulates. 

It is impossible, continues Mr. Green, for me to give an 
adequate description of the horrid scenes that have taken 
place. About forty Greeks have been decapitated, and their 
bodies thrown into the streets : the women and children who 
fell into the hands of the Turks are retained as slaves. 

The insurrection soon became so universal as to strike 
the infidels with terror and dismay. At Calavrita and Cala- 
mata, the Turkish authorities capitulated and delivered them- 
selves up to the Greeks, while at Gastouni and Lalla the 
two parties carried on a destructive warfare with each other f 



162 HISTORY OF THE 

Lalla is situated on a mountain, a little north of the river Al- 
pheus, and was originally a colony of Turkish soldiers, who 
were governed by their own Beys. They held their lands 
by the tenure of military service, and had acquired a great 
reputation as soldiers. This little community did not lose a 
tittle of their reputation on the present occasion. Being at- 
tacked, and finally surrounded by the Greeks, they were 
obliged to retire to their town, which, though unfortified, 
their resistance was such as to keep the enemy at bay, until 
their provisions became scanty. They then made application 
for assistance to Isouf Pacha, at Patras, who marched to 
their relief with twelve hundred men. The Count Metaxa, 
a Cephalonian, who commanded a party of lonians and Zan- 
tiots, having with the other Greeks taken post on a neigh- 
bouring eminence, waited the attack of the Lalliots with the 
reinforcements from Patras, when a most desperate contest 
ensued. " The Turks," says Mr. Blaquiere, " who were 
far superior in numbers, made repeated charges with their 
cavalry upon the intrenchments of the lonians : constantly 
repulsed, however, by hot fire of grape and musketry, they 
were forced to retire with the loss of more than three hun- 
dred men ; that of the lonians was also considerable, and 
Metaxa, their leader, received a severe wound. In conse- 
quence of this affair, the Lalliots abandoned their town, af- 
ter setting it on fire, and retreated with their families to Pa- 
tras."* 



* Blaquiere, vol. 1. p. 100. Mr. Green, (Sketches, p. 52.) gives a 
different version of this affair. " I learn," says he, " that the Pacha had 
just returned to Patras from Lalla, with all the inhabitants of that place. 
It appears that upon Isouf s arrival before Lalla, he found a large body 
of Greeks collected, which he instantly attacked, and, with the assist- 
ance of the Lalliots, after a desperate conflict succeeded in putting them 
to flight. On the approach of the Ottomans, the Ionian auxiliaries 
opened a heavy fire from six guns, which did considerable execution. 
The Selictar (Sword-bearer) of the Pacha was killed by his side, and 
the chief of the Albanians had his horse shot under him. The Turks 
being unprovided with artillery, judged it best to advance as rapidly as 
possible; the moment they came hand to hand, the Moreot Greeks fled 
precipitately, leaving the lonians to their fate ; these last resisted with 
great courage as long as practicable, but being overpowered by num- 
bers, and abandoned by the Moreots, they were compelled to give way, 
and retreated towards the coast, pursued by the victors. Those who 
were able got on board boats, and effected their escape to Zante 
and Cephalonia. They complain bitterly of the conduct of the Mo- 
reots, and apparently with reason, if their statement be true, that 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 163 

At Carilena, about one hundred Turks took refuge in an 
old Venetian castle, above the town, built on a rock which 
overhangs the Alpheus. As they had no means of subsist- 
ence in this isolated spot, two thousand Turks were detach- 
ed from Tripolizza to bring them off. Colocotroni hearing 
of this expedition, advanced with three thousand Greeks to 
prevent the passage of the Turks. But such was the dread 
with which these Greeks were struck on the approach of 
their enemies, that they dispersed, to the great mortification 
of their leader, and permitted the Ottomans to extricate their 
countrymen without molestation. 

But notwithstanding, it was some time before the Greek 
peasants could accustom themselves to bear the glances of 
those tyrants, in whose presence they had been wont to 
cringe in abject servility ; yet these impressions of terror 
soon wore off, and gave place to the utmost comempt. In- 
deed, it was only a few months .after the revolution com- 
menced, that the Greeks were able to meet the Turks, man 
to man, with at least an equal chance of success. 

Among the soldiers of the Morea, the Mainotes were the 
most brave and skilful in the use of their arms. On many 
occasions they gave examples of intrepidity, which other Gre- 
cian troops hardly dared to imitate. But their characters are 
stained with many vices, being particularly addicted to pil- 
lage and robbery, without caring much whether the subject 
be friend or foe. The success of the first campaign in the 
Morea seemed to depend considerably on the warlike habits 
of these men. They had been accustomed to a kind of wild 
independence, which they had maintained in their native 
mountains for several centuries, and though they had occa- 
sionally been forced to pay tribute to the Porte, had still 
been in a permanent state of hostility to the Turks. On the 
breaking out of hostilities they were among the first to throw 
off all reserve, and join the standard of revolt, and to their co- 
there were twelve hundred Ionians, and four thousand Greeks before 
Lalla, as it is certain that the Lalliot force did not exceed fifteen hun- 
dred, and that of Isouf Pacha twelve hundred men. Mr. Green further 
states, that the loss of the Turks was serious, but the number unknown; 
that the loss of the Greeks in killed and wounded might have been 
three hundred ; and that such was the exasperated feelings of the vic- 
tors, that several Ionians, who fell into the hands of the Turks, were 
impaled alive on the field of battle, and a sack of noses and ears brought 
to Patras, to be sent as trophies to the Grand Signior, which revolting 
plan is often adopted, as affording proof positive of the favourable result 
of an action. 



164 HISTORY OF THE 

operation may be attributed the fact, that before the middle 
of May the whole of the Morea, with the exception of a few 
fortified places, was in the hands of the Greeks.* 

The new government,! composed of Archons and Bishops, 
was first established at Calamata, but afterwards transferred 
to the centre of the Province, when the Turks were shut up 
in the strong holds, and an Arcadian army had sat down be- 
fore Tripolizza. The Greeks did not, however, as yet dare 
to approach the city, but remained perched upon the highest 
summit of Tricopha, a sharp and rocky ridge to the north, 
observing the place from a distance, and occasionally skir- 
mishing with parties of the garrison. 

In the meanwhile, the Seraskier Chourschid Pacha, though 
sufficiently occupied in keeping up the blockade before the 
Citadel of Ioannina, into which Ali had retired ; as well as in 
protecting his communications from the Suliot bands, resolv- 
ed nevertheless, to send whatever troops he could spare into 
Greece. Agreeable to this design, the Pacha's Kiayah, or 
Lieutenant, landed at Patras, with nearly twr> thousand Al- 
banian cavalry, and immediately marched to Tripolizza. 
Being unwilling to expose himself among the mountains that 
separate Achaia from Arcadia, he followed the coast of the 
Corinthian Gulph. On the approach of Kiayah Bey, the 
consternation of the Greeks became general. The blockade 
of the Acropolis of Athens was raised, upon which the Turk- 
ish garrison took advantage of the respite thus afforded, to 
reap the harvest of the neighbouring districts then ripe, and 
carry it into the fortress. From Corinth, the infidel chief 
proceeded to Argos, passing through the intermediate de- 
files, without the least opposition, and putting every Chris- 
tian who fell into his hands to the sword. Argos was given 
to the flames, but a part of the armed inhabitants having oc- 
cupied a ruined castle, on the lofty rock above the town, he 
did not venture seriously to attack that point, and after ex- 
changing some rounds of musketry with its defenders, went 
on towards Napoli di Romania, opened a communication 
with that place, and thence directed his steps to Tripolizza. 
The Greeks, who had by this time approached somewhat 
nearer, and encamped before the city, being afraid to risk an 
action, retreated to Valdezza, on the road to Calamata, 
where according to their favourite method, they entrenched 

* Blaquiere, vol. i. p. 100—104. f Blaquiere, vol. i. p. 104, 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 165 

themselves behind heaps of loose stones piled up for the oc- 
casion. 

The Kiayah having assumed the chief command on enter- 
ing Tripolizza, he began to make predatory excursions on 
every side, for the purpose of collecting supplies, and de- 
stroyed several christian villages. It was in one of these 
marauding parties, that Nicetas, or as he is called by the na- 
tives, Nikitas, the bravest and most disinterested of the 
Greek Captains, acquired the high reputation for valour, 
which he lws since preserved among his countrymen. Hav- 
ing halted in a small hamlet with only fifty soldiers, he was 
suddenly attacked by nearly three thousand Turks, and three 
pieces of cannon. Nikitas, undaunted by such fearful odds, 
took his measures so well, and kept up such a spirited fire, 
that, however strange it may appear, he repulsed the enemy 
with great loss. Ali Bey, second in command of the Turk- 
ish division, was killed by a musket ball in this affair. 

At Valdezza, a difference of opinion arose among the 
Greek leaders ; Colocotroni, Anagnostoras, and the Bey of 
Maina, as to whether it would be more expedient to wait for 
the Ottoman army, in that position, or retire farther into the 
mountains ; Colocotroni proposed the latter plan, but he 
yielded to the suggestions of Anagnostoras, who represent- 
ed that their retreat would expose the whole country to de- 
vastation. On the 6th of June, they were attacked by the 
Kiayah in person, at the head of all his disposable force. He 
anticipated an easy victory, and on the night before quitting 
Tripolizza, military dances were executed in the streets, by 
his Albanians, who promised to exterminate the christian 
rebels. But the result was far different. The Ottoman 
cavalry, while on a plain, would no doubt have soon over- 
whelmed their antagonists ; embarrassed and unable to act 
on narrow and rocky ground, they were thrown into disorder 
by the fire of the Greek light infantry. The Mainotes, by a 
vigorous attack in flank, completed their defeat, and a total 
rout ensued. Two hundred infidels were slain, the re- 
mainder succeeded in re-entering the city, though in the ut- 
most confusion, many of them having lost their arms and 
accoutrements. It is a singular fact, that this action, which 
may be said to have mainly decided the fate of the Pelopon- 
nesus, should have coincided so nearly with the discomfiture 
of Ipsilanti at Dragachan. 

As the Turks did not attempt to keep the field after this 
overthrow, it merely remained for the Greeks to watch the 

15* 



166 HISTORY OF THE 

fortresses. The head -quarters of the Mainotes, and of the 
Arcadians under Colocotroni, were therefore once more es- 
tablished in front of Tripolizza ; while Modon, Coron, and 
Malvasia, were invested on the land side by the peasants of 
Laconia and Messina, and some parties of Mainotes. Two 
thousand Peloponnesians and a body of Ionians formed the 
siege of Navarin, while a more numerous corps of Achaians, 
reinforced by auxiliaries from Cephalonia and Zante, sat 
down before Patras. Napoli di Romania was also blocked 
up by the militia of Argolis, and the Acropolis of Corinth by 
the Corinthians and Sycionians. The Hydriots and Spez- 
ziots cruised along the shore with some light vessels, and 
prevented any supplies from arriving by sea ; and the heroic 
Bobolina of Spezzia, undertook to conduct the naval block- 
ade of Napoli di Romania, with seven sail of armed ships, 
brigs, and schooners, her own property, and fitted out solely 
at her own expense.* 

It was truly fortunate for the cause of Grecian freedom, 
that a long peace had induced the infidels of the Morea to 
neglect provisioning their strong holds, and that the hurry 
and precipitation with which they took shelter behind their 
ramparts, allowed no opportunity of repairing that fault, for 
the Greeks, without artillery, and so deficient in military sci- 
ence or discipline, had no chance of reducing them except 
by famine : their method of conducting these novel sieges 
was as follows : the main body took post upon heights at a 
considerable distance, generally beyond the reach of can- 
non shot, while some advanced parties, profited by any ine- 
qualities of ground to approach the walls, remaining with 
extraordinary patience, behind the shelter afforded by banks 
or stones, watching an occasion to fire at their enemies 
through the embrasures and loop-holes. Prompted by the 

* This extraordinary woman was killed in an affray which happened 
in June, 1825. It appeared that one of her brothers, of which she had 
five, had seduced a girl of the island ; her friends surrounded the house 
of Bobolina, where he lived, for the purpose of forcing the young man 
to marry her. The Amazon who harangued them from a window, had, 
it seems, been rather too profuse of her abusive terms, when a shot 
from the brother of the injured girl, passed through her head, and at 
once put an end to her eloquence and her life. 

Such however is the regard for female virtue in those Islands, that 
the delinquent was never brought to trial ; whilst the universal voice of 
tlie inhabitants compelled the brother of Bobolina to marry the girl a 
few days after*— -Picture cf Greece, vol i. p. 112. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 167 

hope of procuring a little forage and provisions, or more fre- 
quently from mere lassitude, the Mussulmen sometimes made 
a sortie, and drove back the outposts, upon which the main 
body would hasten to their support ; after a distant exchange 
of musketry, the Turks thinking that they had given them- 
selves sufficient exercise, retired within the walls, and were 
often pursued by the Greeks. Neither party had any idea 
of acting in a body, but merely as sharp shooters. In these 
skirmishes, the Mainotes and Ionians were always the bold- 
est and most forward of the Christian troops. It is true that 
the latter, by taking part in the war, exposed themselves to 
severe penalties, as well as confiscation of property, enacted 
by the Parliament of the Seven Islands ; but the brave men 
whom a sentiment of patriotism and zeal for their religion 
induced to come forward thus nobly, will have their reward 
in history, while those legislators who so easily lent then- 
sanction to measures, dictated solely by prejudice and pas- 
sion, have already incurred the galling ban of public opinion. 
It did not unfrequently happen that a short truce was agreed 
upon by mutual consent : during this, groups of the two 
nations might be seensitting on the grass, smoking, convers- 
ing, and even eating together : this intercourse continued 
till the armistice was declared to be at an end, when each 
party went back to their respective stations, and hostilities 
recommenced as fiercely as ever. 

While these scenes were passing in the Peloponnesus, the 
insurrection continued to gain ground in the northern parts 
of Greece, though with less vigour and with fewer striking 
events. The Roumeliots generally boasted that they were 
better soldiers than the natives of the Morea, but their con- 
duct during the early part of the contest cannot certainly be 
cited as a proof of superiority. In Acarnania and Etolia, the 
revolution was effected without any difficulty, there being no 
Turkish troops in these provinces, except a few at Lepanto. 
In Phocis, Attica, and Bosotia, the peasants assembled in 
arms upon the mountains, but struck no blow worthy of be- 
ing mentioned ; the Athenians and Boeotians were indeed 
regarded as the worst troops in Greece. 

About the time that the Kiayah Bey entered the Pelopon- 
nesus, another detachment of Chourschid Pacha's army ad- 
vanced through the passes of Oeta, into Bceotia, burned the 
city of Livadia, and occupied Thebes. Omer Vrioni, an 
Albanian chief of some reputation, who had the honour of de- 
feating a party of British troops near Rosetta, in the ill-con- 



168 HISTORY OF THE 

certed expedition of 1807, marched towards Athens, with 
seven hundred horse. The town was in possession of the 
peasants of Attica, and the few Turks it contained shut up in 
the Acropolis, were in great distress for want of provisions ; 
while, in order to accelerate its capture, the Hydriots had 
disembarked a body of islanders with some ship guns at the 
Piraeus. But no sooner did they receive tidings of Omer's 
approach, than a general flight took place. The Hydriots 
sailing away, while the Athenians sought shelter either in 
the mountains or in the island of Salamis, where fifteen hun- 
dred of them found a refuge ; thus imitating the conduct of 
their ancestors, though it must be confessed, under circum- 
stances infinitely less honourable to themselves. Soon after- 
wards, however, Odysseus and some other Greek captains, 
who had been attached to the former army of Ali Pacha, 
came from Epirus, and occupying the defiles of Thermopylae, 
effectually prevented any more reinforcements from advanc- 
ing in that direction. 

In Macedonia, hostilities had already commenced, and the 
Christians of that Province, meeting at first with some suc- 
cess, pushed their incursions as far as the gates of Salonica, 
causing great alarm in that rich and populous city. But, in- 
stead of following any fixed plan, they roamed about the 
country in separate bands, and for objects of little impor- 
tance : having at length been discomfited in a few insignifi- 
cant skirmishes, their courage began to fail them ; the panic 
that ensued was also followed by the abandonment of sixty 
or seventy villages, whose inhabitants retired into the treble 
Peninsula of Cassandra, Torone, and Mount Athos. At 
the commencement of these tumults, the Greek inhabitants 
of Mount Pelion, in Thessaly, were excited to revolt, by the 
eloquent exhortations of Anthimos Gazi, a distinguished lite- 
rary character long resident at Vienna. But this insurrec- 
tion was soon suppressed by the Turks, and Anthimos obliged 
to conceal himself in the first instance, and finally quit the 
country.* 

At sea the Greeks carried every thing before them, and 
for a long time rode undisputed masters of the Egean, keep- 

** The persecutions and cruelties at Salonica were little inferior to 
those at Constantinople, and although the victims were not so nume- 
rous, yet many thousand Greeks of every age and sex perished under 
the Mussulman knife. It is worthy of remark, that the Jews, of whom 
there are considerable numbers in this part of Greece, were armed by 
th* Turks, and joined heartily in all their excesses. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 169 

ing the Turkish ports and islands in a state of complete 
blockade : with the exception of merchant vessels, however, 
the only prizes hitherto made, consisted of a corvette, with a 
small complement of men, surprised in the port of Milo, and 
also one or two brigs of war. But a far more glorious tri- 
umph was afforded them, by the first attempt the Ottomans 
made to regain possession of the sea, and re-establish the 
maritime communication between Constantinople, Smyrna, 
and Egypt, as its interruption caused much inconvenience to 
the inhabitants of the capital, who were thus deprived of 
their usual supplies of rice and fruits. In order to effect 
this purpose, two line of battle-ships, and several smaller ves- 
sels, quitted the Hellespont towards the end of May, and 
proceeded as far as the Island of Lesbos. The Greek 
squadron fell in with one of the two deckers, a seventy-four 
gun ship, which had separated from the others off the south- 
ern coast of the Island. The following are a few particulars 
of the action, as related by Tombasi the Hydriot Admiral. 
Instead of keeping the open sea and making use of his for- 
midable artillery, the Turkish captain only thought of flight, 
but being unable to escape without fighting, he anchored his 
ship at the entrance of the gulf of Adrametum. On this, the 
Greeks immediately prepared fire-ships to lay him on board ; 
their first attempt failed, but the second completely succeed- 
ed. Two of these destructive masses being linked together, 
fell athwart the bows of the Ottoman, while the ignorant 
Mussulmen stood on deck with their muskets, to oppose 
what they imagined to be an attempt at boarding, deceived 
by several effigies the Greeks had dressed up in different 
parts of the fire vessels. When once attacked, only a few 
minutes elapsed before the Turkish ship was enveloped in 
flames, the captain then cut his cables and allowed her to 
drift towards the shore, but long before reaching it she run 
aground. The crew now endeavoured to save themselves 
by swimming ; but the victorious islanders pursued in their 
boats, and such was the perils which the Turks had to en- 
counter, that out of a complement of eight hundred men, 
scarcely a single individual was saved. As to the ship, she 
burned to the water's edge. On getting intelligence of this 
disaster, the rest of the infidel squadron fled with all possible 
speed to the Dardanelles.* 

* Blaquiere, p. 100—114. 



170 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Demetrius Ipsilanti assumes the command. — Cantacuzene.— 
Their Reception — Candiotti. — Affendouli. — State of Par- 
ties in 1821. — Hetarists and Ephors: their respective 
views. — Germcmos. — Klepthis. — Character of the Ephors. 
■ — Qualities of the Hetarists : their Confidence in Russia. 
• — Ipsilanti. — Cantacuzene. — Prince Mavrocordato. — Car- 
adja.—Mavromicali, Prince of Maina. — Kyriacoula. — 
Colocotroni ; his character and views. — Anagnostaras of 
Leondari. — Plans of * Ipsilanti. — Opposed by the Ephors. 
—Siege of Malvasia and Navarin ; their Capture. — Ex- 
cesses of the Patriots.— Tipoldo. — Resignation and recall 
of Prince Demetrius. 

* " The arrival of Demetrius Ipsilanti at Hydra gave anew 
impulse to the enthusiasm of the patriots; this young officer 
reached the island early in June from Trieste, having travers- 
ed the Austrian dominions in disguise, and thus evaded the 
late of his brother. He bore a commission from Prince Alex- 
ander, appointing him general in chief of all the forces in i 
Greece, and was accompanied by a younger brother of prince 
Cantacuzene and some other Greeks belonging to families 
settled in the north of Europe. The Hydriots received Ip- 
silanti with discharges of artillery and other demonstrations ; 
of joy. After remaining a few days in the island, in the 
course of which a proclamation was issued explaining the 
object of his coming, he made some changes in the local 
government, and proceeded to the Morea, where he assum- [ 
ed the command of the army before Tripolizza. Thej 
disastrous issue of his brother's expedition could not then 
be known, and it was generally supposed that Demetrius 
had brought large sums of money and a quantity of military 
stores ; but this illusion soon vanished, for it was found 
he had not more than 200,000 Turkish piastres, most of 
which Petros Beyt borrowed for the support of his followers ! 
and two hundred stand of arms. As the melancholy termi- 
nation of the northern campaign became known, the ardour 
excited by Ipsilanti's arrival began to cool, when the 
Ephors turned a deaf ear to all his propositions for organi- 

* Blaquiere p. 115. f Mavromicali. 

a 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 171 

sing the army and establishing a regular system ef adminis- 
tration. They were equally insensible to the menaces of 
one of his companions, named Condiotti, formerly valet-de- 
chambre to Count Capo d'Istria, and who threatened them 
not only with the vengeance of Prince Alexander, but with 
that of the Autocrat himself. They had, however, already 
heard that one was a fugitive and prisoner, and that the other 
loudly disavowed their cause. Unable to realize his plans; 
Condiotti withdrew from the Morea, though not without a 
strong suspicion of being one of those who had embezzled 
part of the sums raised by subscription among the Hetarists. 
' Another determined partizan of Russia, Affendouli, who con- 
stantly appeared in the uniform of that nation, went to 
Crete, and obtained the command of the independent forces 
there, but he was soon driven away as an impostor, and nar- 
rowly escaped with his life. Having alluded to the first 
symptoms of dissension between Ipsilanti and the Ephors. 
that is, perhaps, the most proper place to offer a few remarks 
on the state of parties in Greece at this period ; for it is only 
by a correct data on the actors, that many of these circum- 
stances which have marked the progress of the contest can 
be explained. 

The attempt to regenerate a people who have been long 
weighed down by tyranny, and exposed to the influence of a 
corrupt and demoralizing government, is a task of infinite 
difficulty, and must ever encounter obstacles almost insur- 
mountable. On the first dawn of freedom in Modern 
Greece, it is to be lamented, that so much of the spirit of 
dissension, coeval with the formation of the ancient republics, 
and aptly characterised as the inveterate malady of the Greek 
cities, by a writer of antiquity, should have survived the 
Lower Empire and Turkish despotism : — when a system of 
rule like that to which the Greek people had been subjected 
by all their conquerors, and the abuses connected with their 
religious dogmas, are considered, who can wonder, if many 
of the chiefs who now came forward, seemed more anxious 
for the interests of his native village or city, than the general 
good of the confederacy. The want of concert, as well 
as that variety of detached operations which were pursu- 
ed at different points, may be attributed to the above causes. 
The nation was, besides, divided into two great parties ; 
those of the Hetarists, and Ephors or Primates. It is also 
to be observed, that there was scarcely a man in either party, 
who had been accustomed to the direction of a public ad- 



172 HISTORY OF THE 

ministration or conducting national affairs on a grand scale. 
As soon as the Turkish magistrates had lost their power, all 
authority in civil matters naturally fell into the hands of the 
Bishops and Primates, who had, under the Ottoman yoke, 
been employed to collect imposts and arrange the minor de- 
tails of domestic and municipal polity among the Christian 
Communities ; but these men, accustomed to every species 
of low intrigue, fraud, and extortion, and to enrich them- 
selves at the expense of the poorer classes, were neither able 
to quit the beaten track in which they had so long moved, 
nor get rid of theii grovelling habits ; much less raise them- 
selves to the level of existing circumstances. The charac- 
ters of such men were by no means calculated to inspire re- 
spect, while their influence could only be maintained by 
Caballing together and retaining bands of unprincipled 
satellites in their pay. One of the most conspicuous indi- 
viduals in this class, was Germanos, Archbishop of Patras, 
a vain, ambitious, selfish, and intriguing churchman. The 
armed population was commanded by officers bearing the 
title of Capitani, a word of very vague signification ; since 
some were at the head of two thousand men, while others 
were not followed by more than twenty or thirty. In the 
military Councils, the greatest share of influence and authority 
was either assumed by, or conferred on the leading klephts, 
who were the only persons capable of heading the troops, the 
inferior commanders being elected by the voluntary suffrage 
of the provincial militia that served under them. Thus, 
each village had its petty chief, who was allowed to com- 
mand while he made himself agreeable, and no longer. It 
.Sometimes happened that these officers, though engaged in 
the same enterprise, acted quite independently of each other ; 
but it more frequently occurred, that a number of them 
agreed to obey one chief of superior reputation. Nor did 
the best understanding always exist between the Captains 
and the Primates, although they were reciprocally depen- 
dent on each other ; the first for receiving a regular supply 
of rations, which it was the business of the Ephors to collect 
and send to the army ; the second, for having their decrees 
enforced, and measures carried into effect. The confusion 
arising from the jumble of civil and military organization, to 
which the country party adhered but too obstinately, may be 
easily conceived : brought up under the Turkish system, and 
participating in its abuses, they seemed to have no permanent 
rule of action, and took a singular pride in attempting to imi- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 173 

tale the barbarous pomp displayed by the Mahometans of 
rank. But the views of the Hetarists were altogether dif- 
ferent : educated in Europe, and more accustomed than 
their less favoured countrymen to the usages of civilized 
life, they were anxious to introduce them into Greece : un- 
fortunately, however, they consisted for the most part of 
young men, who had no experience of public business. 
Having but lately issued from colleges and counting houses, 
often carried away by passion and enthusiasm, they took too 
little pains to conceal the high opinion they entertained of 
their own powers, and their contempt for associates who 
had not enjoyed the same advantages. Their hopes were 
fixed upon Russia, and however strange it may appear, they 
would have been willing to govern regenerated Greece, un- 
der Russian protection. At the head of this little party, 
was Demetrius Ipsilanti, whose name, whatever may have 
been the errors of the Hetarists, cannot be mentioned with- 
out feelings of esteem and respect. This young man, though 
not more than twenty-two years of age, had held the rank of 
lieutenant-colonel in the Russian army, but without having 
found an opportunity of acquiring a knowledge of his pro- 
fession by active service in the field. His exterior is rather 
unfavourable, being of short stature, and nearly bald ; and 
there is an expression of coldness in his manner, which is apt 
to repel strangers ; but on a closer acquaintance, this reserve 
wears away, when his excellent qualities appear in their true 
colours. Intrepid, persevering, and totally indifferent to the 
allurements of pleasure, Ipsilanti has no thought, no wish, 
but for the honour and happiness of Greece : and if he desired 
to be at the head of the government, it was only that he 
might be able to render her more essential service. Un- 
like many others, he was scrupulous in the means he em- 
ployed to gain even his most favourite ends, and disinter- 
ested in the extreme, amidst a system of pillage and pecula- 
tion which would have followed a similar revolution in the 
most enlightened country of Europe. Although no man had 
deeper reasons to hate the Turks, yet he constantly inter- 
posed to save them from insult and ill treatment when van- 
quished, and by example as well as precept, endeavoured to 
check the excesses inseparable from such a war. If his ef- 
forts were not always crowned with success, there is not less 
credit due to the character and motives of Prince Demetrius. 
His greatest fault is, perhaps, that of not possessing sufficient 
energy, and being too mild for the circumstances in which 

16 



174 HISTORY OF THE 

he was placed, and the men with whom he had to act. The 
situation of the Prince was both difficult and delicate ; sur- 
rounded by jarring interests and passions, an object of con- 
stant jealousy to the Primates, and frequently opposed in 
his attempts to correct prevailing defects. 

Prince Cantacuzene, the colleague of Ipsilanti, though 
sprung from a Greek family, was in all respects a Russian : 
full of spirit and activity, he appeared to be gifted with a con- 
siderable share of military skill, but soon became tired of a 
service, in which the objects of a man's ambition could only 
be attained by sacrifices which few are willing to make.^ — 
After the capture of Malvasia, where he commanded the be- 
sieging force, Cantacuzene refused to accept any employ- 
ment, unless sufficient means were given him, with an assur- 
ance of support : and as the gratification of these wishes 
were impracticable in the existing state of the contest, he 
quitted Greece altogether in October, and repaired to Italy, 
whence he has not since returned. 

Early in August, Prince Mavrocordato and Caradja, the 
first a highly distinguished Panariot, and the second a son of 
a fugitive Hospodar, arrived from Marseilles in a Greek ves- 
sel, loaded with military stores, which Mavrocordato had 
purchased there, and after visiting the camp before Patras, 
disembarked their supplies at Missolonghi. The talents and 
noble character of Mavrocordato, soon/ procured him great 
weight and authority among all classes, while Caradja was a 
mere cypher, and his name scarcely ever mentioned. With 
respect to the Bey of Maina, Mavromicalis, though as anx- 
ious to see his country free as most men, his period of per- 
sonal activity has gone by, and he was also destitute of those 
powers of the mind, indispensable for those destined to take 
a prominent part in such a revolution. His brother, Kyria- 
couli, on whom the command of the Mainotes seemed prin- 
cipally to devolve, gave proofs of courage and enterprize : 
and his eldest son was a young man of very great promise, 
possessing a fascinating exterior, amiable manners, ahd full 
of patriotism : both found a glorious death in the summer of 
1822 : the first was killed on the coast of Epirus, and the se- 
cond being surrounded near Carystus, in Eubcea, by a body 
of the enemy, far superior in number, after seeing all his 
companions slain by his side, chose rather to plunge a dag- 
ger into his heart, than fall alive into the hands of the infi- 
dels. 

Of all those who have been called upon to aid the Greek 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 175 

cause, Colocotroni deserves most particular notice. This 
chief had never submitted to the Ottomans, but like his an- 
cestors, had almost from his cradle carried on a petty warfare 
against them, spreading alarm throughout his native province, 
at the head of a band of faithful -and determined followers, 
making the most inaccessible mountains of Arcadia his 
abode, and plundering all who came in his way. No wonder 
if the character of such a man received a tinge from the 
wild habits of his life : hasty and violent in his temper ; an 
Ajax in person ; bold and daring in the field, where he seem- 
ed to court danger ; greedy and rapacious of spoil, fertile 
in stratagem, it would have been almost impossible to find a 
more active or efficient partizan. Driven from the Morea by 
Veli Pacha, he first entered into the Russian, and subse- 
quently the British service, and was appointed captain of 
guides in one of the Greek battalions raised in the Ionian 
Islands. But his military experience had given Colocotroni 
no relish for tactics or discipline : to neither of which did he 
appear to attach the smallest importance. When pressed 
on these points, he merely remarked, that if the Greeks were 
ignorant of the art of war, their enemies the Turks were 
equally so. Content to practise the lessons of early life, the 
first resource that presented itself to his mind in moments of 
danger, was a retreat to the mountains ; these were looked 
upon as his castles and citadels, and once among them he 
deemed himself invincible. In politics, he appeared rather 
wavering and undecided. Colocotroni neither loved nor es- 
teemed Ipsilanti, whom he accused of sloth and want of vi- 
gour : yet did he for a long time affect to give the Prince his 
countenance and support. Some of the Ephors had, how- 
ever, a certain degree of influence over him. In his heart, 
Colocotroni is probably a Russian, although it should be ad- 
ded, that he never showed himself well-disposed towards the 
Hetarists ; on the other hand, it is not improbable but that 
he wished to perpetuate the reign of anarchy, in order to pro- 
fit by it, and rule the storm. 

Anagnostaras of Leondari, had led the same kind of life 
as Colocotroni, to whom he was allied by a long friendship ; 
had been captain of grenadiers in the same corps, and like 
him, enjoyed a green and vigorous old age : he was besides 
a good soldier, endowed both with prudence and discretion. 
The name of the brave and modest Nikitas has already ap- 
peared ; few of the other captains of this period enjoyed, or 
indeed seemed to deserve, much reputation. 



176 HISTORY OF THE 

Ipsilanti had two important projects in view : one of these 
was to establish a general and central government for all 
Greece ; the other, to put the army upon a regular footing, 
and assimilate it to the troops of Europe. Both the above 
designs met with numberless obstacles ; the first would have 
destroyed the influence of many interested individuals, who 
were at the head of different states of the confederation, and 
ihe second was calculated to lessen the power of the military 
chiefs. The captains and ephors therefore joined in oppos- 
ing them, and in other respects, created such difficulties as to 
render the situation of the Prince exceedingly irksome. In 
the meanwhile two events occurred, which, though favoura- 
ble to the cause of independence, tended, by their conse- 
quences, to exasperate Ipsilanti still more. 

The strong fortresses of Malvasia* and Navarin surren- 
dered to the patriots in August. The former, situated on 
the east coast of Laconia, is a place very difficult to reduce, 
being built on a rock washed on every side by the Egean sea, 
and communicating with the continent only by a bridge. 
Defended in this quarter by a strong treble wall, it is inac- 
cessible at every other point, containing within itself, 
sources of excellent water, and a small patch of cultivated 
land, sufficient to support a garrison of fifty or sixty men. 
Below this impregnable citadel, is a port and suburb, where 
most of the inhabitants reside. The Greeks had kept it 
closely blockaded both by sea and land, since the month of 
April ; Cantacuzene arrived in the camp about the middle 
of July, and took the command ; famine had already made 
dreadful havoc amongst the Mahometans, who, after prolong- 
ing their existence by the most unnatural aliments, were at 
length reduced to feed on human flesh, eating their prison- 
ers, and even their own children. Nor was this a solitary 
instance, as most of the strong holds in the Peloponnesus, 
presented similar examples. To such extremities will men 
go, in obedience to the great and irresistible law of self-pre- 
servation. 

But while the majority of the population was thus suffer- 
ing, the governor, shut up with two hundred soldiers in the 
citadel, enjoyed abundance, and gave himself no trouble 
about the fate of his countrymen in the lower town. These 
last, were disposed rather to famish, than trust to the mercy 
of the peasants and Mainotes, who were investing the place : 

* Napoli di Malvasia. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 177 

but the arrival of the Prince Cantaeuzene having inspired 
them with some degree of confidence, they ventured to open 
a negotiation. Full protection was stipulated for their lives, 
moveable property, and the honour of their families ; it was 
also agreed that they should be transported in Greek vessels 
to the coast of Anatolia. On the faith of these assurances, 
a part of the inhabitants got into the castle by stratagem, 
seized and disarmed the governor and his troops, and on the 
3d of August opened the gates to the besiegers. 

Prompted by those feelings of irritation and revenge 
which have been so often betrayed under similar circumstan- 
ces, and impressed with a notion that the garrison was not 
entitled to the benefits of a capitulation entered into by the 
inhabitants of the town, the Greek soldiery, strangers to 
discipline, fell on the former, of whom numbers perished. 
To the credit of Cantaeuzene, it should be added, that he 
displayed equal prudence and firmness on this occasion; in- 
terposing his authority with such effect as to save a number 
of lives, and eventually succeeded in putting a stop to the 
excesses, though not without considerable risk from his own 
soldiers, who conceived they were only retaliating the count- 
less murders previously committed by the infidels : consider- 
ing the relative situation of the parties now opposed, and 
the nature of the war, it could hardly be expected that the 
minor articles of the capitulation were very scrupulously ob- 
served. The Turks were, however, shipped off in three 
Ipsariot vessels, and landed on a small island close to the 
Asiatic coast, whence they reached the continent. Though 
the Greeks have been reproached for this act, they can 
scarcely be blamed for not entering an Ottoman port, well 
knowing that such a step would have been attended with 
certain death. 

Navarin, which also surrendered soon after, was the thea- 
tre of another tragedy, to which none but wars between 
slaves and their task-masters eVer give rise. Well fortified, 
and possessing one of the finest harbours in Europe, this city 
is built in the immediate vicinity of the ancient Pylos ; it was 
ably defended by the Turks, Avho made several vigorous sor- 
ties, but at last, every kind of sustenance being exhausted, 
after devouring even their slippers, they were forced to ca- 
pitulate. Ipsilanti had sent one of the best and most distin- 
guished of his friends, Tipaldo, the Cephalonian, to conduct 
the siege. Tipaldo was a man of virtue and abilities, who, 
after practising as a physician in Bessarabia with great suc- 

16* 



178 HISTORY OF THE 

cess, abandoned the rising prospect of wealth to take his 
part in the national war. He manifested great spirit at the 
head of some Ionians, in the various actions which were 
fought under the walls, and it was his presence that chiefly 
induced the Turks to treat about a surrender ; for such: was 
their obstinate resolution, that they had placed barrels of 
gunpowder under their houses, with the intention of blowing- 
up the town, when a longer resistance should become im- 
possible : the same terms were granted here as at Malvasia. 
It was while the siege of both these places had been carrying 
on, that the news of the Patriarch's murder, and that of the 
Greek clergy at Adrianople, together with the profanation of 
the Christian churches throughout the empire, spread 
through Greece ; the fury of the troops, worked up to mad- 
ness, was therefore vented on the garrison, of whom a con- 
siderable number was sacrificed. Tipaldo endeavoured in 
vain to arrest the heart-rending spectacle, the infuriated sol- 
diery answering his exhortation by citing some act of per- 
sonal suffering or oppression, and directing his attention to 
the recent massacres of the capital and other places.* 

These disorders, joined to the opposition he experienced, 
in other respects, roused the indignation of Ipsilanti, who de- 
termined to withdraw until a clearer understanding could be 
established. He accordingly issued a proclamation, in which 



* Mr. Green, (Sketches.) p. 57, gives a different colouring to this 
affair. The place,. says he, was closely invested by the Greek peas- 
antry, assisted by some Ionians, under the command of Count Mercati. 
of Zante ; all supplies, or communication, were cut off, and the scanty 
stock of provisions that had been hastily carried into the fortress soon 
began to fail. The water was also turned from the aqueducts, and none 
was obtainable within the walls. Disease made dreadful ravages, and 
the besieged, seeing no chance of succour, entered into a negotiation 
with the Greeks, when a capitulation was agreed on, stipulating that 
the Turks should be transported in Greek vessels to the coast of Barba- 
ry. The Greek Bishop of Modon and Arcadia, who commanded, ratified 
this treaty by the most solemn professions sworn on the cross ; but no 
sooner was the fortress taken possession of than he advised and indeed 
insisted on all the Turks being put to death, as the best means of getting 
rid of them. In consequence of this decision, after a massacre of one 
day, between three and four hundred men, women, and children, were 
put upon the small island in the middle of the harbour, opposite the town, 
there stripped naked and left to die of hunger ; their remains are to be 
seen to this day. 

We have seen no author who confirms this horrid account, and as Mr. 
Green does not pretend that he saw these remains, wa hope there i* 
some exaggerations in the story. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 179 

lie inveighed bitterly against the cruelties and indiscipline of 
the Peloponnesians, and giving up the command, proceeded 
to Leondari. The Primates and Captains being however 
alarmed at this step, sent a deputation to the place of his re- 
treat, and persuaded him to resume his functions as general- 
issimo."* 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Siege of Tripolizza. — Its Situation and Fortifications. — 
Garrison and Inhabitants. — Inadequate means of attack 
possessed by the Greeks. — Arrival of Prince Mavrocorda- 
to. — Mr. Gordon of Cairness joins the Christian Camp. — 
Plans of Ipsilanti. — Conduct of the Ephors. — Difficulties 
opposed to the Regular Siege. — Batteries arc established. 
— Abortive attempt at Mining. — Privations and Suffer- 
ings of the Besieged. — Views of the Primates and Cap- 
tains. — Negotiations icith the Albanian Troops. — Action 
of the 23rf September. — Ipsilanti marches toicards the 
Gulf of Lepanto. — The command devolves on Mavromi- 
chaii. — The Conferences are continued. — A parti/ of 
Greeks enter the Town. — The Assault becomes general. — 
Catastrophe which followed. — Concluding Remarks. 

1621 " H° WEVER essential," says Mr. Blaquiere, " the 

reduction of other points in the Peloponnesus may 
have been to the patriots, the eyes of all were naturally fixed 
on the fall of Tripolizza, as an object of paramount impor- 
tance : the forces employed at Navarin and Malvasia were, 
therefore, immediately ordered to co-operate in the siege of 
the capital. 

" Tripolizza, a town of modern origin, is built on the 
southern side of a long and elevated plain, surrounded by 
bleak and rugged mountains, almost destitute of wood, and 
lays nearly half way between the ancient Arcadian cities of 
Mantanea and Tygea. The town is irregularly constructed, 
mostly of stone, with narrow, dirty, and crooked streets, hav- 
ing on the whole a very mean appearance. With respect to 
the fortifications, they consist of a wall of masonry nine feet 
high, six feet thick at the bottom, and three at the top ; and 
which is furnished with a double row of ill contrived loop 

* Blaquiere, p. 120— 130, 



180 HISTORY OF THE 

holes : at about two thirds of its height from the ground, 
runs a narrow and inconvenient banquette, which can only 
be ascended by flights of steps, placed at unequal distances 
for this purpose. Instead of bastions there are demi-towers 
at different points, where cannon are placed, the rest of the 
wall being only defended by musketry. A citadel has been 
constructed west of the town, and on a somewhat more regu- 
lar plan, with casements, whose roofs are bomb-proof: but, 
as these are open at the sides, and the whole interior space 
is extremely small, it is incapable of defence, if regularly at- 
tacked. The artillery, composed of thirty pieces of brass, 
and partly of old iron guns, many of them honey-combed, 
was mounted on loose blocks of wood, instead of carriages, 
and but very indifferently supplied with ammunition or shot. 
Besides these advantages, another rocky eminence, com- 
manding the town and citadel, within little more than two 
hundred yards, completely screens the approaches of a be- 
sieging army. 

" The population, usually consisting of about fifteen thou- 
sand persons, was now much augmented by the influx of 
Turks from various quarters of the Morea. The Bardou- 
niots, a wild Mussulman tribe of Laconia, bordering upon 
Maina, and r^sembiing the Mainetes in their warlike disposi- 
tion and predatory habits, had also taken shelter at Tripo- 
lizza. All these, *with the Albanians of the Kiayah, forming 
a garrison of about 8,00Q men, the whole number of persons 
collected there, could not probably have been less than 
20,000: yet did they allow themselves to be blockaded by 
5,000 raw and ill-armed Greeks, encamped without artillery 
or cavalry, on the summits of Tricopha. 

" So long as the Turkish horses were fresh and fit for ser- 
vice, the Christians did not attempt to occupy the plain. 
But the Mussulmen cavalry was gradually ruined for want of 
forage, and could no longer appear in the field in sufficient 
numbers. As the ground is entirely parched up in autumn, 
and destitute of a single blade of grass, their only forage 
consisted of vine leaves. The Greeks were, therefore, ena- 
bled lo render the blockade closer, by posting themselves in 
the hamlets and villages round the town. Frequent skir- 
mishes now took place, brought on by the attempts of the 
Turks to penetrate into the vineyards. On one occasion, a 
large body of them having made a sally, and marched for 
some distance into the country, fell into an ambuscade on its 
return, and was defeated by Colocotroni with the loss of more 
than 100 men, in killed alone ; this check rendered the 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 181 

iiiiidels more cautious. Provisions soon began to be scarce, 
and they were greatly distressed for water, the Greeks hav- 
ing cut the pipes that conducted it into the town. 

Ipsilanti was, however, unwilling to wait for the slow ope- 
rations of famine, and therefore felt very desirous of com- 
mencing a regular siege. To carry this purpose into effect 
two things were required ; ordnance fit to batter the walls, 
and men who had some acquaintance, at least, with the rudi- 
ments of gunnery and engineering. After the capture of Mal- 
vasia and Navarin, some pieces of cannon and mortars were 
transported from these places ; their management was en- 
trusted to an Italian adventurer, who gave himself out for a 
skilful master of that art ; but having burst a mortar in his 
very first essay, he was dismissed with disgrace. 

" Having communicated with Marco Bozzaris, and other 
chiefs of Epirus, as well as appropriating a part of his sup- 
plies to the wants of Missolonghi, Prince Mavrocordato 
reached the camp before Tripolizza towards the end of Au- 
gust, bringing in his suite some French and Italian officers, 
who had accompanied him from Marseilles. The arrival of 
Mr. Gordon of Cairness, in the last days of September, also 
gave a most salutary impulse to the progress of the siege. 
This gentleman, having travelled in the east of Europe, was 
intimately acquainted with the system of tyranny under 
which the Christian communities had so long groaned. He 
had also been distinguished for his military talents during the 
late war ; and though in the enjoyment of all the advantages 
which fortune could bestow, every other consideration gave 
way to his sympathy for the struggling people of Greece. 
Hastening to Marseilles soon after the rising took place in 
the Peloponnesus, he loaded a vessel with cannon, arms, and 
ammunition, and having selected a few followers whose sup- 
port could be relied on, proceeded to Hydra, and thence to 
Tripolizza. Brave, humane, generous, and unassuming, the 
arrival of such an auxiliary could not fail to cheer the 
Greeks ; and it is but justice to say, that the)' have never 
ceased to appreciate the importance of services, rendered 
doubly valuable at a time when their cause seemed to be to- 
tally abandoned by the whole Christian world. 

" Thus strengthened, councils of war were held, and pre- 
parations made for pushing the siege, with all possible vigour. 
Ipsilanti had never given up his intention of forming regular 
troops, and having now so many men at his disposal, he en- 
deavoured to carry this design into execution. A brave 



182 HISTORY OF THE 

French officer, named Balisto, who had accompanied the 
Prince from Trieste, was already employed at Calamata, in 
training a battalion who were clothed in black, the colour of 
the Hetarists, and armed with muskets and bayonets. Some 
of the officers were European, and the men mostly from the 
islands on the coast of Asia Minor. Amongst them were 
many unfortunate Cydonians, whose flourishing city had 
been given up to the flames, and destroyed during the recent 
persecutions in that quarter. Mr. Gordon, who had been 
received with open arms by the chiefs as well as the Prince, 
and immediately placed at the head of the general staff, un- 
dertook the training of some companies in the camp of Tri- 
copha. Recruits presented themselves with alacrity, allured 
by the hope of obtaining a good musket and better accoutre- 
ments : nearly all of them showed great quickness in learn- 
ing their evolutions. But the jealousy of the Ephors defeat- 
ed this scheme, for they dissolved the corps by refusing to 
furnish provisions, and thereby inducing the soldiers to de- 
sert. They would have willingly done the same at Calama- 
ta, obliging Ipsilanti not only to disburse the pay of the bat- 
talion out of his own resources, but even to find its rations at 
an exorbitant price : thus opposed, it was with some diffi- 
culty he could obtain forage for the few horses on which his 
staff was mounted, while his stable was very scantily sup- 
plied. All these obstacles were borne with great patience by 
the Prince, who seemed only to think of the interests at 
stake, not doubting but that the former would be removed by 
time. 

" There were at this period about two thousand men in 
different parts of Greece, who had belonged to the regiments 
formed in the Ionian Islands by General Church,* an officer 
whose name is very popular among the military chiefs. Yet, 
not one of these would aid in the establishment of regular 
troops, preferring their own bands where there was no re- 
straint of discipline. With regard to those Greeks who had 
served in Russia and France, the case was altogether differ- 
ent. Being, in general, meritorious officers who came to 
their country's aid in its hour of need, they highly favoured 
the project. But what could be effected by the zeal of a few 

* This officer is still in the service of Naples, and is the same who 
was forced to fly from popular vengeance in Sicily, when the people of 
that unhappy and oppressed Island sought to shake off the Neapolitan 
yoke in 1821. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 183 

isolated individuals, who were almost looked upon as fo- 
reigners ? 

" Though the resolution to commence the siege in regular 
form had been made early in September, every day some 
new difficulties arose. The artillery consisted of one twenty- 
four pounder in the worst possible state of repair, one 
eighteen and two sixteen pounders ; one twelve and ten 
inch mortar, all of iron, and three or four light brass field 
pieces, two and four pounders. There were not above fifty 
bullets for the heavy pieces, and the bombs which had been 
left at Malvasia, by the Venetians, were almost choked up 
with dirt ; the powder was of the most indifferent descrip- 
tion, and yet it was necessary to put in very weak charges, 
to prevent the old and honey-combed pieces from bursting. 
Not a gabion or fascine could be procured, although there 
was an abundance of materials in the neighbourhood, and 
some thousand idlers in the camp. The only substitute was 
a small quantity of bags, generally so rotten that many of 
them burst in the attempt to fill them with earth. Whether 
it arose from obstinacy or ignorance, the Greeks, who hazard- 
ed every thing on the events of the war, and were content 
to remain twelve hours together behind a stone, watching for 
an opportunity to fire at a Turkish sentinel, refused to 
touch a shovel or a pick axe : and it was only occasionally, 
and by great perseverance of the chiefs, that a few labourers 
could be collected ; as, without a military chest, every idea 
of paying was out of the question. A small corps of artille- 
rymen, composed of Ionians, Dalmatians, and Italians, form- 
ed a most agreeable contrast to this unaccountable apathy : 
almost destitute of food or clothing, they served throughout 
with unwearied courage and perseverance, never quitting 
their guns for a moment. 

" Amidst so many difficulties the progress of the siege 
could not be very rapid ; but the Greeks, who seemed to 
expect that the sound of cannon was to produce the same 
effect which the trumpets of Joshua did at Jericho, murmur- 
ed incessently against the foreign officers, whom they taxed 
with want of skill, for not reducing the place to dust. Some 
advances were, however, made before the end of September. 
The height commanding the citadel was entrenched, and a 
battery established on it of two heavy guns, intended to ef- 
fect a breach in the town wall. But after expending the 
stock of shot, it was found that no more than the upper part 
was beaten down ; the lower and more solid portions 



184 HISTORY OF THE 

having received no detriment. To the right of the entrench- 
ment were the field pieces, which could always, by few dis- 
charges of grape, clear the opposite ramparts. On the emi- 
nence in the rear, and within musket-shot of the town, the 
two mortars were placed in battery, and sometimes threw 
shells and other incendiary balls into the town, without how- 
ever any other result, than damaging a few houses, and 
frightening the women and children. On the other side, the 
supineness of the infidels was really astonishing. There is 
not a doubt but that by a brisk cannonade of two hours, they 
might at any time have ruined the Greek batteries and dis- 
mounted the guns ; yet they never appeared to think of such 
an expedient, merely firing a few shots in the morning from 
cannon which had been charged the night before : for unless 
they apprehended an assault, they never ventured to load 
during the day time, lest they should be exposed to the Greek 
marksmen ; and though their fire of musketry never ceased 
altogether, it was always weak and ill sustained. 

" In the Greek camp, various projects were agitated for 
the more speedy reduction of the city. Ipsilanti proposed 
to storm, and was seconded by the eager impatience of the 
troops, who demanded to be led to the assault ; but the pri- 
mates and captains, anxious to save the vast treasures it was 
supposed to contain, from general pillage, evaded this pro- 
posal, and never furnished the scaling ladders ordered by the 
Prince. These latter determined to proceed by mining, 
and accordingly they summoned the inhabitants of a. neigh- 
bouring village, who were miners by profession, to the camp 
for that purpose. The proposed attempt was, however, to- 
tally disapproved by the foreign officers ; first, because the 
ground presented nothing but one solid rock ; and secondly, 
because if ever completed, there was not powder enough to 
charge the mine. The Greeks began, however, close to the 
foot of the wall, and worked with great spirit for two days, 
when the great impediment in the soil forced them to desist ; 
meanwhile the distress of the besieged was extreme ; the 
little provision that remained consisted principally of biscuit ; 
horseflesh was appropriated to men of the highest rank, and 
the Kiayah's troops ; while crowds of the poorer classes 
were seen wandering about the streets, gnawing the half 
burnt bones of dead animals. Many of these unhappy 
wretches, looking more like phantoms than human beings, 
came out with their families, and surrendered themselves, 
but were of course sent back to the town : some endeavour- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 185 

ed to escape to the mountains, but they were intercepted and 
slain. An epidemic disease, the consequence of famine, and 
of the want of good water, also made great ravages among 
those who but a short time before lorded it over their Chris- 
tian vassals with no less pride than haughtiness. To height- 
en the natural horrors of such a scene, their chiefs did not 
agree among themselves ; the Kiayah and Commandant be- 
ing at daggers drawn with Khamil Bey, Governor of Co- 
rinth, the richest Turk of the Morea, or perhaps in the em- 
pire. The result of all this was, that the garrison became 
quite dispirited, and the Albanians had even become muti- 
nous. Under these circumstances, the Ottomans began to 
make some indirect overtures for a capitulation, which were 
readily listened to by the Peloponnesian leaders, who promi- 
sed to grant their lives, and the means of transport to Asia or 
Egypt. The Turks, however, always disposed to procrasti- 
nate, spun out the negotiation ; for being aware that their 
fleet was on the coast, they still cherished some hopes of re- 
lief ; at the same time the Albanians, objects of less animo- 
sity to the Greeks, and therefore less fearful of their ven- 
geance, began to stipulate for themselves, and promised to 
abandon the Turkish cause, could they be assured that their 
old master Ali Pacha was still in existence. To convince 
them of this fact, a Greek, whose name they mentioned, and 
in whose word they reposed confidence, was sent for express 
from Albania, to hold a conference with them. 

" On the 23d of September, and while these various nego- 
tiations were going on, an accidental circumstance brought 
on a sharp action, in which the garrison gave some last proofs 
of expiring vigour. Ipsilanti had in vain given strict orders 
to prevent the practice that prevailed of the two parties 
meeting near the walls, to converse and even trade toge- 
ther. On the day in question, a species of fair was establish- 
ed before the spot on which the Mainotes were posted ; — 
when their old neighbours, the Bardouniots, came out to ex- 
change their silver mounted pistols for strings of dried figs, 
Kyriacouli hastened to the place, and fired his musket in the 
direction of the Turks as a warning for them to withdraw ; 
but the latter, not understanding the signal, and suspecting 
treachery, snatched up their arms, fell upon the Greeks, 
and drove them back. On perceiving this success, a large 
body of the Mussulmen issued forth to support their coun- 
trymen, and the whole Greek army advanced to take part 
ih the attion. The fire of musketry which followed was 

17 



186 HISTORY OF THE 

very heavy for above two hours, while the cannon from the 
Christian batteries played furiously on the town, the engage- 
ment being fought on the other side. The parties alternate- 
ly gained and lost ground, until Colocotroni, having march- 
ed quite round the walls, fell in the rear of the Turks, and at 
the same moment a French officer, M. de la Villasse, char- 
ged them in front, sword in hand, at the head of about eighty 
Ionians, when they were routed and driven back with great 
loss. The Greeks had also some men killed and wounded 
in this affair. 
TR21 " ^^ e arr i va * °f some disagreeable intelligence from 
' Patras, on the 25th of September, having obliged 
Ipsilanti to march northward at the head of a large detach- 
ment, the command of the troops at Tricopha devolved on 
the Bey of Maina ; for Mavrocordato and Cantacuzene had 
proceeded to Missolonghi a fortnight before, to assume the 
Government of Western Greece. The force now collected, 
amounted to seven thousand men, and re-inforcements were 
coming in daily, allured as much by the hopes of obtaining 
arms, as an anxiety to see their enemies driven from a place 
which has been a source of so many calamities to Greece : 
it was indeed now evident, that its fall could not be far dis- 
tant. Frequent conferences were held, the Kaiyah Bey 
treated with an officer of the Prince's staff left there on pur- 
pose, the Bardouniots with the Bey of Maina, and the Alba- 
nians with Colocotroni. These last soon came to an under- 
standing : it was agreed that they should return to the ser- 
vice of Ali Pacha, and that they should even be paid their 
arrears from the spoils of the city ; but there was probably 
no serious intention of executing the second article. On the 
1st of October, two thousand five hundred Bardouniots 
came out and surrendered to the Mainotes, taking up their 
quarters in the Greek camp, and the Turkish chiefs now be- 
gan to treat in good earnest. During the negotiations, hos- 
tilities did not altogether cease : the mortars occasionally 
played on the town, and were served with precision ; but it 
was impossible to keep up the bombardment with spirit, be- 
cause their beds, made of unseasoned wood, were continual- 
ly giving way. On Friday, the 5th of October, a capitulation 
is said to have been verbally agreed upon, but scarcely was 
it concluded, when a fortuitous circumstance rendered the 
compact of no avail, and brought on a terrible catastrophe 
A few Greek soldiers having approached the gate of Argosy 
entered into conversation with the Turkish sentinels, ant/ 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 187 

began as usual to barter fruit. The Turks were imprudent 
enough to assist them in mounting the wall, with a large bas- 
ket of grapes, in exchange for which they gave their 
arms ; but no sooner had the Greeks gained the summit, 
than they hurled down the unguarded Mahometans ; opened 
the gate, the only one that was not walled up, to their com- 
rades, and displayed the standard of the Cross above it. 
When this emblem was perceived from the camp, it acted 
like an electric shock ; the whole Christian army instantly 
rushed from ail sides to the assault, and the disorder once 
began could not be stopped, for the Turks immediately open- 
ed a brisk tire of cannon and small arms upon them from the 
citadel and ramparts. The principal Greek officers, who 
certainly could net have restrained their men, were drawn 
away by the torrent : Colocotroni was one of the last to hear 
what was passing, and as he would not deign to follow the 
steps of another Captain, he determined to force a passage 
for himself, so that his troops suffered severely. After the 
gates were broken down and the walls scaled, a furious strug- 
gle was maintained in the streets and houses ; but the Pelo- 
ponnesians, flushed with victory, and spurred on by ven- 
geance, were irresistible, and before sunset all opposition 
was quelled in the blood of the unfortunate Moslems. The 
citadel, where a large body of Turks had taken refuge, hav- 
ing held out till the following evening, surrendered at discre- 
tion. 

Filled as the history of Europe is, with the recital of cities 
taken by storm, and the scenes which have followed, it were 
a task as needless as it would be painful to retrace those 
which occurred at Tripolizza between the evening of the 5th 
and the morning of the 7th of Occober, 1821. The most su- 
perficial observer does not require to be told that cities thus 
taken, have, in civilized, as among the most savage nations, 
seldom failed to bring all the bad passions of our nature into 
frightful activity. On this occasion, that animosity which 
generally inflames the victorious assailant, was aggravated 
by the accumulated oppressions of centuries, and by recent 
atrocities on the part of the infidels of so dreadful a cast, 
that they seemed to cry aloud for retribution and vengeance. 
The Arcadian peasants, naturally tierce and ungovernable, 
and who had long suffered every species of outrage and in- 
dignity from the haughty Mahometans of Tripolizza, show- 
ed themselves both cruel and relentless towards their fallen 
oppressors. The Mainotes, less greedy of blood than oi 

4 



188 HISTORY OF THE 

spoil, secured the largest and most valuable share of booty ; 
about six thousand Turks are said to have perished, and some 
thousands were made prisoners, while numbers escaped to 
the mountains. The loss of the Greeks was never very 
exactly known, but estimated at five hundred killed and 
wounded.* One of the many reports circulated in Europe, 
and which a French author who pretends to write a history 
of the Greek Revolution, has gravely repeated, stated that 
several hundred Greeks lost their lives in fighting with each 
other for the spoil ; but this, like too many other charges, is 
utterly devoid of foundation. The Albanians, to the num- 
ber of fifteen hundred, marched out of the town, as the Greeks 
entered, without the least hostility passing between them. 
It has been said that the latter not only received a sum of 
money, which was afterwards taken from them, but that they 
were massacred ; nothing can be further from the truth :— 
the fact is, they marched through the Morea in a peaceable 
and orderly manner, were regularly supplied with provisions, 
and escorted by five hundred of Colocotroni's troops to Vos~ 
tizza, whence they crossed over to Roumelia ; but finding 
themselves on the other side, and out of danger, the remain- 
der of their march was marked with the greatest excesses. 
" With respect to the catastrophe of Tripolizza : it is well 
known how acrimoniously the conduct of the Greeks on this 
occasion was brought forward at the time, and evidently 
with a view of throwing general discredit on the nation as 
well as the sacred cause in which it was struggling. Were 
it possible to measure the cruelties committed there by any 
ordinary standard, doubtless much of what has been said, 
would be considered as admissible by those who, without at- 
tempting to apologize for the excesses of an infuriated sol- 
diery, yet feel anxious that all the circumstances of the case 
should be laid before the European public. That those, who 
so readily pronounced judgment in the first instance, were 
totally incompetent to decide between the Greeks and their 
oppressors, cannot be fairly denied, now that prejudice and 
passion have given way to fact and sober reasoning. If it 
could be shown that the infidels had preserved the life of a 
single armed Greek who fell into their hands, from the break- 



* Mr. Green says, " It is asserted that the Greeks did not lose more 
than two hundred men in the assault Their total force collected be 
fore the place might amount to 12,000 men j that of the Turks within 
the walls, I am covinced, never exceeded 9,000 men." — Green's Sketches^ 
p. 72. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 189 

ing out of the contest till the storming of Tripolizza, then, 
indeed, might there be something like a plausible pretext for 
a great deal of what has been said. But surely, every fact 
that has transpired, tends to prove, that the former consider- 
ed it as a war of extermination from the very commence- 
ment, and that the whole of their conduct was influenced by 
this consideration. 

" It has been shown under what circumstances the insur- 
rection commenced throughout Greece, and more especially 
in the Morea, where it was not in the first instance so much 
a rising in favour of freedom as a struggle for existence. 
But the motives of revenge were infinitely stronger at Tri- 
polizza than in any other part of Greece : it has been the 
seat of government, and as such, the scene of innumerable 
atrocities ; not to mention a systematic plan of violence and 
spoliation, unequalled throughout the Ottoman dominions. 
Indeed, the Turks of this place had always been proverbial 
for their oppressions and irascible hatred to Christianity. 
The inhabiatnts of the surrounding villages were the first to 
flock down and co-operate in the siege. The exactions to 
which these unfortunate people and their ancestors had been 
subjected, could only be credited by those who have been 
long conversant with the system of rule towards Christians, 
in Mahometan countries. Can it be for one moment a matter 
of surprise, therefore, that persons that had been thus treat- 
c 1, were foremost in rushing into the city when they saw the 
standard of Christ displayed on the walls ; or that when 
once before the authors of their sufferings, the rude and 
uncultivated Greek peasant did what has been done in a 
thousand instances by the best disciplined troops of Eu- 
rope ?"* 



* Pursuant to the usual mode of governing in the dominions of the 
Sultan, as well as among the Barbary pirates, who are still permitted 
to pollute the beautiful regions of Northern Africa, it was custo- 
mary to send large bodies of troops forth in various directions and at 
stated periods, to collect the tribute and capitation tax of the Mo- 
rea. It would be scarcely possible to name any excess that was not 
committed during these predatory expeditions, which might in all 
respects be assimilated to those of an open enemy ; for the Turks 
on reaching a Greek village, would at once take possession of 
the houses, forcing the ill-fated inmates to supply whatever they 
I possessed without the smallest compensation : — many were the fa- 
! thers, who were drawn to Tripolizza for no other motive than to be 
avenged for the nameless robberies and violations which had been 

17* 



190 HISTORY OF THE 

" Leaving, however, the multifarious motives to ven- 
geance on the part of the people untouched, what was the 



perpetrated in the course of these journeys. Also a great number of 
the Greek women, who had experienced injuries that admit of no 
compensation short of personal vengeance. The story of one of 
these poor creatures may serve as a specimen : she had inhabited a 
neighbouring village, and lived in a state of comparative happiness 
with her husband, an honest and industrious peasant. Having in 
the course of her visits to the market of Tripolizza, excited the cu- 
pidity of a Turkish soldier, he left nothing untried to induce her 
compliance with his wishes. Being, however, foiled in his efforts, 
the infidel determined to gratify the predominant passion of Mussul- 
men revenge. Having in pursuance of this design, waylaid and 
murdered the husband, he followed up the horrible act, by placing 
the mangled head in such a situation, that it was the first object 
seen by his distracted wife on the following day. It was to demand 
justice against the perpetrator of this act, that the poor wretch pre- 
sented herself at the head-quarters of Colocotroni, a few days after the 
assault. 

The palace of the Bey at Tripolizza, was one of those which af- 
forded the greatest facility for defence to the Turks. When the as- 
sault commenced, seven hundred cf the infidels shut themselves up 
here, and continued to fire on the Greeks from the windows, until 
the latter were obliged to set it on fire to dislodge their opponents : 
— such was the honor in which this edifice was held, that the Greek 
peasantry rased the walls to the ground, rather than suffer the sight 
to offend their eyes, and remind them of those terrific scenes of which 
it had been the theatre. 

While walking over the immense mass of ruins exhibited by this 
once stately pile, with my inestimable friend Alexis Lucopulo, one 
evening last summer, he suddenly stopped on a small platform of 
flags, opposite to that portion of the palace, where there had once 
been a balcony, from which the bey used to review the troops and 
witness executions. " It was here," said my friend, " that the vir- 
tuous Lundo, primate of Vostizza, lost his head in the autumn of 
1813 ; at once the most cruel and unprovoked murder ever com- 
mitted by our Moslem tyrants." On further inquiry, I found that 
Lundo had been a man of very great talents, and universally be^ 
loved, not only by his own countrymen, but also very popular among 
the infidels. He had rendered highly important services to the 
Porte ; and was the confidential friend of Cheli bey, the person who 
ordered his assassination. Suspected of some partiality for his 
countrymen, in a question which arose between the inhabitants of 
a small town near Tripolizza, and the bey, Lundo was one day in- 
vited to take coffee with him at the palace, where he was consulted 
upon all occasions that advice was wanting. Mounting his horse — 
for he was allowed to ride one — the unsuspecting primate proceed- 
ed to obey the summons, and on reaching the platform, was dragged 
from the saddle, when the usual sign of the hand being given by 
Cheli, who sat smoking his pipe in the balcony, the head of Lund© 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 191 

situation of the soldiery ? The defence of the Turks was at 
intervals extremely obstinate: they made several desperate 
sorties, in which number? of the Greeks fell ; a capitulation 
had been repeatedly offered, and as often refused, until all 
hope of promised and expected relief was vain. As, during 
the attack at Malvasia, not a day passed without the recital 
of some new horrors committed by the infidels ; and it was 
only a short time before the assault, that the Capita n Pacha's 
fleet had entered the gulf of Lenanto, landed troops at 
Vostizza, Galaxidi and other points, to which they set fire, 
massacreing all the inhabitants who fell in their way.* 

" When the great privations to which both the peasantry 
and soldiers employed before Tripolizza, are considered ; 
unarmed! and exposed on the pinnacles of the mountains, 
where storms are frequent, without clothing or shelter of any 
kind, and not unfrequently deprived of food for whole days 
together, the feelings of irritation arising from such suffer- 
ings deserve the most serious attention. But it has been 
asked by the Greek chiefs, who most* lament the excesses 
committed on this occasion, what would have been the cer- 
tain consequences of a capitulation. What means did they 
possess, either to guard the Turks as prisoners, or send them 
out of the country 1 A scarcity, bordering on famine, had al- 
ready overspread the land ; Patras, Corinth, Modon, Co- 
ron, and Napoli di Romania were still in the hands of the en- 
was instantly severed from his body, put into a sack, and forwarded to 
Constantinople. 

The death of this illustrious victim still continues to be most deep- 
ly lamented throughout the Morea ; his two sons, one of whom is a 
military leader of the greatest eminence, and another, a member of the 
legislative body, are among the most popular citizens of the confedera- 
tion. 

* No conduct on the part of the Turkish soldiery can ever excuse 
the Greeks for having given up to indiscriminate slaughter the inno- 
cent with the guilty. But a fact mentioned by Mr. Green must have 
greatly heightened the indignation of the Greeks, and stimulated them 
to revenge on this occasion. " It is reported, and I believe with truth," 
says he, " that before the city was taken, the Turks put to death two 
Greek archbishops, and several other persons, who had been detained 
as hostages, on the breaking out of the rebellion." Now Mr. G. is always 
Careful never to accuse the Turks of any crime of which they are not 
guiltv- 

j Few of the peasants who collected under the walls of Tripolizza, 
had any other arms than bludgeons or old ataghans. Nor would it have 
been easy to remedy this want, were it not for the success which at- 
tended their attacks on those who composed the sorties from the town. 



192 HISTORY OF THE 

emy : to crown all, a very formidable Turkish fleet was at 
sea, while a large squadron of Algerines were cruising among 
the islands of the Archipelago. In forming an opinion of 
this event, it should be recollected, that besides the difficul- 
ties which opposed every effort to establish discipline, there 
was no government formed ; and that the Greek people were 
to all intents and purposes reduced to that situation in 
which men are no longer bound by any of the ties which 
control civilized communities. 

" Admitting that none of those public writers, who either 
prompted or joined in the outcry which was raised after the 
fall of Tripolizza, were incompetent to argue the question, 
much less decide on its merits, surely there cannot be, on 
the other hand, any impropriety in comparing the excesses 
committed there with those which have marked the progress 
of all the wars that have desolated Europe during the last 
century, for it is needless to go any further back. Without 
entering into the subject at greater length, or citing the in- 
numerable facts which might be brought forward, even from 
our own history, it may surely be safely asked, whether, 
when all the circumstances are taken into consideration, 
the aggregate excesses in Greece bear any comparison in 
point of wantonness and enormity with those which prece- 
ded the partition of Poland, or that occurred during the 
French revolution, and the wars to which it has given rise 
in almost every quarter of the globe ? Would to God, that 
scenes of almost daily occurrence in the sister kingdom, did 
not also furnish proofs of what appalling crimes men can 
commit, when once brought to believe that the social com- 
pact is broken, and all notions of moderation or virtue are 
extinguished by a sense of their calamities."*! 

* " Those who so harshly judge the conduct of the Greeks at Tri- 
polizza, and other points, would do well to recollect the battle of Agin- 
cdurt, Siege of Magdeburgh, ravages in the Palatinate under Turenne, 
the treatment of the Scotch after the battle of Culloden, various events 
of the North American war, the massacres of both parties in Ireland, the 
assault of Jamael, Prague, and Belgrade ; not to mention the many 
other instances of cruelty which stain the page of history." 

f Blaquierejvol. l.p. 131— 154. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 193 



CHAPTER XV. 

Progress of the war in Thcssaly and Macedonia. — Battle of 
Fontana — Relative Position of the contending Parties in 
Livadio. — Revolt in Euboea. — Departure of the Capitana 
Bey from Constantinople : — His first Operations. — The 
Greek Vessels return to port. — A Turkish Squadron ap- 
pears before Calamata. — The Fleet proceeds to Patras. — 
Expedition of Ipsilanti. — Calamata': — Descent of the In- 
fidels at Vostizza. — Attack and. destruction of Galaxidi. — 
Heroism of the Inhabitants. — Intrepidity of two Greek 
Soldiers. — Ipsilanti returns to Tripolizza.— His entry and 
reception. — Appearance of the Town. — It is abandoned. — 
Congress convoked at Argos. — Project of taking Napoli 
di Romania by assault : it fails. — The Congress is trans- 
ferred to Epidaurus. 

" Leaving the irritated victors (we continue to cite Mr. 
Blaquiere) amidst the smoking ruins of Tripolizza, it is now 
time to recur to the object of Prince Ipsilanti's expedition, 
as well as to passing events at other points of the confedera- 
tion. 

" In the month of August, four Pachas advanced from the 
confines of Thessaly and Macedonia at the head of Jive thou- 
sand men, to Zetouni, where one of them died suddenly. — 
Their object was to fprce the straits of Thermopylae, and 
uniting with the Ottoman troops at Thebes and Athens, to 
enter the Morea and relieve Tripolizza and the other for- 
tresses. Odysseus* was posted with a small corps above the 
defiles on the high road to Livadia, at a place called Fonta- 
na, near the banks of the Asopus, and on the ancient site of 
Heraclea. The Pachas sent an advanced guard of three 
hundred horse in the first instance, to reconnoitre his posi- 
tion : this detachment having fallen into an ambuscade, was 
cut to pieces. On the following day the Turks assailed Odys- 
seus with their whole force; the circumstances attending 

* Called also Ulysseus, one of the most popular and warlike of the 
Albanian Capitanos. He was afterwards appointed Captain General of 
Eastern Greece. 



194 HISTORY OF THE 

this action, strongly demonstrate the little reliance that can 
be placed on irregular bands, and on what a slender thread 
their success or failure depends. At the first onset, the 
Christians gave way, and would soon have dispersed entirely, 
had not a valiant chief, named Gouraz, made a stand with 
only ten of his companions, calling out in the words of the 
patriarchal warriors, " to the spoil, O Greeks." Encouraged 
by his voice and example, they returned to the charge, and 
after a desperate struggle, the infidels were completely routed. 
According to the accounts of the victors, twelve hundred of 
the former were left dead on the field ; the Ottomans ac- 
knowledged a loss of five hundred. One Pacha was slain ; 
and, several standards and pieces of cannon, a number of 
horses, and quantities of baggage, fell into the hands of the 
Greeks. This victory, which was achieved on the 31st of 
August, proved of great importance tc the cause of the Pa- 
triots. Had the battle been lost, there is indeed no calcula- 
ting what the consequences might have been. For nearly 
two months afterwards, the positions of the armies in Greece 
were various. At Zetouni and in front of Odysseus, were 
the remains of the Mussulman forces beaten on the 31st; in 
his rear was a Turkish division of three thousand men at 
Thebes ; and the corps of Omer Vrioni at Athens, both of 
which had continual affairs of advanced posts at Dolreni 
and Dorbeni, with the Greeks who defended the Isthmus of 
Corinth. Two thousand Bc3ol;an peasants occupied some 
points round the mountains of Thebes, while fifteen hun- 
dred armed Athenians held the Island of Sammis, and other 
parties were assembled on the hills of Attica. 

" About the end of August, an insurrection broke out in 
Eubcea, headed by the Bishop of Carystus, who endeavour- 
ed to interrupt the communication between Athens and Ne- 
gropont, and to cut off a Turkish detachment passing from 
the former to the last named place, with a convoy of valua- 
ble effects. But his followers taking to flight at the first 
fire, he was forced to escape to Hydra. 

" It was on the 14th of August, that the grand Ottoman 
fleet quitted the Dardanelles, under the command of Kara 
Ali, the Capitana Bey, who was afterwards blown up by the 
Ipsariots at Scio. It consisted of thirty sail, of which four 
were of the line, and one a three decker. After an ineffect- 
ual attempt on the Island of Samos the Turkish admiral 
steered to the southward, pursued by one hundred and nine 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 195 

Greek vessels.* The islanders, whose largest ships did not 
carry more than thirty guns, did not however seek an action 



* The reader cannot but be amused and interested with the following 
description of the Turkish and Grecian navies. We borrow it from 
Green's Sketches, p. 63 — 68. 

" The Turks can bring a hundred sail of armed vessels into action, 
though they have never produced more than fifty at once. The 
Tunisians, Tripolitans, and Algerines, have occasionally furnished 
about twenty vessels of war, consisting of corvettes, brigs, and 
schooners, well armed and manned, but these, though acting under 
the Turkish Admiral, in reality do just as they please. The Turkish 
naval force proper, or that which is furnished from the arsenal at 
Constantinople, consists of five or six three-deckers, six or eight, 
seventy -fours, thirty frigates and corvettes, and between forty and 
fifty schooners and brigs. There is no regular marine, but when- 
ever the ships are to be manned for any expedition, an impressment 
takes place. The press-gang run into the coffee and wine houses 
where the poorer orders resort, and seize all indiscriminately, with- 
out making the least inquiry as to their knowledge of naval tactics. 
Nay, people quietly walking the streets do not escape. A more efficient 
race of sailors,, however, is found among the traders of the Black Sea, 
and the boatmen of the Bosphorus, and these are impressed without 
mercy. 

" Before the Revolution broke out, the islands of Hydra and 
Spezzia were obliged to furnish a certain number of seamen when- 
ever they should be called upon by the Porte so to do, and this was a 
condition of their being allowed to govern themselves. This will 
account for so many Gr .eks being found in the Turkish navy at the. 
beginning of the war. Europeans also are never wanting, but it 
must be stated in justice to these, that many have been regularly 
trepanned into their service. There are a set of wine-houses at 
Constantinople, which are kept by Maltese and other Europeans, to 
which almost all the Frank sailors resort. The landlord goes to the 
Turkish Capoudan, and asks if he requires any Europeans, and if 
so, how many. The Capoudan states the number he wants, and 
generally pays down the money for them. The landlord then re- 
turns to the inn, finds out all the discontented sailors in the Porte, 
plies them well with liquor, and contrives to make them sign a regu- 
lar agreement of service. As soon as this is effected, they are im- 
mediately conveyed on board ship, drunk as they are, and most 
especial care is taken that no opportunity of landing shall be afforded 
them, as long as the vessel remains in harbour. They have the 
same rations as the Turkish sailor, but wine, spirits, or grog, must 
be paid for extra, in fact in any way that the unfortunate Christian 
can. Every Turkish ship, however, has a regular coffee-house on 
board, at which all imaginable wants may be gratified: the keeper 
of this coffee-house is perhaps the very scoundrel who assisted in 
kidnapping the Europeans, or at least he has something to do with 
it. If the European has need of any thing, he is allowed to get 
it from the coffee-house on' credit, and about two hundred per cent, 
-on the value ef the article is charged. The sailor, therefore, after 



196 HISTORY OF THE 

in the open sea, but sought an opportunity of separating the 
hostile fleet or attacking it with fire ships. The Turks 

he has served several months, so far from having any pay to receive, 
is told that the whole is due to the coffee-house keeper, and that 
moreover he has a further debt to liquidate, which of course can only 
be done by further service. I have more than once been called upon 
officially, to liberate Englishmen who had been first kidnapped, 
and then cheated ; and in some instances I have been successful, 
though in others the terms of agreement signed with the man's own 
hand has been shown me to prove that he was not forced into the 
Turkish service. The officers of the fleet are chosen from among 
the soldiery, and their nomination is a matter of interest resting in 
the hands of the Capoudan Pacha. Nautical skill may truly be said 
not to exist among the Turks, and any one who has had the good 
fortune to have sailed with the squadron which accompanied our 
fleet at the time of Bonaparte's expedition to Egypt, is thought a very 
Nelson. With such a crew it is matter of surprise how the Turks 
manage to navigate at all ; but the fact is, that the vessel is sailed 
and steered by Europeans, while the fighting part belongs exclu- 
sively to the Turks. I have been told, and, from what I have seen, 
I can easily believe, that the confusion on board a Turkish vessel is 
absolutely ridiculous. One half of the men are, perhaps horribly 
sea-sick, sprawling about the deck ; while the other half are pulling 
at ropes, of which they have no knowledge. The Chaouses are seen 
running here and there, bastinadoing right and left, and forcing the 
men to their duty. Indeed, the way in which the sailors are taught 
to handle and know the different ropes is, as I was informed, quite 
on a par with the rest of the system. Vegetables, pipes, pieces of 
cloth, &c. are attached to the rigging and the cordage, and then the 
command is given, " haul up the long pipe ; let go the cabbage," 
&c. After the news was known of the destruction of a fine ship of 
war, by the fire-ships of the Greeks, the panic that seized the crew 
of a Turkish vessel on the approach of a Greek one was excessive. 
Sailors on board these have told me, that nothing could exceed the 
scene of confusion. The guns were fired without aim, and often on 
the side on which the enemy was not : the men were flying here and 
there, vociferating and running ; many were preparing to jump over- 
board, and others absolutely did so. In fact, at the best of times, 
there is little discipline ; but at such a juncture there is none. It was 
the knowledge of this that emboldened the small Greek vessels to 
approach and manoeuvre round the heavy armed Turkish frigates with 
perfect impunity. A Greek vessel once approached a Turkish heavy 
frigate so close that the anchor of the latter caught hold of some part 
of the rigging of the former. In an instant both one and the other 
ran to cut away and disentangle themselves; the Greek not liking 
such close quarters, and the Turk taking his enemy to be a fire ship. 
Not a single shot was fired. The loquacious Greek was heard to 
vociferate the vilest abuse on the Turk and on Mahomet, while the 
grave Turk, on the other side, merely shook his finger, and invited 
him to fight it out hand to hand. A single broadside from an European, 
of half the weight of metal of the Turk, would have blown the Greek 
§ut of the water. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 197 

grown weary by experience, avoided exposing themselves to 
these destructive machines, taking care to keep in a close 

" These scenes, however, occurred in the beginning of the revo- 
lution. Both their panic and their thorough want of skill have been 
bettered by experience, and in more than one instance a single 
Turkish vessel has fought its way through a whole Greek squadron. 

" The Viceroy of Egypt, for some years past, has been gradually 
increasing his naval force, and his fleet now consists of at least sixty 
vessels of war. Of these, six or seven are frigates, which have been 
chiefly built in private dock-yards at Marseilles, Leghorn, and Trieste ; 
the others consist of corvettes, brigs, and schooners, and, with feu- 
exceptions, the whole of these vessels are of a very superior class, and 
in excellent order. In action, and in the management of their vessels, 
the Egyptians have proved themselves infinitely superior to the Con- 
stantinople Turks ; but this, no doubt, is owing in a great measure to 
the fact of there being many foreign seamen in the Viceroy's service. 
who form part of the crew of each vessel. 

" Such is the Turkish naval power. The Greek remains now to be 
described. 

" Five-and-twenty years ago, the present populous towns of Hydra 
and Spezzia were two small fishing villages. About this time the 
coasts of Spain and France were blockaded by our vessels ; the Hy- 
driots speculated, and sent in small craft with corn to the blockaded 
station ; and the immense profits they realized soon induced them 
to extend their risks. Their Admiral, Tombazi, whom I knew, in- 
formed me, that he was the first to get an American ship as a model, 
and from this, his countrymen constructed those vessels which have 
subsequently been converted into armed ones. In a few years, 
almost the whole of the corn-trade of the Black Sea was in the 
hands of the Greeks, and the inhabitants of Hydra and Spezzia 
became enormously rich. At the breaking out of the revolution, 
this profitable trade ceased, and their vessels returned to their re- 
spective islands without delay. With the exception of four or five 
three-masted polaccos, and six or eight schooners, the whole of the 
vessels belonging to Hydra, Spezzia, and Ipsara, are rigged as polacca 
brigs, their size varying from a hundred and fifty to five hundred 
tons, being pierced for twelve to twenty guns. I am unable to state 
the exact number of vessels belonging to these three islands at the 
period above alluded to, but only forty or fifty were armed and equip- 
ped during the first months of the revolution : and at no one period 
does it appear that the Greek naval force sent to sea, ever exceeded 
eighty vessels. 

" The Greek vessels, with few exceptions, have been built from 
beautiful models, and sail remarkably fast : their crews have all tin- 
capabilities of good seamen, except that essential one — discipline. 
There are several Capitani on board, and each man has as much voice 
in the direction of the vessel as the Captain himself. This, therefore 
gives rise to great confusion ; but in the management of their vessels, 
they are infinitely superior to the Turks. 

"Respecting the Greek marine, however, I conceive that an er 



198 HISTORY OF THE 

body and always under sail. They had now a number of 
European seamen, chiefly natives of Malta and Genoa, on 
board the fleet. These men, of whom there are a great ma- 
ny generally idle at Constantinople, were allured more by 
the hope of pecuniary advantages than any interest in the 
struggle, which was indeed a matter of perfect indifference 
to them. The Greek sailors, with a spirit of impatience 
which has often proved prejudicial to their cause, obliged 
their chiefs to return to port, so that ail their exploits during 
this cruise, were limited to burning a few Turkish transports 
on the coast of Anatolia. A single fast sailing schooner, 
commanded by a brother of the Hydriot Admiral Tombasi, 
was left to watch the enemy's movements ; but she returned 
to Hydra on the 3d of September, bringing intelligence, that 
the Capitana Bey, reinforced by the Egyptian and Algerine 
squadrons, had passed the island of Cos, on his way to Can- 
dia. This information proved erroneous, as Kara Ali steer- 
ed direct for the Peloponnesus, and supplied Coron and 
Mod on with provisions. His appearance on the southern 
shore of the Morea, created general consternation. Some 
of his smaller vessels having approached Calamata, the mili- 
tary commandant and garrison prepared to fly to the moun- 
tains, but were encouraged to remain by the example of the 
brave Balisto, who drew up his weak battalion, in order of 
battle, upon the strand, partially covered by some sand hills, 
and caused his trumpet and drums to sound, while a body of 
one thousand Mainotes fired a general volley of musketry 
from behind the rocks. The pusillanimous Turks, disheart- 
ened by this show of resistance, sheered off, without daring 
to disembark : — while thus employed, Balisto learned that 
the people of Calamata were about to despatch the Mussul- 
man prisoners confined there ; he instantly flew to the town 
with a party of soldiers, arrived in time to prevent the act ; 

i 

roneous opinion generally exists in Europe, as, with the exception of 
the Hydriots and Spezziots. experience has taught me, that the Greeks 
are far from being experienced sailors. Few even of the Captains of 
those two islands have studied navigation, and that to a very limited 
extent; their ignorance, in this respect, being obviated by the circum- 
stance of their rarely navigating out of sight of land. During fine 
weather they manage their vessels and small craft very well, and even 
expertly ; but in a squall or gale of wind, especially during the night, they 
generally lose all self-possession, the greatest confusion prevails, incense 
S burnt, the Virgin invoked, and every endeavonr made to rtm the ves-, 
sel into the nearest port for shelter. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 190 

and then returned to his post on the beach. The loss of 
this excellent officer, who died gloriously in Crete, on the 
field of battle, in 1822, was a great misfortune to the Greek 
cause. Born in that island, of French parents, and habitua- 
ted to war under Napoleon, he spoke the language of Greece 
fluently, exercised considerable influence over the people, 
and was capable of rendering the most eminent services.* 

" From Modon, the Capitana Bey sailed to Patras ; three 
thousand Achians and Ionians blocked up that place on the 
land side, while some light vessels prevented supplies from 
entering by sea. The latter iled on the appearance of the 
fleet, taking shelter either at Galaxidi, or running on the 
shallows of Missolonghi, where they were burned by the 
Turkish boats. Kara AJi, having arrived in the roads, made 
a discharge of his artillery upon the Greek camp, and the 
garrison sallied forth at the same time : a single post of two 
hundred men offered a slight resistance ; the rest of the be- 
siegers dispersed themselves in the mountains, leaving the 
few pieces of cannon they had in the power of the Turks. 
This was the event which induced Ipsilanti to quit the walls 
of Tripolizza for the purpose of re-establishing the block- 
ade, as well as obviating the consequences of such a defeat. 
The troops destined to accompany him, amounting to about 
seven hundred men, marcher! in two columns ; the first, con- 
sisting of five hundred of the militia at Caritena, left the 
camp on the 24th of September, under the orders of two sons 
and a nephew of Colocotroni. The Prince himself, accom- 
panied by 31r. Gordon and his own staff, the battalion of Ba- 
listo, which had just arrived from Calamata, not exceed- 
ing two hundred men and officers, and a few artillery-men, 
having one mounted gun, a light brass four pounder, set out 
on the following day. On the 28th, both divisions formed a 
junction at Calavrita. This town, of four hundred houses, 
the ancient Cynethus, is seated in a fine valley among the 
mountains, and in a central point, whence roads branch off 
to Patras, Corinth, and Tripolizza. The advantages of its 
position engaged the Prince to suspend his march to Pa- 
tras; whither he despatched an aid-de-camp, uniil he should 
receive intelligence of the enemy's movements. Indeed, his 
presence before that fortress was no longer necessary, as the 



* Mr. Gordon, under whose direction, as chief of the staff, Balisto was 
frequently employed, bears the highest testimony to his merits as a 
patriot and a soldier. 



200 HISTORY OF THE 

Turks had not attempted to improve their victory, and the 
Greeks were beginning to recover from their panic ; seven 
hundred having re-assembled in the mountains, they were 
soon increased to more than double that number. On the 
night of the 29th, a messenger arrived in breathless haste, 
bringing information that the Sultan's forces had landed at 
Vostiz'za, only a few leagues from Calavrita, and having 
burned the town, were advancing into the interior. Ipsilanti 
instantly took his measures with great judgment, and at day 
break on the 30th, marched to meet the enemy. His little 
army, reinforced by some militia of Calavrita, and now 
amounting to nearly a thousand men, with one field piece, 
was in high spirits, and extremely well disposed to fight. But 
a second messenger met the Prince on his way, and stated 
that the enemy had re-embarked, after committing various 
excesses, and carrying off a large flock of sheep found near 
Vostizza. Approaching the coast, Ipsilanti took post for 
the night on a lofty eminence between the plain and the sea, 
adopting such precautions as were necessary to prevent a 
surprise : for the Ottoman squadron of one frigate and thir- 
ty brigs was seen at anchor near the shore, and it was known 
that the Pacha of Egypt had sent fifteen hundred Albanians, 
who passed for good troops. The 1st of October was stormy 
and rainy, but on the mist clearing away about noon, the 
Turkish vessels were perceived to weigh anchor and steer to 
the north-east. There could be no doubt that their first ob- 
ject was the attack of Galaxida, but well founded apprehen- 
sions were entertained with regard to their ulterior opera- 
tions. The wind was blowing steadily from the north-west, 
and a few hours might carry them to the head of the Gulf of 
Corinth. It was nearly certain that, if they landed troops 
there, the fifteen hundred Greeks blockading the Acropolis 
would fly to the hills, when the other troops employed to de- 
fend the Isthmus would be exposed to a double attack in 
front and rear : or the Turkish division at Thebes might, in 
one long march, reach the fort of Livadostro, and be thence 
transported by their own shipping into the Morea, thus 
turning the defiles ; while OmerVrioni was ready to co-ope- 
rate from Eleusis. Indeed, none but the Turks could have 
been blind to the advantages of such a plan, or so timid as 
not to attempt its execution. But recollecting that he had 
no right to calculate on the faults of an enemy, however ig- 
norant, the Prince resolved to advance towards Corinth with 
all speed. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 201 

" The small commercial town of Galaxidi, on the shore of 
Ozolian Locris, is situated within the Bay of Cyrrha, and 
near its entrance. The principal wealth of its industrious 
inhabitants consisted in a number of small trading vessels. 
Aware that their vigilance in blockading Lepanto had ren- 
dered them peculiarly obnoxious to the barbarians, they had 
made preparations for defence, by erecting a battery on an 
islet at the harbour's mouth, and mooring their little flotilla 
in line before the town. The women and children were 
sent to Salona, so that none but combatants remained. On 
the evening of the 1st of October, the Ottoman squadron 
took up its position and summoned the Galaxidoes to sur- 
render. But, regardless of the vast disparity of force, the 
latter answered by firing on the boat which brought the mes- 
sage. The Turks immediately began the attack, and bat- 
tered the place for two hours, when night put an end to the 
action. It was renewed at day-break and lasted for three 
hours more. Ipsilanti and his staff were on a height on the 
opposite side of the gulf, anxiously watching the issue of the 
battle ; a tongue of land concealed the fleet and town from 
their view, but the cannonade from so many pieces of heavy 
artillery was tremendous ; at length it suddenly ceased, 
when a mingled cloud of flame and black smoke ascended to 
heaven, and told but too surely the fate of Galaxidi. After 
opposing a most gallant resistance to such a prodigious su- 
periority, both in numbers, guns, and weight of metal, the 
brave inhabitants fled to the mountains of Salona, having 
previously destroyed their vessels and batteries. The Turks 
hesitated to land, but the Algerines, stimulated by the hopes 
of plunder, jumped into their boats and rowed to the beach. 
The town was then pillaged, and being set on fire, its blaz- 
ing ruins continued for two or three successive nights to 
shed a lurid and melancholy light over the waters of Le- 
panto. 

" The army of Ipsilanti witnessed a trait of heroism on 
this occasion which ought not to be passed over in silence. 
An earnest wish was entertained at the head-quarters of the 
Prince, to open a correspondence with the leading men in 
the opposite districts of Roumelia, but no bark could be 
found : upon which two soldiery of Balisto's division, for- 
merly sailors by profession, boldly offered to cross the gulf 
on a raft, thus exposing themselves both to the waves and 
the enemy's vessels : when offered a reward, their reply was, 
that they deserved none, and would undertake the dnty, not 

18* 



202 HISTORY OF THE 

from the hope of gain, but to serve their country. A letter 
was accordingly prepared, and they were on the point of 
setting out, when the wind became so strong, and the sea so 
rough, that it was not considered safe to allow these intrepid 
men to carry the design into effect. 

" After witnessing the destruction of Galaxidi, Ipsilanti 
proceeded by forced marches towards the Isthmus,: on the 
3d he slept at Akrara, and on the next night, at Hylocastro. 
The wind having changed to the east, the Turkish fleet 
stood down the gulf again in its way to Patras, and under a 
press of sail. All immediate cause of apprehension being 
thus removed, the Prince went on to Basilico on the 4th, and 
halted there for some days, amidst the ruins of the ancient 
Sycion. It was here that he received intelligence of the fall 
of Tripolizza. From thence he proceeded to Hexamilia 
and Kanchra, where he held a conference with the officers 
to whom the care of guarding the Isthmus was entrusted. 
In passing before Corinth, he sent a written summons to the 
garrison of the Acropolis, stating what had passed at Tripo- 
lizza, and containing a menace, that if they did not surrender, 
a similar fate awaited themselves, as they would be stormed 
and put to the sword. Such a threat, addressed to an im- 
penetrable fortress, having provisions for three months, 
could not be expected to produce much effect. The Turks 
made no answer at the time, but replied the next day, by 
firing some cannon shot at Ipsilanti' s column as it passed on 
its way to St. Basil, by a road which the Acropolis ought at 
all times completely to command. 

" Having halted a day or two at Argos, and visited the 
posts round Napoli di Romania, Demetrius made his entry 
into the capital of the Morea on the 15th of October, amidst 
very great demonstrations of joy, and attended by a large 
body of troops who went out to meet him. Nothing could 
be more deplorable than the appearance of the town ; not a 
single door lock, and scarcely a nail was left — the Mainotes 
having carried off every thing of that description. The 
plunder was carried home on the backs of their wives, who 
came down in great numbers for this purpose from their na- 
tive fortresses. Ipsilanti had intended to appropriate the lead 
which covered the mosques to the public service, but it had 
all been stripped off. When every other portable article wa5 
gone, the peasants were seen driving away their asses load- 
ed with doors and window shutters. Of the immense booty 
nothing was assigned t# the exigencies of the naiipn> except 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 203 

the artillery : every thing else became private property — 
most of the chiefs and primates enriched themselves ; the 
Prince alone sternly refused to convert any thing to his 
own use. The streets were incumbered with dead bodies ; 
even the houses were filled with the slain of either party ; 
while the mountaineers and shepherds, accustomed to dwell 
in rocks and woods, had now established their bivouacs 
amidst the broken fragments of oriental luxury. Fires 
broke out in the town every night, and the prince himself 
was burnt out of his quarter's a few days after his arrival. 
The only thing that occupied the Greeks, was the unequal 
manner in which the spoils had been shared. Complaints 
were heard on every side, and while some wished to conceal 
their gains, others murmured loudly at being defrauded of a 
fair portion. Ipsilanti's first object was to put an end to the 
great confusion that prevailed. He certainly succeeded in 
restoring some degree of order, but this was chiefly owing 
to the breaking up of the army, which gradually dispersed 
and melted away, carrying into the farthest corners of the 
Peloponnesus those discontents and heartburnings, the 
seeds of which were sown at the sacking of Tripolizza. — 
There now remained only the regular troops, consisting of 
one battalion of infantry, and a company of artillery, with the 
retinue of some captains ; a force scarcely sufficient to guard 
the Turkish prisoners. The Greeks had always pointed to 
the reduction of this place, as the period when disorder and 
anarchy were to cease, and be replaced by a regularly organ- 
ized system of government. — It had now fallen, and such 
were the difficulties opposed to this most desirable object, 
that the event seemed only to have embittered the dissensions 
of the leading men. Perceiving that his plans of ameliora- 
tion were opposed with scarcely less pertinacity than before, 
and his influence every day declining, Ipsilanti resolved to 
submit all the disputed points to a national congress, which 
was summoned to meet at Tripolizza. But a contagious 
disease, caught probably from the Turks, and aggravated by 
the great number of putrifying carcases, broke out there 
in the beginning of November, and spread with such rapi- 
dity, that it was found necessary to abandon the place alto- 
gether for a short time. The assembly was therefore con- 
voked at Argos, where the Prince repaired to attend the deli- 
berations. 

" In the meanwhile, deputies arrived from different parts 
,«f Greece, charged to demand succours from the government 



204 HISTORY OF THE 

of the Peloponnesus, and to give an account of what was 
passing in their respective districts. 

" The news from Macedonia excited most attention, as 
the campaign there did not, as yet, wear a hopeless aspect. 
Allusion has already been made to the insurrection at Salo- 
nica, and the retreat of the Greeks into the peninsula of Cas- 
sandra, where they threw up intrenchments, and cut a ditch 
across the Isthmus. The adjacent promontories of Torone 
and Mount Athos was also in a state of revolt, and each 
contained several thousand armed men. It is well known 
that the woody and romantic crags of x^thosare studded with 
Greek monasteries which enjoy certain chartered privileges: 
one of these, is an exemption from the presence of Turkish 
troops. A single Aga residing at Kares, conducts the civil 
administration in concert with a monastic council. The 
convents, very difficult of access, are fortified and even pro- 
vided with artillery, to resist the attacks of pirates. Not 
long before his martyrdom, the patriarch had dispatched a 
very learned and estimable Albanian physician to the Holy 
Mountain, with instructions to persuade the monks to remain 
quiet, and take no part in the existing troubles. But this 
emissary, on his arrival, found that the violent measures of 
the Turks had already driven the religious community into 
rebellion. The Pacha of Salonica begun by summoning 
them to deliver up their arms, and receive an Ottoman garri- 
son; and scarcely waiting for a reply, caused a great num- 
ber of servants who cultivated their estates in the open 
country, to be seized and publicly executed. Thus pressed, 
the monks took a decisive resolution, refused to obey the or- 
ders of the Pacha, imprisoned their governor, whom they 
however treated with the utmost mildness, and co-operated 
with the forces at Potidea and Torone. 

" During the summer and autumn, the Macedonian Turks 
sent two expeditions against the intrenchments of Cassandra, 
and were twice repulsed. On the second occasion, the 
Christians, by a vigorous sally, possessed themselves of nine 
pieces of heavy artillery. They were, however, much dis- 
tressed for want of grain and ammunition, having received 
only some scanty supplies from the Hydriots, and therefore 
demanded assistance from the Peloponnesians. It happen- 
ed most unfortunately, that while the affair was in agitation, 
the new Pacha of Salonica, who had brought up an over- 
whelming force, succeeded completely in a fresh attack. 
Ctossandra was takeilby storm on the 12th of November, and 




GREEK REVOLUTION. 305 

its garrison put to the sword, as a matter of course. Soon 
after this event, Mount Athos capitulated. 

" A deputation from Mount Olympus reached Tripolizza, 
about the middle of October, stating that seven thousand 
Macedonians were prepared to rise in the southern parts of 
that country, and demanding cannon, gunpowder, and offi- 
cers. Two six inch mortars were given to them, but scarce- 
ly had these pieces been lanued at Ekatarina, than they were 
seized by a party of Turks. The projected insurrection, 
however, took place, and has continued with various success 
ever since. 

" In the Peloponnesus, there were but two points at which 
hostilities were prosecuted with any degree of vig ur : these 
were Patras and Napoli di Romania. The Capitana Bey 
having thrown supplies into the fortresses on the coast, and 
added the squadron that had been employed against Ali Pa- 
cha, and which had not hitherto dared to quit Prevesa, to 
his own fleet ; exulting, besides, in the success of his offi- 
cers at Galaxidi, he prepared to return to the Dardanelles, 
immediately after the destruction of that town. Passing 
before the island of Zante, with nearly eighty sail, he had 
the fairest opportunity that could have offered, of destroying- 
twenty-two Greek vessels land-locked under the point of 
Chiarenza. But this gallant commander, whose valour and 
abilities were a theme of frequent eulogium in the official 
journal of Austria, did not even make the attempt. After 
firing a few distant broadsides, to intimidate the enemy, he 
cast anchor in the bay of Zante, and having obtained a sup- 
ply of provisions from his agents there, quietly proceeded 
towards the Hellespont. On his departure, the Peloponne- 
sians renewed their attacks against Patras. The besieging 
force having been considerably swelled by reinforcements 
from Arcadia and Elis, was joined by Prince Mavrocordato, 
and young Caradja, who brought over some pieces of ord- 
nance, and a quantity of muskets, from Missolonghi. To- 
wards the end of October, the town was carried by assault, 
and the garrison once more forced to retire into the citadel. 
The Greeks displayed a good deal of courage in this affair, 
and experienced a considerable loss. Having occupied the 
minarets, and entrenched themselves in the houses, they kept 
up a continued fire of musketry against the ramparts of the 
castle, which the Turks answered from their great guns. — 
Unhappily, the vigilance of the assailants was not equal to 
their bravery. It was impossible to induce them to take 



206 HISTORY OF THE 

proper measures for preventing a surprise, and this negli- 
gence exposed them to a bitter affront. Isouf Pacha had 
retreated into the castle of the Morea, which with one, on 
the opposite coast of Romelio, defends the entrance of the 
Gulf of Lepanto, and the strait known by the name of the 
Little Dardanelles. Quitting this place on the 15th of No- 
vember at noon, with only four hundred horse and foot, and 
marching in the rear of the Greeks, Isouf was not perceived 
until he entered the gates, and commenced an attack. The 
garrison of the citadel immediately sallied, and after a short 
and tumultuary conflict in the streets, the Christians were 
entirely routed. Mavrocordato and Caradja, escaped with 
difficulty to a boat which conveyed them back to Missolon- 
ghi ; their cannon, baggage, and a magazine containing fif- 
teen hundred muskets, fell into the hands of the Turks. — 
This action did honour to the vigour and military talents of 
Isouf Pacha ; and it was the third time he had raised the 
siege of Patras, by completely dispersing the corps by which 
it was invested. He is son to the famous Ishmael, Bey of 
Seres, who, from an Albanian robber, raised himself almost 
to the condition of an independent prince. 

" Ipsilanti had another object in view, in going to Argos, 
besides presiding over the deliberations of Congress. He 
wished to push the siege of Napoli di Romania. Colonel 
Youtier, a French officer who then commanded the Greek 
artillery, had been actively engaged at Tripolizza in making 
preparations ; but the means of attacking so strong a for- 
tress were lamentably deficient. A plan was suggested to 
the Prince for carrying it by assault. This was adopted, 
and measures taken in consequence, for re-assembling the ar- 
my. To effect this the more expeditiously, a report was cir- 
culated, that Napoli was on the point of capitulating, sure 
that the hope of sharing its spoils, would attract the pea- 
sants from all quarters ; and not less than twelve thousand of 
them were in fact said to have passed through Argos in a 
few days after Scaling ladders were accordingly prepared, 
and on the night of the 15th of December, every thing being 
ready, the troops and ships of war having taken up their re- 
spective stations, the following arrangements were made. 
Nikitas, with five hundred men, was to scale the walls on the 
east side : a hundred and fifty European volunteers, with Ba- 
listo's corps, were to support his attack, and one company of 
the battalion, under the orders of Mr. Justin, also a French- 
. man, wa3 destined to assail the Palamida, seated on a moun- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 207 

lain, which looks down on the town, commanded both the 
sea and adjacent plain. This was, however, only meant as 
a demonstration, to divert the attention of the Turks. Ya- 
thraco, chief of the contingent from Mistra, was in reserve. 
One hundred sail of vessels, and fifty armed boats, were to 
co-operate by attacking the fort. Three thousand Hydriotes 
and Spezziotes were embarked on board the boats with in- 
tention to land. This project, too bcld and complicated for 
the Greeks, and presenting but slender chances of success, 
was only executed in part. The columns were put in mo- 
tion on the 16th, at one o'clock in the morning : that of Ni- 
kitas and Balisto, carried the scaling ladders to within two 
yards of the ditch, and remained there for nearly an hour, 
waiting the signal of attack, without being perceived by the 
Turks, although the moon was shining with great brilliancy. 
At length the Mussulmen began to give some signs of life, 
by sounding their rude military music, which was soon fol- 
lowed by a brisk discharge of cam: on and musketry. Ipsi- 
lanti then caused the signal to be given ; but the Greeks, af- 
ter a general volley, which only served to show the enemy 
where the men had retired behind the rocks, subsequently- 
dispersed themselves over the plain. The fleet did not 
make any attack, neither did Colocotroni ; each party wait- 
ing till the 'other should begin. Balisto, with the French and 
German volunteers, and a part of his own battalion, remain- 
ed for a considerable time exposed to a hot fire, not more 
than fifty paces from the ramparts, and then fell back slowly, 
and in good order. The Turks, emboldened by the retreat 
of their adversaries, made a sortie, repulsed Justin's party, 
which had kept its ground after the flight of Colocotroni's 
division, seized the scaling ladders, and bore them off in tri- 
umph. The result of this affair ought to have convinced the 
Greeks how imprudent it is to attempt great or perilous en- 
terprises, with raw troops, unaccustomed to brave danger. 
Fortunately, the loss of the assailants was trifling, and fell 
almost exclusively on the foreign auxiliaries and Balisto's 
troops — these two corps had thirty men killed and wounded, 
" After the above check, Prince Demetrius went to Ar- 
gos, where frequent meetings of the deputies, who had col- 
lected there from various points of the confederation, took 
place at his quarters : these continued until the arrival a£ 
Mavrocordato, whose presence, however, produced an im- 
mediate diminution in the number of Ipsilanti's visitors : nor 
$i& many days elapse, before it was evident that he regard 



208 HISTORY OF THE 

ed the former as a rival. Despairing, therefore, of being 
able to carry his plans into effect, and not wishing to expose 
himself to further humiliation, his whole attention was now 
directed to the progress of the war, and he departed soon 
after for Corinth, accompanied by Kiamel Bey, through 
whose influence, it was hoped, that place would shortly sur- 
render. 

" Owing to the vicinity of Argos to Napoli di Romania, 
and the consequent interruption which might be occasioned 
by the operations of the siege, it was determined, after some 
preliminary arrangements, that the more important delibera- 
tions of the Congress should be held at Epidaurus, in the 
Gulf of Egina ; to which place the members accordingly re- 
paired early in December, attended by Prince Mavrocordato, 
and several other military leaders of distinction."* 

A very serious disturbance took place at Zante in the 
month of November. 

" It seems, that on the 12th ultimo, an engagement took 
place off Zante, between an Algerine brig, belonging to the 
Turkish fleet, and a squadron of eighteen Greek vessels. 
The Algerine vessel had been separated from the fleet, and 
surrounded by the Greek squadron. Finding it impossible 
to beat off so superior a force, she kept up a running fight, 
steering towards the land, which having approached suffi- 
ciently near, an attempt was made to anchor^ but from mis- 
management, or the nature of the ground, did not succeed, 
and the vessel was run on shore in Cheri Bay, on the south 
side of the island, about four miles from the town. Thou- 
sands of the inhabitants, and refugee Moriote Greeks, had col- 
lected on the neighbouring heights, to witness the engage- 
ment, part of whom were armed with pistols, guns, and 
knives. As soon as the Algerine brig was stranded, the 
Greek squadron bore away, and the crew commenced land- 
ing on a raft, but on their approaching the shore the inhabit- 
ants fired on them. A detachment of eighteen men of the 
eighth regiment had been sent out in the morning by Lieut. 
Colonel Duffy, the Resident, to prevent the Turks breaking 
quarantine regulations, in case they landed ; this party was 
commanded by Lieut. Hill, assisted by Lieut. Wright, of the 
Royal Engineers. Staff Surgeon Thomas, President of the 
Health Office, whose immediate duty it was to have superin- 
tended the proceedings, was confined to his bed through 

*Bla<juiero,p. 100— 17& 



GREEK RESOLUTION. 209 

fever. The Zantiots being in a state of open insurrection, 
and having fired on the Turks, Lieut. Hill, thought it 
right to endeavour to intimidate them, and ordered two sol- 
diers to advance before the others, and discharge their 
muskets in the air, whereupon the Zantiots instantly fired on 
the military, and wounded a soldier. Seeing the impossibili- 
ty of resisting so many thousand armed men, and being in 
want of ball cartridges, Lieutenant 'Wright advised a retreat 
to a neighbouring height and house, where a position might 
be taken by the party : on their retiring for this purpose, the 
Zantiots pursued and fired on them, the wounded soldier 
was again struck by a ball, which killed him, and his body 
Was abandoned. Lieut. Wright was severely wounded in 
the thigh, in the act of entering the house, where the de- 
tachment succeeded in defending themselves. Reports of 
these events having reached the town, a company of fifty 
men were instantly sent out to the scene of action ; they re- 
lieved the detachment which was surrounded by the Zanti- 
ots, who even had the temerity to oppose resistance to the 
reinforcement, but dispersed precipitately, after two vollies 
from the soldiers, leaving two or three killed, and carrying 
away several wounded. The body of the soldier was dis- 
covered to have been outraged in the most barbarous man- 
ner, his breast bone beaten in, accoutrements plundered, &c. 
The crew of the Algerine vessel were escorted to the Laza- 
retto near the town, where they remained until embarked on 
board the Turkish fleet, which arrived two days afterwards 
in the harbour. The stranded vessel soon went to pieces; 
some of her brass guns, spars, and ropes were subsequently 
saved and lodged in the government stores, and some 
months afterwards were sent to the government at Constan- 
tinople. 

"Martial law was proclaimed, and despatches sent off fo 
the seat of government. Sir Frederick Adam was Lord 
High Commissioner, pro tempore, in the absence of Sir Tho- 
mas Maitland ; he came to Zante without delay, caused two 
regiments to be sent from the other islands, and directed all 
the naval force on the station to proceed here. Sir Frede- 
rick Adam ordered a general disarming of the inhabitants, 
and about forty thousand guns, pistols, and blunderbusses, 
was delivered up by their owners into the government stores 
in the castle. Detachments of troops were still scouring 
the interior; but the people seem to have completely re- 
turned to their senses, and offer no opposition to any of the 



210 HISTORY OF THE 

public orders. Five individuals were hanged, and their 
bodies gibbeted on the hills, surrounding the town and har- 
bour : they were convicted by a court-martial of having been 
present at the time the troops were fired on, and of taking 
an active part in the insurrection. Several persons known 
to be disaffected to the government, were likewise arrested, 
and placed in the castle. In short, such measures were 
adopted and enforced, that there was no fear of a recurrence 
of such disagreeable events. The Zantiots were led away 
by their enthusiasm for the Greek cause, and encouraged by 
the lenity observed towards them by the government on 
former occasions ; the severe and prompt example now made, 
will show how dangerous and fatal such acts of rebellion 
must inevitably prove."* 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Congress of Epidaurus. — Deputies assembled there. — Pro- 
mulgation of the Political Code. — Address to the People. — 
Nominations of President and 3Iinisters. — Military opera- 
tions before Corinth. — Duplicity of Kiamil Bey. — Pa- 
nouria of Salona. — Retirement of the Albanians. — Sur- 
render of the Acrocorinthus. — The Seat of Government is 
established at Corinth. — General state of the Confedera- 
tion. — Arrival of Prince Mavrocordato. — Decrees of the 
Executive. — Military organization. — Disposal of the 
Forces. — Proclamation to the People. — Catastrophe at 
Scio, and reflections suggested by that event. — Destruction 
of the Capitan Pacha. — Fire ships. 

; ^ coo " Th e assemblage of a Congress at Epidaurus," 
(we borrow from Mr. Blaquiere,) "has been justly 
regarded as a new era in the Greek Revolution, and were 
there any doubts as to the real cause of many of those dis- 
orders which occurred before this event took place, they 
would be removed, by merely marking the subsequent cha- 
racter assumed by the war, as well as the affairs of the con- 
federation generally. 

" The anxiety of all classes to witness the formation of a 
government, was strongly evinced in the eagerness with 

, ,,, : * Green's Sketches, p. 76—79. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 211 

which deputies were elected throughout the country and 
sent to Argos. Besides Prince Mavrocordato and the mili- 
tary chiefs, the number of representatives who had reached 
Epidaurus by the middle of December exceeded sixty, con- 
sisting of ecclesiastics, landed proprietors, merchants, and 
civilians, who had for the most part received a liberal edu- 
cation in the west of Europe. 

" The first act of a Congress thus met, to re-establish in- 
stitutions, which may be said to have ceased with the Roman 
conquest, about twenty-one centuries before, was that of 
naming a commission, including the most enlightened mem- 
bers, to draw up a political code : the remainder being oc- 
cupied in examining into the general state of the nation, 
"ascertaining its resources, and devising the best mode of com- 
mencing the second campaign, with proper effect. 

" Although the declaration of independence* was sent forth 
on the first of January, and the draft of a Constitution pre- 
sented at the same time, yet, as the various articles required 
examination and discussion, it was not promulgated till the 
27th, when the code passed into a law, and was solemnly 
proclaimed amidst the acclamations of the deputies, soldie/y 
and people. Notwithstanding the imperfections inseparable^ 
from a work thus hastily prepared, it has been much admired 
for its moderation and firmness, while the framers, greatly 
to their credit, knew how to avoid more than one glaritf 4 * 
error with which the publicists of Europe have reproached 
the Spanish Constitution of 1812. Aware of the difficulty 
of their task; and convinced moreover, that a perfect sys- 
tem of legislation can only be the work of time and perse- 
verance, the Greek code was wisely left open to the im- 
provement and revision, which the genius of the people, and 
future experience, should render necessary. While all the 
objections that might have been urged against the form of 
L r ^vernment, are obviated hy the simple precaution of its be- 
ing styled "provisional;" the promulgation of the code, was 
accompanied by an address to the people of Greece, setting 
forth the motives for shaking off the Turkish yoke, and con- 
taining a triumphant reply to trios; 1 who had confounded 
their cause with that of other countries." 

By the constitution,! the established religion of Greece is 

* For this memorable instrument, as well ae several other import- 
ant state papers, see Appendix. 

t Modern Traveller, Part II. p. 14?, 



212 HISTORY OF THE 

declared to be that of the Orthodox Eastern Church, with 
full toleration of all other forms of worship. The govern- 
ment is composed of a Senate, and an executive body. The 
Senators to be chosen annually. The executive power is 
composed of five members, taken from the legislative body, 
and the President and Vice-President are annual officers. 
The judicial power formed of eleven members, chosen by the 
government, is declared to be independent of both the se- 
nate and the executive. Civil and criminal justice is to be 
regulated according to the legislation of the Greek empe- 
rors; and with respect to all mercantile affairs, the French 
commercial code is to have the force of law in Greece.* 
Such are the leading features of the Greek constitution, 
which, upon the whole, reflects great credit on its authors 
by its moderation and enlightened spirit.f Its grand defect 
is that, in common with all republican theories, it imposes 
shackles on the executive power, scarcely compatible with 
an efficient discharge of the functions of government, more 
especially under the exigencies of such a contest. J All ex- 

•j * The Greek code referred to is known under the name of the 
JBasilics, and was the work of the emperors, Basil I., Leon the Phi- 
losopher, his son, and Constantine Porphyrogenitus, his grandson. — 
See Gibbon, c. xlviii. This code had not altogether ceased to be 
in force among the Greeks. The French commercial code was first 
established in some of the maritime towns of the Levant in 1817, the 
permission of the Turkish government having been obtained by pur- 
chase by the Greek merchants. Two Greek translations of this 
Gode have been published; one at Constantinople, the other at Paris, 
in 1820. 

t " Article 2 secures to every individual of the Christian faith, 
whether a native or naturalized foreigner, an equal enjoyment of every 
political right ; a liberality which the Spanish revolutionists either 
did not possess nor durst not display. Article 4G gives every periodi- 
cal writer a free entry in the sittings of the legislative body ; an 
enactment more liberal, however, than prudent or convenient during a 
national struggle. Not only torture, but confiscation, is abolished by 
Article 99 ; and by Article 107, the government charges itself with 
providing for the widows and orphans of those who die in defending 
their country." 

\ " No declaration of war, uor any treaty of peace, can be made 
without the participation of the senate. In like manner, every 
agreement, of whatever mature, between the executive and a foreign 
power, must be previously approved by the Senate, except in the 
case of a very short armistice." — Article 40. And even in such 
case, the executive is under the obligation of communicating it 
to the senate. — Article 77 " The senate has the right of approving 
a military promotion which the government proposes." — Article 
42. " It is likewise entitled to decree, on the proposal of govern 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 213 

perience proves that a state is in more danger, at such a 
crisis, from the cabals of a faction, than from the ascendancy 
of any too powerful citizen. It has been proposed to con- 
centrate the executive power in a triennial president, and to 
make the senate re-eligible every other year. The rejection 
of this plan discovered an unseasonable jealousy on the part 
of the national representatives ; and the issue has shewn 
how much easier it is to frame a constitution than to create a 
government. Up to the present time, the Greeks may be 
said to be without a ruler, for the executive has not been in- 
vested with the power to rule. That power, it would seem, 
must either originate in usurpation, or in concessions made 
in the hour of public danger, by people willing to compro- 
mise their rights in order to obtain efficient protection. 

" The office of president of the executive body was confer- 
red by the congress upon Prince Mavrocordato, whose ta- 
lents and extensive information were eminently displayed in 
aiding the commission appointed to draw up the constitution.* 
Demetrius Ipsilanti was invited to preside over the senate, 
but he declined the proffered honour, having, it is supposed, 
conceived himself to be entitled to fill the highest station : 

mc-nt, the distinguished recompenses due to patriotic services." — Art. 
43. " It is to settle a new system of money to be struck at the national 
mint, under the direction of government. — Art. 44. " The senate is ex- 
pressly forbidden to accede to any transaction which threatens the po- 
litical existence of the nation. On the contrary, if it perceives the ex- 
ecutive engaged in negotiations of this nature, the senate is to prosecute 
the president, and after his condemnation, to declare his charge for- 
feited in the face of the nation." — Art. 45. By articles 63 and 64, the 
executive is authorised to contract loans, and to pledge the national pro- 
perty for them, "consulting the senate ;" and to alienate, under the 
same condition, a portion of this property, according to the wants of the 
state. By Art. 83. it is provided, that, " as soon as an accusation against 
one of the members of the executive is received, the accuser is consider- 
ed as stripped of his office,*' and his trial is to proceed. Thus, the no- 
minal inviolability of the executive power, " taken collectively," (Art. 
54) is completely nullified ; and the senate, by reserving to themselves 
the legal attributes of levying war, approving of military promotion, 
and settling the mintage, is in fact, the fountain of honour as well as the 
depository of all real power. 

Mavrocordato 's name is affixed to the provisional constitution as 
President of the Congress. Then follow the names of Adam Douca, 
(Dacas.) Athan, Canacaris, Alexander Naxius, Alexis Zimpouropoulo, 
and fifty-four others, among which occur those of Germanus, archbishop 
of Patras, the bishops of Litza and Agrafa, Toumbosi, and Talantium. 
Tli Negri, J. Logotheti, J. Orlando, Petro Bey Mavromichali, J. Co- 
letti, &c. 

19* 



214 HISTORY OF THE 

and the office was bestowed on Petro Bey Mavromichalr. 
The other members of the central government were Atha- 
uasius Canacari, vice-president, Anagnosti Pappaiannopoulo, 
John Orlando, and John Logotheti. Theodore Negri was 
appointed first secretary of state. 

Having decided on the civil and political rights of the na- 
tion, the next object of Congres was to select five members 
to form an executive ; and in order that still greater effect 
might be given to the measures of the new government, min- 
isters were named to superintend the various departments of 
war, finance, public instruction, interior, and police ; a com- 
mission of three individuals from Hydra, Spezzia, and Ipsara, 
was also appointed to direct the naval affairs. 

" While the National Congress were pursuing their ardu- 
ous labours at Epidaurus, the capture of Corinth became an 
object of increasing solicitude and importance to the execu- 
tive. A large force was therefore collected before that 
place, but such is the impregnable nature of its position, 
that every effort was made to induce the garrison, whose 
number did not exceed six hundred, to capitulate. It was 
to facilitate this object, that Kiamil Bey had been brought 
from Tripolizza. Owing to their great wealth and conse- 
quent means of bribery, the family of this Turk had go- 
verned Corinth, and the surrounding districts, for nearly a 
century ; and from their influence at Constantinople, every 
succeeding heir considered his claim to the government as 
an hereditary right ; nor was there any part of the Morea in 
which the Greek population were so much exposed to extor- 
tion and tyranny. Happening to be absent when the insur- 
rection broke out, Kiamil Bey took refuge at Tripolizza, 
leaving his family at Corinth. Anxious to save them, no 
sooner had the capital fallen, than he affected to become a 
warm advocate of the Greek cause, drank to its success at 
the table of Ipsilanti, and even promised to induce the gar- 
rison to surrender if he was only permitted to approach the 
walls. Now that this favour had been accorded, the cunning 
Mussulman, who was secretly informed of the preparations 
of Chourschid Pacha at Albania, contrived to elude the pro- 
mises made at Tripolizza under various pretences, until vio- 
lently threatened by Colocotroni and the other chiefs, when 
he was forced to write a letter to his wife and mother, or- 
dering them to enter into negotiation with the Greeks. He 
had, however, found means to apprize them of what was pass* 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 215 

ing, aud thus prevented all the effect which his letter might 
have otherwise produced. 

The arrival of Panouria, of Salona, a popular chief of that 
neighbourhood, gave a new and more favourable turn to the 
operations before Corinth. Originally a peasant of Mount 
Parnassus, he had in early life been driven to the necessity of 
drawing the sword to avenge the cruelty of a Turkish Aga, 
and greatly distinguished himself at the head of some brave 
Arnatolians ever since the insurrection began. Having re- 
proached the chiefs and soldiery with their inactivity, Panou- 
ria suggested various projects by which the Acropolis of Co- 
rinth might be carried : finding, however, but little disposition 
to adopt them, he determined to open a communication with 
the Albanian portion of the garrison ; this plan succeeded so 
Well, that a treaty was concluded, by which they consented 
to withdraw, on condition of being allowed to return home 
with their arms, and a gratification in money. These terms 
being readily granted, they descended from the citadel to 
the number of two hundred, on the 22nd of January ; and 
having been escorted to the beach, were embarked in boats, 
which transported them to the opposite shore of the gulf. 

" The retirement of the Albanians, having removed all 
farther hope of holding out on the part of the Turks, they 
also declared themselves ready to capitulate. Such, how- 
ever, was the altered state of things, that they were now ob- 
liged to accept the terms granted by the besiegers. It was 
then agreed that th* garrison should lay down their arms, 
and be conveyed to the coast of Asia Minor in transports 
provided by the government of Greece. The first part of 
these conditions was carried into effect on the 26th, and 
preparations made to execute the second, which was also 
fulfilled to a certain extent : but owing to a delay in the ar- 
rival of transports, the peasants who had been exposed to 
the innumerable exactions and oppressive acts of Kiamel 
Bey, rushed into the citadel, and gratified their irresistible 
thirst for revenge on many of the Turks.* The conduct of 

* The following anecdote is extracted from a Memoir of the War 
j'n Greece, by Colonel Voutier, whose name has already appeared in 
a former chapter : — " While I was walking in the fields near Corinth, 
a few days after its capture, an old man, who, taking care of a flock ot 
sheep, asked me when Bekir Aga was to quit the fortress. " Why ?" 1 
replied with a melancholy presentiment of his motives. " To wait for 
him 3 ' : said he. at a particular place which he named. a An ! my friend/ 



216 HISTORY OF THE 

Ipsilanti on this, as on every former occasion, was marked 
by the greatest humanity, and though his interposition could 
not entirely prevent the effervescence of popular feeling, it 
soon had the effect of calming the passions of the multitude.* 

" The reputed wealth of Kiamel Bey, without any refer- 
ence to his former tyrannies and recent duplicity, was thought 
a sufficient plea for his being retained as a prisoner : but it was 
in Vain that the Greeks urged him to disclose where his trea- 
sures were deposited, as he maintained an obstinate silence 
on this point. 

" Associated as Corinth has been, with all that is great 
1099 or glorious in Grecian history: dominating the gulfs 
of Egina and Lepanto, while its strength as a milita- 
ry position, is unrivalled by any other in the Morea, the ex- 
ecutive naturally took advantage of its capture, to establish 
the seat of government there. This event took place on the 
27th of February, and it may truly be said, that on their 
reaching Corinth, those whom the legislators of Epidaurus 
had appointed to watch over the destinies of Greece, had lit— 

added the old Greek, " you are happy not to know the Turks ; the earth 
must be purged of this cursed stain. It offends God and nature. This 
Bekir-Aga one day asked my-son for some milk to refresh himself ; but 
it was not to allay his thirst that the request was made, he had a differ- 
ent object in view : unhappily for my son, he was handsome : resisting 
the infidel, Bekir seized his ataghan, and my son's clothes were torn. — 
Exasperated by this treatment, the boy took up a stone and threw it at 
the Aga, who killed him on the spot. And all this happened under my 
own eyes in the midst of these very sheep." — Having ended his story, 
the shepherd scraped the earth with his staff, and looking at me wist- 
fully, exclaimed, " Here are his bones." 

* While the Turkish garrison were embarking in the gulf of Egina, 
an English transport arrived at Vostizza under the protection of a brig 
of war ; these vessels were sent from Corfu to receive the wife and ha- 
rem of Chourschid Pacha, left at Tripolizza, when he was called on to 
march into Albania. These women had been treated with the greatest 
respect during the assault. The negotiation for their ransom was car- 
ried on under the immediate auspices of the late Lord High Commissioner 
of the Ionian islands, and though Chourschid is said to have offered an 
immense sum, they were liberated for about 60,000 Spanish dollars. — 
Knowing, as the Greeks of the Morea did, that all the riches possessed 
fey their former tyrant, had been wrung from themselves, it was natural 
for them to be high in their demands. ~ It is said that Giorgaki the se- 
cond son of Petros Prince of Maina, a very fine young man, became 
enamoured of the legitimate wife of Chourschid, a beautiful young 
Giorgian, and that his love was returned. A person who saw them 
part, for Giorgaki superintended the embarkation, represents the scene 
as very affecting and even romantic. 




GREEK REVOLUTION. 217 

the more to depend on, than the justice of her cause and 
constancy of the people. Destitute of resources at home, 
anathematized by the Holy Alliance assembled at Laybach, 
and exposed to the mistaken policy adopted by a late minis- 
ter of England, they had nothing but persecution to antici- 
pate from the Christian potentates. On the other hand, the 
preparations of the enemy were such as to appal ordinary 
minds. The reduction of Ioannina, and the death of Alt 
Pacha, had placed a very large disposable force in the hands 
of Chourschid Pacha, together with the immense treasures 
of the Albanian tyrant : an army had collected at Larissa to 
invade the Peloponnesus, while a formidable fleet was ready 
to lea re the Dardanelles. In addition to all these causes of 
despondency, it is needless to say, that there still remained 
a considerable degree of jealousy among several of the pri- 
mates ; and that those among them, entrusted with local 
authority or influence, were not as yet fully convinced of the 
importance of union and obedience to the new government, 
as the interest of the nation required. 

Ipsilanti, who had suffered from a severe attack of typhus 
fever, after the fall of Corinth, but was now restored to 
health, did not conceal his disappointment on hearing of 
Mavrocordato's nomination to the presidency, which he con- 
ceived to be due to himself. Instead, therefore, of accept- 
ing the place of President of the Legislative Assembly, he 
accompanied Nikitas and a body of troops destined to watch 
the motions of the enemy at Zetouni, having previously re- 
nounced the title of Generalissimo, assumed on his first 
coming to Greece. 

" On the arrival of the President from Hydra, where he 
had proceeded to urge the necessity of sending divisions of 
the fleet towards the Dardanelles and gulf of Lepanto, a 
system of order and activity commenced, which had been 
hitherto unknown in the confederation. As to the spirit 
which animated the new government, it might be easily traced 
in the decrees which followed the transfer to Corinth. It 
was while the Porte was meditating fresh schemes of ven- 
geance, and preparing to attack Greece by sea and land, that, 
a decree was issued to abolish slavery, as well as the sale of 
the Turkish prisoners who should henceforth fall into their 
hands, which was interdicted under the severest pen;Uties, 
and ordering that they should be treated as those of the most 
civilized countries. Another edict, regulated the compen- 
sations for military service, as also the provisions to be made 



218 HISTORY OF THE 

for the widows and orphans of those who should fall in bat- 
tle : while a third established a regular system of internal 
administration for the provinces." 

" Menaced on every side by forces so infinitely superior in 
number to their own, and headed by the most able of the in- 
iidel chiefs, the necessity of organizing the army on the 
European system now became more apparent than ever. 
Although the means of effecting this great object were so 
slender, still it was of importance to make a beginning: a 
corps to be styled the first regiment of the line was therefore 
formed, and many of the officers were selected from the 
volunteers who had joined the Christian standard from the 
west of Europe. There being, however, a much larger 
number of these than was required, they were embodied into 
a second corps, which assumed the name of Philhellenes. 
The organization and command of the regular troops were 
entrusted to General Norman, a distinguished German of- 
ficer, who had just arrived from Marseilles with a number 
of volunteers. 

" It has already been stated that Ipsilanti and Nikitas had 
gone towards Zetouni : a second corps of three thousand 
men were sent to re-establish the blockade of Patras, under 
Colocotroni : and a smaller body of troops was detached to 
Athens under the French Colonel Voutier, in order to re- 
duce the Acropolis of that place. An addition was also 
made to the force before Napoli di Romania, and every 
precaution adopted to secure its blockade by sea. As to 
the garrisons of Modon and Coron, they continued to be 
closely invested by the armed peasantry of the neighbouring 
villages. 

" The commencement of the second campaign for the 
emancipation of Greece, was marked by an event at once 
the most atrocious and terrific that the historians of the 
present age will have to record. It is scarcely necessary to 
name the desolation of Scio, and massacre of its ill-fated in- 
habitants. This fertile beautiful island, the chosen asylum 
of modern Greek learning, not less distinguished for the 
wealth and industry, than the hospitable urbanity of the 
natives, had long been singled out as an object of spoliation 
and vengeance by the infidels, who only waited for a pretext, 
no matter how trifling, to carry their nefarious design into 
execution. However painful the sensations may be, to which a 
recurrence to the above heart-rending tragedy must give rise, 
a knowledge of the circumstances attending its perpetration 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 219 

is highly important, as enabling the most superficial observer 
to form a correct estimate of the great question at issue, be- 
tween the Greeks and their oppressors ; while a slight ex- 
amination of the leading facts will decide the merits of a 
charge, which has so frequently represented the followers of 
Christ as on a level with those of Mahomet, in point of their 
respective claims to forbearance and humanity during the 
contest. 

" The people of Scio had been remarkable for their peace- 
able habits and quiet submission to the Porte, ever since the 
capture of Constantinople, and although the inhabitants of a 
spot where education had made such rapid progress, could 
not be less interested in the regeneration of Greece, than 
the rest of their countrymen, yet, were there many causes to 
prevent them from taking any part of the revolt when it first 
broke out. The commercial relations of the island were 
more complicated and extensive than those of any other 
part of the confederation ; there being scarcely a capital ot 
Europe without some establishments kept by Sciot mer- 
chants, while a very larue portion of their wealth was locked 
up at Constantinople and Smyrna ; the trade between these 
two cities being almost exclusively conducted by them. — 
Possessing such ample means of ministering to the avarice 
of their tyrants, the civil government had long been confided 
to the elders, whose administration was of the most paternal 
description. What with its palaces, country houses and gar- 
dens, its colleges and general state of improvement, Scio pre- 
sented so striking a contrast to the other islands of the Ar- 
chipelago, that travellers could hardly be persuaded it was 
under the same dominion. No wonder, therefore, that such 
a picture of happiness and prosperity should have excited the 
hatred and jealousy of the infidels. 

" Occupied in their commercial pursuits, or in promoting 
the cultivation of learning and science, there was no attempt 
whatever made to participate in the revolution, so that the 
island remained perfectly tranquil, until the beginning of 
May, 1821, when the appearance of a small squadron of Ip- 
sariots off* the coast furnished the Aga or military governor 
with a pretence for commencing the same system of intole- 
rable violence, which had been already extended to Myti- 
lene, Rhodes, and Cyprus. One of the first measures now 
adopted, was that of seizing forty of the elders and bishops, 
who were shut up in the castle as hostages for the good con- 
duct of the people. A large body of troops were brought 



220 HISTORY OF THE 

from the neighbouring coast of Asia Minor ; as in the other 
islands, the arrival of these lawless hordes was attended with 
every species of irregularity and excess. In addition to nu- 
merous assassinations, and plundering the most wealthy in- 
habitants, all the provisions that could be found were seized 
for the use of the garrison, while new imposts were levied to 
pay the troops and Pacha, who had led them to the island. 
It was not until Scio had been a whole year exposed to a 
system like the above, and when it seemed impossible any 
longer to bear up against it, that any attempt was made to 
rouse the people to resistance. Totally unprovided, how- 
ever, as were the peasantry, either with arms or leaders* 
there is no doubt but they would have continued to suffer 
all the evils of their situation, had it not been for two adven- 
turers named Burnia and Logotheti, who, without any pre- 
vious communication with the provisional government, and 
merely to gratify views of personal ambition, concerted a 
plan of revolt. Landing from Samos on the 17th and 18th 
of March, at different points of the island, with a very small 
number of followers, they called upon the people to join 
them. Aware of the disastrous consequences which must 
follow this unexpected descent, the elders, who were still at 
Jarge, made every effort to prevent the peasantry from taking 
any part in the insurrection. In the meanwhile, a strong de- 
tachment of cavalry were sent out by the Pacha, to oppose 
the Greeks, and on the 22d the number of hostages already 
in the citadel were doubled, the victims being selected from 
the most opulent and distinguished inhabitants. Hearing on 
the following day that another body of men had landed from 
Samos, the Pacha sent to ascertain whether they had been 
joined by the peasantry, and on being assured they had not, 
a considerably force was ordered to march against them. 

" The Turks set forward for this purpose, but perceiving 
iqoo that the Greeks determined to resist, they imme- 
diately retreated towards the town, pursued by the 
former, till they were at length forced to shut themselves up 
ih the castle : thus leaving the Greeks in full possession of 
the open country. Encouraged by their success, Burnia and 
Logotheti appealed once more to the people, and as matters 
had now gone so far, that it was impossible to retrograde, a 
few hundred peasants flocked to their standard, many of 
these being merely provided with sticks for their defence. 
Although the elders and primates who had not been impri- 
soned, continued to remonstrate against the conduct of Bur- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 221 

nia and his coadjutor, they now saw the necessity of acceding 
to the entreaties of all parties, that a local government 
should be established. A junta of twelve persons being 
named for this purpose, they began to make various requisi- 
tions, and to organize the means of securing the advantage 
which had been already achieved. It was, however, soon 
discovered, that there were really no means of arming the 
people to any extent, and that the expedition was itself but 
badly armed, as well as totally unprovided with cannon. 
Convinced, on the other hand, that union and perseverance 
could alone save them, several plans of organization were 
adopted, and had the Greek fleet anticipated the arrival of the 
Pacha, there was every reason to hope the inhabitants would 
have been enabled to prevent the catastrophe which followed 
his appearance. This event took place on the 23d of April, 
when a fleet of fifty sail, including five of the line, an- 
chored in the bay, and immediately began to bombard the 
town, while several thousand troops were landed under the 
guns of the citadel, which also opened a heavy fire on the 
Greeks. It was in vain for the islanders to make any resist- 
ance ; deserted by the Samians, most of whom embarked 
and sailed away, when the Turkish fleet hove in sight, they 
were easily overpowered, and obliged to fly. From this mo- 
ment, until the last direful act, Scio, lately so great an object 
of admiration to strangers, presented one continued scene ot 
horror and dismay Having massacred every soul, whether 
men, women, or children, whom they found in the town, the 
Turks first plundered and then set fire to it, and watched the 
flames until not a house was left, except those of the fo- 
reign consuls. Three days had, however, been suffered to 
pass, before the infidels ventured to penetrate into the inte- 
rior of the island, and even then their excesses were con- 
fined to the low grounds. But there was ample scope on 
these for gratifying their thirst for Christian blood. An eye- 
witness, who escaped as it were by a miracle, thus express- 
ed himself in a letter to a friend : — " God ! what a specta- 
cle did Scio present on this lamentable occasion : on what- 
ever side I cast my eyes, nothing but pillage, murder, and 
conflagration appeared. While some were occupied in plun- 
dering the villas of rich merchants, and others setting fire 
to the villages, the air was rent with the mingled groans of 
men, women, and children, who were falling under the 
swords and daggers of the infidels. The only exception 
made during the massacre, was in favour of young women 

20 



222 HISTORY OF THE 

and boys, who were preserved only to be afterwards sold as 
slaves. Many of the former, whose husbands had been 
butchered, were running to and fro frantic, with torn gar- 
ments and dishevelled hair, pressing their trembling infants 
to their breasts, and seeking death as a relief from the still 
greater calamities that awaited them." 

" Above 40,000 of both sexes had already either fallen 
victims to the sword, or been selected for sale in the Ba- 
zaars, when it occurred to the Pacha, that no time should be 
lost iu persuading those who had fled to the more inaccessi- 
ble parts of the island, to lay down their arms and submit. It 
being impossible to effect this by force, they had recourse to 
a favourite expedient with Mussulmen ; that of proclaiming 
an amnesty. In order that no doubt should be enter- 
tained of their sincerity, the foreign consuls, more particu- 
larly those of England, France, and Austria, were called 
upon to guarantee the promises of the Turks : they accord- 
ingly went forth, and invited the unfortunate peasantry to 
give up their arms and return. Notwithstanding their long; 
experience of Turkish perfidy, the solemn pledge given by 
the consuls at length prevailed, and many thousands, who 
might have successfully resisted until succours arrived, 
were sacrificed : for no sooner did they descend from the 
heights, and give up their arms, than the infidels, totally un- 
mindful of the proffered pardon, put them to death without 
mercy. The number of persons of every age and sex who 
became the victims of this perfidious act, was estimated at 
7,000. 

" After having devoted ten days to the work of slaughter, 
it was natural to suppose that the monsters who directed this 
frightful tragedy would have been in some degree satiated by 
the blood of so many innocent victims ; but it was when the 
excesses had begun to diminish on the part of the soldiery, 
that fresh scenes of horror were exhibited on board the fleet, 
and in the citadel. In addition to the women and children 
embarked for the purpose of being conveyed to the markets 
of Constantinople and Smyrna, several hundred of the na- 
tives were also seized, and among these all the gardeners of 
the island, who were supposed to know where the treasures 
of their employers had been concealed. There were no less 
than five hundred of the persons thus collected hung on 
board the different ships ; when these executions com- 
menced, they served as a signal to the commandant of the 
citadel, who immediately followed the example, by suspend- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 223 

ing the whole of the hostages, to the number of seventy-six, 
on gibbets erected for the occasion. With respect to the 
numbers who were either killed or consigned to slavery, 
during the three weeks that followed the arrival of the Capitan 
Pacha, there is no exaggeration in placing the former at 
twenty-five thousand souls. It has been ascertained that 
above thirty thousand women and children were condemned 
to slavery, while the fate of those who escaped was scarcely 
less calamitous.* Though many contrived to get oft' in 
open boats, or such other vessels as they could procure, 
thousands who were unable to do so, wandered about the 
mountains, or concealed themselves in caves, without food 
or clothing for many days after the massacre had began to 
subside on the plains ; among those who had availed them- 
selves of the pretended amnesty, many families took refuge 
in the houses of the consuls, who were indeed bound by 
every tie of honour and humanity to afford them protection. 
It has, however, been asserted upon authority which cannot 

* On the 13th of May was the first arrival (at Constantinople) of 
slaves from that devoted island ; and on the ISth, sixteen most respecta- 
ble merchants, resident at Constantinople, but who were guilty of 
having been born at Scio, were executed. Three of these persons 
were by the Turks called hostages, which means, that they were per- 
sons of influence and character, who had been seized by the govern- 
ment, and by it made responsible for the conduct of their countrymen. 
The continued sale of the Sciot captives led to the commission of daily 
brutalities. On June 19th, an order came down to the slave market 
for its cessation; and the circumstances which are believed to have oc- 
casioned that order, are extremely singular, and purely oriental. The 
island of Scio had been granted many years ago to one of the sultanas, 
as an appropriation, from which she derived a fixed revenue and a title 
of interference in all matters relating to police and internal administra- 
tion. The present patroness was Asma Sultana, sister of the sultan ; 
and that amiable princess received about 200,000 piastres a year, be- 
sides casual presents, from her flourishing little province. When she 
was informed of its destruction, her indignation was natural and ex- 
cessive ; and it was directed, of course, against Valid, the pacha who 
commanded the fort, and the capudan pacha, to whose misconduct she 
chiefly attributed her misfortune. It was in vain that that officer 
selected from his captives sixty young and beautiful maidens, whom he 
presented to the service of her highness. She rejected the sacrifice 
with disdain, and continued her energetic remonstrances against the 
injustice and illegality of reducing rayafis to slavery, and exposing 
them for sale in the public markets. The sultan at length yielded to 
her eloquence or importunity. A license, the occasion of hourly bru- 
talities, was suppressed : and we have the satisfaction of believing that, 
this act of rare and unprecedented humanity may be attributed to the 
influence of a woman."— Waddington's Visit to Greece, p. 19. 



224 HISTORY OF THE 

well be doubted, that the wretched beings thus saved from 
Mussulman vengeance, were obliged to pay large ransoms, 
before they could leave the Island. Nay, more, numbers of 
those who escaped the massacre, affirm, that it was extreme- 
ly difficult to obtain even temporary protection under the 
Christian flags, without first gratifying the avaricious demands 
of those who conceived this appalling event a legitimate 
object of mercantile speculation." 

" Melancholy, and utter desolation," says Mr. Leedes,* 
has befallen this once beautiful and flourishing island. I 
could not have conceived, without being an eye witness, that 
destruction could have been rendered so complete. We 
walked through the town, which was [once] handsome and 
built entirely of stone, and found the houses, the churches, 
the hospitals, the extensive college, where, a few months 
ago, 600 or 700 youths were receiving their education, one 
entire mass of ruins. On every side were strewed fragments 
of half-burned books, manuscripts, clothes, and furniture ; 
and what was most shocking to the feelings, numerous bodies 
were mouldering on the spot where they fell. Nothing that 
had life was to be seen, but a few miserable, half-starved 
dogs and cats. The villages have shared the same fate; 
and of a population of 130,000 Greeks, there remain, per- 
haps, 800 or 1000 individuals scattered through the most 
distant places. In the town, nothing has escaped but the 
consuls' houses, and a very few immediately adjoining them, 
which could not be burned without burning the consulates. 
The British Yice Consul has a little colony of 270 Sciots 
hutted in his garden and premises, whom he feeds at his own 
expense, and who, under the British flag, have found pro- 
tection amid the wreck of their country. There are similar 
establishments in some of the other European establishments. 
Their food at present consists of grapes and figs, which are 
now common property, there being no hands to gather in the 
fruits of the soil." 

"As the massacre of Scio furnishes the best occasion 
presented by the war to establish a comparison between the 
conduct of the Greeks and their inexorable masters, it is of 
consequence to prove, that so far from the atrocities in that 
devoted island having been the result of these excesses in 



* Mr. Leedes, a British Missionary, visited Scio in September, after 
its destruction. — See Miss. Reg. Jan. 1823. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 225 

which a soldiery irritated by previous resistance and suffer- 
ings, have so frequently indulged, they originated in the cool 
and deliberate councils of the Divan. With respect to the 
provocations given by the Sciots, their fidelity to the Porte 
had never been suspected before the revolution ; and it has 
been ascertained beyond contradiction, that the number of 
those who joined the expedition from Samos did not exceed 
two thousand, while it is equally true, that the whole loss of 
the Turks during the ephemeral conflict did not amount to 
three hundred, and these fell in the skirmishes which took 
place between the opposing parties, as there was no instance 
of gratuitous cruelty on the part of the Greeks. The readi- 
ness with which the elders and primates gave themselves up 
as hostages, and their efforts to prevent the peasantry from 
joining Burnia and Logotheti, is an ample proof of their per- 
fect innocence. Yet was it under all these circumstances, 
that a population of more than one hundred thousand souls 
was doomed to general destruction ; not by an unbridled 
and undisciplined soldiery, stimulated by the opposition and 
privations attendant on a long siege, but by a positive order 
from a sovereign and government, whose legitimacy had 
been solemnly proclaimed by the Christian potentates assem- 
bled at Laybach and Verona. That the whole of this terri- 
fic drama had been got up at Constantinople, a variety of 
concurrent circumstances tend to prove beyond the shadow 
of a doubt. When the messenger who announced the de- 
scent from Samos reached the capital, it was decided in full 
Divan, that the Capitan Pacha, whose preparations were 
still incomplete, should sail with all possible dispatch, and 
take such measures with the people of Scio as would effectu- 
ally prevent their joining the confederation. All the most opu- 
lent Sciot merchants resident in the capital were at the same 
time seized and thrown into prison as hostages. The fate of 
these unfortunate persons leaves no room whatever to doubt, 
that the proceedings at Scio were fully approved of at Con- 
stantinople ; for it was immediately after the arrival of the 
Capitan Pacha in the former place, and when the steps he 
had taken must have been known, that the whole of them 
were impaled alive by a mandate from the Sultan himself. 

" With a thorough knowledge of all that had happened 
elsewhere, and while their brethren, the professors of a 
common faith, were writhing under the unutterable torments 
of such a death, surely the time had arrived when the Chris- 
tian ambassadors were called upon bv the voice of God and 

20* 



226 HISTORY OF THE 

nature to interpose. Will posterity believe that this inter- 
position was withheld, or that while the ambassadors remain- 
ed quietly at their posts, the lamentable catastrophe rung 
through Christian and civilized Europe, without exciting 
much more notice than the loss of an East-Indiaman, or a 
trifling fall in the public funds ?* When, however, posteri- 
ty shall contrast the indifference now betrayed, and the ran- 
corous malignity with which the excesses of an infuriated and 
starving soldiery at Tripolizza were visited, and even alleged 
as a sufficient motive for abandoning the cause of Christ, it 
will most assuredly have but little cause to admire the 
social and political system of Europe in the nineteenth 
century. 

" Of all the errors laid to the charge of the naval chiefs, 
of Greece, their delay in coming to the relief of Scio is un- 
questionably the best founded, as it is most to be lamented. 
This omission is doubly to be deplored, when it is consider- 
ed, that the appearance of a squadron simultaneously with the 
Capitan Pacha, would have paralysed his operations, and en- 
couraged the inhabitants to greater resistance. Had the 
fleet arrived even after the slaughter commenced, there is 
every reason to believe, that a few well directed fire-ships 
could not fail taking effect on the Turkish ships, a great part 
of whose crews were employed in aiding to perpetrate 
the massacre on shore. From whatever cause it arose, the 



* In answer to a question put by Mr. William Smith, the member 
for Norwich, to Lord Londonderry, in the House of Commons, relative 
to the massacre of the Sciot hostages, the latter merely replied, that. 
" a calamity had occurred, which had arisen out of the peculiar acts of 
barbarity perpetrated on both sides." The observations of Sir James 
Mackintosh, on this occasion, are well worthy of historical record. He 
asked " if dispatches had been received from our Ambassador at the 
Ottoman Porte, from which it could be ascertained whether any of the 
persons who had been murdered by the barbarian tyrants at Constanti- 
nople, had been under the protection of the British Minister, Lord 
Strangford, or had surrendered themselves to the Turks, under any 
pledge, promise, or assurance of safety from that nobleman ? " He also 
asked " whether it was mentioned in any of the recent dispatches re- 
ceived by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, that the markets 
of Smyrna and Constantinople were filled with amiable Greek ladies 
and children, offered to the caprices of barbarous Mahomedan voluptua- 
ries ? And finally, whether ministers could afford the nation any ac- 
count of the new slave trade, established in the East, for the sale ot 
amiable and accomplished Christian females, by a government which 
was encouraged and supported by the administration of this free and 
enlightened country ?" 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 227 

fleet did not arrive until the last week in May, when the ca- 
tastrophe was already consummated. Tombasi, the Hydriot 
admiral, who commanded, .had, however, the satisfaction of 
saving a great number of both sexes, who succeeded in 
escaping to the mountains.* 

* The scene which presented itself to the Greek sailors who landed on 
the southern shores of Scio, was such as no pen could trace, no lan- 
guage could describe. The beach for several miles was strewed with 
dead bodies of men, women, and children, many of whom were still 
warm and bathed in their own blood. Most of those taken on board 
had been wounded, and looked more like spectres than human beings. 
Mr. Hastings, a young Englishman of family, who was embarked on 
board Tombasi's ship, witnessed these horrors, and shuddered while lie 
essayed to describe them to me at Tripolizza. An unhappy fugitive 
had informed my friend that he was one of two thousand who took re- 
fuge in a cavern on the coast, in the hope of concealing themselves. — 
As, however, there was not space enough within for half the number, 
those who could not penetrate remained outside, many of them beinir 
obliged to stand up to their knees in water. It was while they were 
contending with each other to get into this imagined place of security, 
that a party of Turks appeared on the rocks above their heads, and im- 
mediately began to fire down on them. Having thus despached all 
those who stood without, the infidels drew their ataghans, rushed into 
the cave, and also put every soul they found to death. 

A French officer, who had landed soon after the massacre, saw an in- 
fant clinging to the breast of its mother, a young and beautiful woman, 
whose lifeless corpse lay bleeding on the ground. 

The situation of those who succeeded in getting to Ipsara was most 
deplorable, reaching that place without having any sustenance for 
many days, and almost naked, there were no means of providing for 
their wants in the island : so that thousands were obliged to sleep in the 
open air until they could obtain a passage to some other place. The 
separation of wives and husbands, brothers, sisters and children, which 
occurred in almost every family, was not the least agonizing part of the 
calamities now endured. While at Marseilles, on my way to Greece, I 
Era w a lovely babe, who had been just brought to its parents by the 
nurse, after having been given up as lost, for many months. This faith- 
ful creature had fled to the mountains in the first days of the massacre, 
and wandered about, living on the herbs of the field, until at length 
Providence threw the means of escape in her way, and she was con- 
veyed to a neighbouring island. The parents of the child had also fled, 
but happening to gain a different point of the coast, they departed in 
another direction, and had given up every hope of seeing their child, 
when he was thus restored to them. 

Thousands of the Sciot women, remarkable throughout the Ar- 
chipelago for their grace and beauty, continued to be exposed for 
sale both in the island and at Constantinople and Smyrna, for seve- 
ral months after the massacre. After detailing such scenes as the 
above, to which a thousand others, equally heart-rending, might be 
added, it becomes a matter of very trifling import to state, that the 



228 HISTORY OF THE 

" Having rendezvoused at Ipsara, Tombasi was joined by 
a division from that island, when it was decided that a com- 
bined effort should be made against the enemy's fleet. The 
two squadrons accordingly entered the channel which sepa- 
rates Scio from the Asiatic continent, but owing to light 
winds, they advanced so slowly, that the Turks had time to 
weigh their anchors and gain the open sea. The Greeks 
came up with them between Scio and Ipsara, and were pre- 
paring their fire-ships, when a gale of wind came on, and 
separated the hostile fleets. Meeting some days after, in the 
straits of Scio, the attempt to fire the enemy was again made, 
and though unsuccessful, it threw all the Turkish ships into 
the utmost confusion, and they could only escape the threat- 
ened danger by cutting their cables and running out to sea. 

" The sailing of an Egyptian squadron from Alexandria 
for the relief of Candia, where the inhabitants had recently 
made a most gallant stand, having obliged Tombasi to pro- 
ceed towards that island, the second great naval triumph of 
the Greeks was destined to be achieved under the auspices 
of Miaoulis, the most celebrated admiral of Greece. Fertile 
in expedients, and anxious to avenge some portion of the 
horrors committed at Scio, this modern Themistocles deter- 
mined to adopt a stratagem, which, though extremely haz- 
ardous to those employed to carry it into effect, yet pre- 
sented the greatest probabilities of success. Perceiving that 
the Turks were now on their guard, and prepared for the 
mode of attack practised by the Greeks, he directed two 
fire vessels, one from Ipsara, and the other a Hydriot, to sail 
alone ; and when close to the coast of Asia Minor, they 
were to bear up towards the Turkish fleet, and keep near the 
shore, as if they were merchant ships bound to Smyrna.* — 

finest modern Greek library in existence, collected at an immense 
expense, and comprising above 60,000 volumes, was completely de- 
stroyed during the conflagration of the town. It is a coincidence 
worthy of remark, that it was the followers of Mahomet who burnt 
the grand Alexandrian library twelve centuries before. The glit- 
tering of the mathematical instruments saved them from being de- 
stroyed : these were part of the booty, and taken to Smyrna, where 
they found a purchaser in one of the French merchants resident there. 

* Of these fire-ships Mr. Emerson gives such an appaling account, 
as to leave no wonder on the mind that even the bravest sailors could 
not witness their approach without dismay. 

" The vessels usually employed for this purpose, says he, are old 
ships purchased by the government. Their construction as fire-ships 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 229 

■. 

They were thus allowed m pass the look-out ships unmo- 
lested, and sailing boldly into the midst of the fleet, which 
were at anchor in Scio roads, both their commanders laid a 
Turkish line of battle ship on board. One of the latter con- 
trived to disengage herself, but the Ipsariot, under the intre- 
pid Canari, took full effect, and he had the glory of destroy- 
ing the Capitan Pacha's ship, together with the monster him- 
self and all his crew. The ship was loaded with the spoils 
of Scio, and it is to be feared that many Greek women and 

are very simple ; nothing more being wanted than active combustion. 
For this purpose, the ribs, hold, and sides of the vessel after being well 
tarred, are lined with dry furze dipped in pitch and lees of oil, and 
sprinkled with sulphur ; a number of hatchways are then cut along the 
deck, and under each is placed a small barrel of gunpowder ; so that 
at the moment of conflagration each throws off its respective hatch, and 
giving ample vent to the flames, prevents the deck from being too soon 
destroyed by the explosion. 

" A train [of gunpowder] which passes through every part of the 
ship and communicates with every barrel, running round the deck, 
and passing out at the steerage window, completes the preparations 
below ; whilst above, every rope and yard is well covered with tar 
so as speedily to convey the flames to the sails ; and at the extremi- 
ty of each yard arm is attached a wickered hook, which being once 
entangled with the enemy's rigging, renders escape, after coming in 
contact, almost a matter of impossiblity. The train, to prevent acci- 
dents, is never laid till the moment of using it ; when all being placed 
in order, and the wind favourable, with every possible sail set, so as to 
increase the flames, she bears down upon the enemy's line, whilst the 
crew, usually twenty-five or thirty in number, have no other defence 
than crouching behind the after bulwarks. When close upon the 
destined ship, all hands descend by the stern, into a launch fitted out 
for the purpose with high gun-wales and a pair of small swivels ; and at 
the moment of contact, she is fired by the captain, and every hatch be- 
ing thrown off, the flames burst at the same instant from stem to stern : 
and ascending by the tarred ropes and sails, soon communicates with 
the rigging of the enemy's vessel, who have never yet, in one instance, 
been able to extricate themselves. In fact, such is the terror with 
which they have inspired the Turks, that they seldom make the slightest 
resistance. On the distant approach of the fire-ship, they maintain, for 
several minutes, an incessant random cannonade ; but at length, long 
before she comes in contact, precipitate themselves into the sea, and 
attempt to reach the other vessels, scarcely one remaining to the last 
moment to attempt to save the devoted ship. Sometimes, however, 
armed boats are sent off from the other vessels of the fleet, but they 
have never yet been able either to prevent the approach of the fire 
ship, or seize on the crew whilst making their escape ; and, though fire- 
ships are in other countries considered a forlorn hope, such is the stu- 
pidity and terror of the Turks, that it is rarely that one of the brulot- 
tiers is wounded, and very seldom indeed that any lose their lives."- 
Picture nf Greece, vol. i. p. 116 — 118. 



230 HISTORY OF THE 

children perished in her. This event happening at such a 
time, was attributed to the interposition of a special provi- 
dence by the people of Greece,* for had the Turkish fleet 
been enabled either to co-operate with the Egyptian squad- 
ron sent against Candia, or with the army which invaded the 
Morea, it is impossible to calculate what the consequences 
might have been. Fortunately for the Christians, the infidels 
were panic-struck, and fled to the Dardanelles, where some 
weeks were unavoidably lost in preparing to resume their 
operations by sea.""j" 

" It appears," says Mr. Green, " that the Turkish inhabi- 
tants of Athens shut themselves up in the Acropolis in May, 
1821, and that the town was occupied by the Greeks until 
the following August, when Omer Vrioni Pacha relieved the 
place, and drove away the Greeks with some loss. After 
remaining three months at Athens, he returned with his Al- 
banians to Roumelia, leaving the same Turks whom he had 
relieved to garrison the Acropolis. 

"Not a month elapsed before the Greeks returned once 
more from the mountains and the neighbouring islands, and 
the Turkish garrison were again compelled to seek refuge in 
the Acropolis. Many attempts were made by the Greeks 
to take the place by assault or by surprise, but without suc- 
cess. 

" At length provisions and water failed, and the garrison 
were much reduced in numbers from deaths caused by dis- 
ease. Seeing no chance of succour, the besieged entered 
into negotiation with the insurgents, and a treaty was at 
length concluded, by which the Acropolis was to be deliver- 
ed up to the Greeks, on condition that the lives of the Turks 
should be spared, and that they should be transported in 
vessels, to be provided by the Greek government, to some 
port in Asia Minor. On the 22d of June, 1822, the Acropolis 
was delivered up : some disputes arose concerning property, 
and a few Turks were killed : however, the French, Aus- 
trian, and Dutch Vice-Consuls (who still remained at 
Athens, the English Vice-Consul, Signor Logotheti, having 
died subsequent to the breaking out of the revolution) in- 

* On the same day which witnessed the destruction of the Caps- 
tan Pacha and his ship, the Acropolis of Athens capitulated to the 
Greeks, 

I Blaquiere, p. 177—204. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 231 

terfered, and caused order to be restored. The garrison and 
their families were provided with houses in the town, until 
such time as the vessels that were to embark them could ar- 
rive; some were even sheltered by the Consuls, particularly 
the women and children. 

" It has been said that the town of Athens has been near- 
ly destroyed during the repeated struggles between the con- 
tending parties to keep possession of it ; but the highly in- 
teresting remains of antiquity have, with scarcely an excep- 
tion, been preserved uninjured."*! 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Colocotroni marches to Patras. — Action before that place. — 
Meeting of the Greek and Turkish Squadrons. — Prepara- 
tions of Chourschid Pacha. — Error of the Congress at Epi- 
daurus. — Plan of Prince Mavrocordato : he departs for 
Missolonghi. — Colocotroni raises the Blockade of Patras. 
— Invasion of the Morea by Machmout Pacha of Drama. — 
The Members of the Executive embark. — Firmness of Co' 
locotroni. — Operations on the Plain of Argos. — Corinth is 
abandoned by the Greeks. — Gallant conduct of Demetrius 
Tpsilanti. — Retreat of the Turkish Army : it is attacked 
in the Passes. — Return of the Executive to Lerna. — Events 
near Corinth. — The Dervenachi are occupied by Colocotro- 
ni and Nikitas. — Privations and sufferings of the Greeks, 
contrasted with those of the Turks. — Capture of Napoli 
di Romania. — Forbearance and Moderation of the Greeks. — 
Arrival of the Cambrian Frigate, and generous conduct of 
Captain Hamilton. — Affair at Akrata. — End of the Cam' 
paign of 1822. 

I s9^> " While tne provisional government was sedulous- 
' ly occupied in preparing for the approaching cam- 
paign at Corinth, an event occurred which rendered it ne- 
crssary to send Colocotroni with a force of three thousand 
men towards Patras ; this was the arrival of a division of 
the Turkish fleet which had sailed from the Hellespont be- 
fore the Capitan Pacha ; it consisted of six large frigates, 
and above fifty transports and smaller vessels, the whole fill- 

* Green's Sketches, p. 112. t See Appendix. 



232 HISTORY OF THE 

ed with troops, which were landed at Patras in the latter 
end of February. Colocotroni arrived before the walls soon 
after they had been disembarked. 

On perceiving his approach, the Turks quitted their posi- 
tion, and went in pursuit of the Greeks with nearly the whole 
of their force. Apprehensive that his detachment was un- 
equal to cope with such numbers, Colocotroni retreated to- 
wards the mountains, closely pursued by the enemy ; and 
when in a situation where his men could act with advantage, 
he suddenly halting, harangued the troops, upon which they 
immediately turned round and advanced towards the infidels 
— the latter, supposing that reinforcements had by this time 
appeared in sight, became panic struck in their turn, and 
were followed sword in hand by the Greeks to the very walls 
of Patras : the result of this affair was, that five hundred of 
the enemy were slain in less than two hours.* On seeing 
the kind of troops he had to contend with, the Greek chief- 
tain now took up a position close to the town, and establish- 
ed a rigorous blockade. 

Miaouli and Tombasi having pursued the infidel squadron 
with a division of the Greek fleet, attacked them as they 
were quitting the waters of Patras on the 3d of March, and 
but for a heavy gale that separated the ships, there was a 
confident expectation that the frigate of the Turkish Admi- 
ral would have fallen into the hands of the Greeks, as a close 
running fight was maintained between her and Tombasi's 
small ship of twenty guns for some time, and he would have 
been ultimately laid on board, but for the boisterous state of 
the weather. 

Mr. Consul Green, who as we have already stated is care- 
ful never to give the Greeks credit for more than they de- 
serve, gives a very different version of this affair. 

" The Capitana Bey on the approach of the Greek fleet 
ordered the vessels of war to be got under weigh, and sent 
the transports for protection to Lepanto ; he then bore down 
on the Greeks, brought them to action in the Bay, and sus- 
tained an engagement with them for three hours, during 
which four Greek vessels attempted to board a Turkish fri- 



* A French officer. M. de le Villasse, whose name has already ap- 
peared, was present at, this affair : — he states, that on approaching the 
walls of Patras during the pursuit, some Turks cried out," Why do 
you kill our brethren, don't you know the)' were forced to come here 
from Constantinople ? " 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 233 

gate, which had become nearly unmanageable, from the top- 
sail haul-yards being shot away. They were, however, re- 
pulsed, and a Greek vessel catching fire, she drifted on 
shore ; which accident so disconcerted the crews of the 
other vessels, that they simultaneously set all sail, and steer- 
ed before the wind, closely pursued by the Turks." 

" The Turkish vessels," continues Mr. Green, " did not 
appear to have suffered further than by a few grape shot in 
their sides. "*f 

Notwithstanding the large force collected before Ioannina-. 
and in other parts of Epirus, the Greeks under Marco Boz- 
zaris and Rango had gained many advantages, and taken 
Arta, after a desperate struggle on, the 5th of December. 
This was a highly important point to the patriots ; but owing 
to the treason of a chief named Tairabos, it was abandoned, 
the Greek leaders conceiving themselves too weak to resist 
the forces which might be sent against them by Chourshid 
Pacha. The necessity of thus giving up the key of Albania 
Was a great misfortune for the Hellenists, and could not fail 
to expose Acarnania to the incursions which were made not 
long after. 

While Odysseus and his brave companions were endea- 
vouring to check the progress of the enemy in Livadia and 
Negropont, the recent discomfiture of the Greek population 
at Cassandra and Mount Athos placed such a force at their 
disposal, that they were enabled to advance once more, and 
even reinforce the garrison of Athens. 

The tyrant of Ioannina's fall had placed such abundant re- 
sources in men and money at the disposal of Chourshid Pa- 
cha, that he was enabled to concert a plan of operations, 
which, if carried into execution with an ordinary portion of 
skill, must have led to the total destruction of the Greek 
cause. One of the errors attributed to the Congress of Epi~ 
daurus, was that of its omitting to name any of the chiefs 
who had commenced the insurrection to situations in the 

* Sketches of the War, p. 98. 

t The British Consul's partiality for the Turks, the reader will 
observe, has led him into an unwitting and palpable contradiction in 
this account. At one moment, and during the heat of the action, the 
Greeks were such cowards, that four of their vessels attempted in 
vain to board an unmanageable Turkish frigate ; but after all, the 
Turks did not suffer, except by a few grape shot in the sides of 
their vessels. If Mr. Green will make it appear that the Turks 
shot away their own haul-yards, the account would be much more 
plausible. 

21 



234 HISTORY OF THE 

new government. Although this arose from the excessive 
jealousy entertained by the Greeks, of giving too great an 
ascendancy in civil affairs to military men, it would perhaps 
have been prudent to waive this objection in the present 
case; at all events, there is little doubt but it produced a 
considerable degree of indifference on the part of some of the 
leaders. 

Aware of the consequences which must ensue, were 
Chourshid Pacha and his lieutenants quietly permitted to 
organize their projects in Albania, Mavrocordato had long 
thought of a plan, which if it did not frustrate the designs of 
the enemy, would at least operate as a powerful diversion in 
favour of the Peloponnesus. The object he had in view, 
was an expedition into Epirus, which should establish the 
new system of government in western Greece ; draw the at- 
tention of the Turks from the Morea ; relieve the brave Sou- 
liotes, who were defending themselves in Kiapha, with their 
wonted heroism, and carry the war into the very heart of Al- 
bania. The conception was excellent, and had there been 
adequate means of carrying it into effect, this project must 
have been crowned with entire success. Even with all the 
disadvantages opposed to the Prince, it will hereafter be 
seen that his operations were productive of highly impor- 
tant consequences to the safety of the confederation. 

Having communicated his plan to the members of the 
executive, it was greatly applauded, and an arrangement was 
made, by which five thousand men should be immediately 
appropriated to this service, and placed at the disposal of 
the president, who determined to lead the expedition in per- 
son. Owing, however, to the number of troops detached in 
different directions, the only force he could now avail him- 
self of, was the battalion of Philhellenes, and the first regi- 
ment of the line, neither of which bodies was by any means 
complete. With these, the Prince set out from Corinth ac- 
companied by General Norman and Kiriakouli, who had 
seven hundred men under his orders : these were more par- 
ticularly destined to relieve the Souliotes. The expedition 
was to be joined by fifteen hundred men from the army be- 
fore Patras. The Prince arrived there on the 12th of June, 
and was received by Colocotroni with every demonstration 
of joy ; but such were the difficulties the latter opposed to 
allowing any part of his troops to be detached, that the expe- 
dition was compelled to depart without the promised assist- 
ance. Embarking next day on board a small Greek squad- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 235 

ron which had been waiting near Patras for the purpose, 
Mavrocordato landed at Missolonghi with only a few hun- 
dred men, while Kiriakonli and his party proceeded north- 
wards, in order to disembark as near Kiapha as circumstan- 
ces would admit. 

While the above named chiefs were pursuing their ardu- 
ous task in Epirus, a storm was gathering in Thessaly, which 
the cowardice and incapacity of the infidels alone prevented 
from rendering the triumph of the Hellenists a matter of ex- 
treme uncertainty. As a large force had been for some time 
collecting at Larissa and Zetouni, nothing but the confi- 
dence entertained by Mavrocordato, that the appearance ot 
a corps in Acarnania would counteract the projects of the 
enemy, would have justified his absence at such a moment. 
For though the virtuous and patriotic Canacari,* who re- 
mained to superintend the administration of affairs as Vice- 
president, was greatly esteemed by the people, his means 
were inadequate to give efficiency to the plans of govern- 
ment. One of the immediate effects of thus weakening the 
executive, was to enable those chiefs who had been dissatis- 
fied with the arrangements at Epidaurus, to betray their in- 
difference to the new system with greater impunity. 

The first glaring manifestation of discontent among the 
chiefs, was made by Colocotroni, who suddenly raised the 
blockade of Patras on the 6th of July, without orders, and 
proceeded with the whole of his forces to Tripolizza, thus 
leaving the Turkish garrison at liberty either to penetrate into 
the Morea, or cross the gulf of Lepanto. Although this 
unexpected movement excited great astonishment, as well 
as the displeasure of the government, it is not improbable 
that Colocotroni might have had a suspicion of what was 
about to happen ; for he had scarcely been a week in his 
new quarters, before the intelligence arrived, that a Turk- 
ish army had passed the great Dervenachi, or defiles, and 
had advanced to the walls of Corinth. Here, it should be 
observed, that the seat of government had been transferred 
to Argos, soon after the departure of Mavrocordato, and a 
small garrison had been left to defend the Acropolis. The 



* Greece has since had to deplore the loss of this most excellent man. 
He died at Castries in January, 1823, after having devoted a long life to 
the grand object of the regeneration of his country. The death of Atha- 
nasius Canacari was universally and deeply lamented : nor will it be 
easy to supply the place of so inestimable a citizen. 



236 HISTORY OF THE 

exact force of the enemy was not known, but from the na- 
ture of the information communicated, it must have been 
very considerable. The arrival of this news, at a moment 
when so little progress had been made in the military organi- 
zation, and the executive had no money to pay the troops, 
was well calculated to create alarm. The conduct of Colo- 
cotroni was, however, marked by the greatest firmness and 
presence of mind, while his subsequent efforts and success 
fully entitled this chief to the gratitude of his country. Not 
doubting but that the relief of Napoli di Romania was a 
grand object with the enemy, he determined to march to- 
wards that place, but on preparing to depart, the utmost 
force he could muster did not exceed two thousand men. 
Forming this small corps into two divisions, he sent the 
largest, consisting of twelve hundred men, towards Corinth, 
under the command of his most confidential officer, Coliopulo, 
to occupy the passes between that place and Argos ; while 
the remainder was destined to act under his own immediate 
orders. Messengers were dispatched on every side to re- 
call the troops who had retired to cultivate their fields or 
visit their families. Colocotroni proceeded to Argos, where 
he only found Demetrius Ipsilanti with little more than three 
hundred men, the members of the executive having thought 
it expedient to embark, and to proceed to a neighbouring 
island, when they heard of the enemy's approach. The con- 
sternation which now spread throughout the Morea was 
greatly increased by the abandonment of Corinth, and its re- 
occupation by the infidels. Whether it arose from the want 
of means or of foresight, that important point had not been 
supplied with provisions. There was indeed but too much 
reason to conclude, that the person who had been left in 
command there, added pusillanimity to treason, having fled 
on the approach of the Turks, without making any attempt 
to defend the post confided to his charge.* There is per- 

* The individual entrusted with the defence of Corinth, was a Papas 
of Hydra, who had, like many other priests, taken up arms when the 
revolution broke out. Previous to his evacuation of the Acropolis of 
Corinth, he caused Kiamel Bey to be dispatched, for having, as some 
persons assert, kept up a secret correspondence with the enemy ; and 
according to others, because the Turkish chief persisted in refusing to 
disclose where his treasures were concealed. With respect to these, it 
is said that his wife, whose life was preserved, and whom Machmout 
Pacha married after his retreat from the plain of Argos, made the above 
important discovery to her new husband. 

Whatevej may have been the motive for putting Kiamel Bey to 1 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 237 

haps uo act of the new government, which has been so much 
censured, as its omitting to secure Corinth against re-cap- 
ture ; and the error became still more apparent from it be- 
ing well known, that a very small garrison would have been 
sufficient for its defence against all the power of Turkey. 
Had the Greeks retained this place, it is probable that Mach- 
mout Pacha would not have passed the Isthmus ; the chiefs 
would, at all events, have had more time to prepare for his 
reception. But Providence seems on this, as well as on 
other occasions, to have taken the Greeks under its special 
protection, so that their very faults proved advantageous to 
them in the end. 

It was thus that Colocotroni's sudden departure from Pa 
tras, which might have been productive of such serious con 
sequences, now enabled him to reach the plain of Argos 
just as his presence was above fell things necessary. Nothing 
could be more embarrassing or alarming than the situation 
of Ipsilanti and himself at this moment, without money or 
provisions, and having scarcely thirteen hundred men, to 
oppose to an army of thirty thousand, which was the number 
said to be advancing towards the plain. In this state of 
things, Ipsilanti, with a 'degree of courage and resolution 
which did him the highest honour, threw himself into the ru- 
ined citadel of Argos, there to impede the progress of the 
enemy, while Colocotroni entrenched himself at Lerna, a 
strong position on the western shore of the gulph, and wait- 
ed the arrival of reinforcements from Maina, Arcadia, and 
other points. 

Several small detachments of the enemy were seen de- 
scending into the plain from Corinth, on the 20th of July, 
upon which, the numerous villages that cover its prolific sur- 
face, were immediately abandoned by the inhabitants : and 
in two days after, the first column, composed of seven thou- 



death, he had no claims to the pity of a people over whom he had exer* 
eised a system of the most flagitious tyranny ever practised in the Mo- 
rea, where his name is held in deserved execration. Besides his innu- 
merable other exactions from the ill-fated Greeks, a regular corvee or 
forced labour was established throughout the Pachialic for the person- 
al benefit of the tyrant. Like most of the Pachas, he was the greatest 
trader in the province, and a most determined forestaller of corn. No 
stronger proof can be given of the state of the Greek peasantry under 
their late rulers, than the incontestible fact, that Kiamel Bey made a 
common practice of obliging them to receive the old wheat remaining 
unsold in his own granaries-, in exchange fox that which they had just, 
roapttk 

21* 



238 HISTORY OF THE 

sand cavalry, and four thousand infantry, came in sight, 
and halted about three miles from Argos. A part of this di- 
vision was observed to file off towards Napoli di Romania, 
with which place a negotiation for capitulation had been 
commenced fifteen days before, and even hostages had been 
exchanged as a preliminary to its surrender. No sooner, 
however, did the Turkish commandant perceive the approach 
of his friends, than he sent to break off the treaty, request- 
ing that the Turks might be liberated, as he was himself pre- 
paring to give up the Greeks. 

The precaution having been taken of destroying or carry- 
ing off whatever could be of use to the enemy, more espe- 
cially corn and forage of every kind, the Turks, who expect- 
ed large supplies of wheat, from the produce of the recent 
harvest, and other booty, found nothing but the bare walls 
of the villages and churches standing ; they attempted to as- 
cend to the citadel, where the Christian banner was display- 
ed, but were immediately repulsed. Machmout had arrived 
by this time, with a second column of ten thousand men, ca- 
valry and infantry, so that, as far as numbers were consider- 
ed, the Greeks had ample cause of alarm. Contrary, how- 
ever, to general expectation, the Pacha, who was accompa- 
nied by Ali Bey, the governor of Napoli di Romania, entered 
that fortress, and remained there several days without a sin- 
gle movement on the part of his army, or indeed seeming to 
have any decided plan of operation in view. The Greeks 
were by no means so inactive. Colocotroni continued to 
strengthen his position at Lerna, while the number of his 
troops increased daily, and soon amounted to eight thousand 
men. On the appearance of the second division of the ene- 
my, Ipsilanti prepared to quit the Acropolis, which was en- 
tirely destitute of water, and as the object of checking the 
Turks had been fully attained, his presence was no longer ne- 
cessary. The retreat was effected in a very masterly style ; 
for though surrounded by detachments of the enemy, Prince 
Demetrius profiting by an interval of darkness, left the dilapi- 
dated position which he had so well maintained, and suc- 
ceeded in joining the main body at Lerna, without losing a man. 

When there had been sufficient time for the Greeks to 
look around them, and send out reconnoitering parties, the 
state of affairs assumed a much less terrific aspect than at 
first. It was soon found, that so far from having brought 
supplies to the starving garrison of Napoli, the infidels had 
advanced without any means of subsistence for themselves 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 239 

Nothing could be more characteristic of the Turkish military 
system, than this omission. They might have readily ima- 
gined, that the Greeks would not suffer the produce of the 
harvest to fall into their hands, while it was equally certain, 
there was not a blade of grass to be procured at this season 
of the year. To render the fatality which seemed to await 
the enemy still more complete, Machmout had not left a 
single detachment to guard any of the defiles through which 
he had entered the Morea. 

Threatened with all the horrors of famine and drought, 
which had already began to make considerable ravages 
among the Turks, the Pacha seemed at length to awake from 
his lethargy, and quitting Napoli, followed by a numerous 
suite, gave orders for their preparing to return towards Co- 
rinth. It is needless to say, with what alacrity these orders 
were obeyed. The whole camp was instantly on the alert, 
and no sooner were the camels laden with the baggage, than 
the infidel army set forward in great disorder. Minutely in- 
formed of what was passing on the plain, by their out-posts, 
the chiefs at Lerna had already sent off detachments by a 
mountain path-way, so as to overtake the enemy's columns 
as they entered the defiles between Corinth and Mycene. 
Colocotroni himself advanced with the main body the mo- 
ment that he perceived the Turks were in motion ; while a 
part of the troops employed before Napoli, advanced on their 
right flank. These movements were so well contrived and 
executed, that the enemy, whose rear-guard had suffered se- 
verely on the first day's march, was attacked with such im- 
petuosity on the second, that not less than five thousand 
were destroyed in the course of a few hours. And had it 
not been that many of the Greek soldiery, paid more atten- 
tion to the loaded camels, than to the fugitives, the loss of 
the Turks would have been much greater. The fate of thr 
advanced guard was little better than that of their compa- 
nions. On reaching the defiles near Corinth, they were met 
by the Mainotes, dispatched from Lerna, under Nikitas, and 
attacked so furiously, that above twelve hundred of them 
perished in the first onset. Many more were killed in trying 
to force the passes. A great quantity of baggage and a 
number of horses fell into the hands of the Greeks. These 
memorable successes occurred between the 4th and 7th of 
August. Some of the foreign volunteers who were present 
during this retreat, have expressed their astonishment at the 
.Ctamqilil manner in which the Turks, bofh infantry and caval- 



240 HISTORY OF THE 

ry, suffered themselves to be cut down, without making the 
smallest resistance, as if they had looked upon themselves as 
consigned to death by some supernatural power. 

The almost entire destruction of this army is acknowledged 
by the British Consul. And while as humane beings we 
cannot rejoice at the relation of so much suffering, still, we 
may consider that the Greeks not only fought in defence of 
their country, but their lives, and that on the part of the 
Turks this was a war of extermination. Mr. Green's ac- 
count is as follows. 

"I have been particularly anxious to obtain a correct ac- 
count of the disasters of the large army which invaded the 
Morea in July, 1822. The following particulars I obtained 
from Cara Osman Oglu, the Commissary-General, and from 
other Turks who were with the army. 

It consisted of twenty-three thousand men, although ra 
tions were allowed for twenty-eight thousand : there were 
also between fifty and sixty thousand horses and mules, as, 
independent of a horse, many of the men possessed three or 
four mules, acquired by pillage in the different districts 
through which they passed. Of this force, fifteen hundred 
men were sent to the relief of Napoli in July, under the 
command of Ali Pacha, formerly Ali Bey, Governor of Ar- 
gos. Another division of five thousand men attempted to 
penetrate by Argos to Tripolizza, but were repulsed by the 
Greeks, and wanting provisions, returned to Corinth with a 
considerable loss. In addition to the supplies brought with 
the army, five cargoes of wheat and rice were received at 
Corinth from Constantinople and Alexandria, besides a few 
eccasional supplies sent by Isouf Pacha from Patras. Na- 
poli being quite destitute of provisions, Ali Pacha made the 
most pressing demands for a supply, which Dramali attempt- 
ed to furnish, by sending two expeditions, only one of which 
arrived safe, and that consisting of fifty mules laden with 
wheat and rice, escorted by a body of cavalry. The town 
#f Corinth having been burnt by the Insurgents before they 
evacuated it, the troops were compelled to bivouac in the 
4>pen air, or some few under tents ; the rainy season set in, 
and the mortality was very great ; their horses and mules 
also died from want of pasturage and grain, or were killed to 
supply food. The Greeks collected in the vicinity, and. 
several skirmishes took place, but none of any consequence. 
In short, of the twenty-three thousand men who undisputed- 
}y finlered Gorinth, upwards of seventeen thousand perished 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 241 

in the space of eight months, and four fifths of that number 
through disease and starvation : only three thousand five 
hundred arrived at Patras, and with the survivors of the fif- 
teen hundred who surrendered at Napoli, and the garrison 
left in Corinth, form the remnants of that large army which 
was destined by the Sultan to re-conquer the Morea, and 
reduce the rebel subjects of the Porte to obedience."* 

Having collected the remnant of his army under the walls 
of Corinth, and been joined by the reserves left there, Mach- 
mout Pacha made a movement on the 18th, with the seem- 
ing view of resuming the offensive, and marching towards 
Argos : the real object of this movement, was, however, to 
draw the Greeks, who had been watching him, into an am- 
buscade. Aware of his intentions in time, the Greeks, in- 
stead of attempting to impede him, got into his rear, when 
the Turks attacked them, but owing to the advantageous po- 
sition taken up by the Greeks, the enemy was again repuls- 
ed with great loss. A still more bloody affair took place on 
the following day. Determined to regain the position they 
had abandoned, the Turkish troops were headed by Hadji Ali, 
second in command to Machmout : this officer, one of the 
bravest of the Ottoman army, was killed while encouraging 
his men. In the above desperate effort, the enemy lost near- 
ly two thousand men, together with a large quantity of bag- 
gage, and several hundred horses. f 

The blockade of Napoli di Romania was now renewed, 
with increased vigilance, and Ipsilanti proceeded to reinforce 
the garrison at Athens, lest other divisions of the enemy 
should advance towards that place. Ali Bey had retained 
the five hundred cavalry which he brought to strengthen the 
garrison of Napoli ; but with the exception of a small quan- 
tity of grain found concealed in some parts of the plain, du- 
ring its recent occupation, his stock of provisions was ex- 
hausted. 

" Sketches, p. 140. 

f Mr. Waddington states, that he possesses a copy of the letter from 
Nikitas to Odysseus, giving an account of this affair, in which he esti- 
mates his own loss at fifteen killed and wounded, and eight missing, 
while the loss of the Turks was 500. " The Mussulmen rode into the 
passes, with their sabres in their sheaths, and their hands before their 
eyes, the victims of destiny ; and if the Greeks, from fear, or neglect, 
had not left one road entirely unoccupied, by which most of the enemy 
escaped, the whole of the Ottoman army might have fallen on that spot 
-^Wadding ton, p. 144. 



242 HISTORY OF THE 

-Qrto After the successes between Corinth and Argos, 
Colocotroni collected the whole of his troops, within 
a short distance of the former place, and leaving them under 
the direction of Coliopulo, with orders to watch the shatter- 
ed remains of Machmout's army, he went on to Tripolizza, to 
concert with the Senate, which had been formed after the 
embarkation of the executive, relative to the subsistence of 
the troops, and vigorous prosecution of the campaign. 

The members of the government, who had never left the 
gulph, disembarked at Derna in the beginning of September. 
The reasons given for their withdrawing were by no means 
satisfactory to the soldiery : It was alleged that by remain- 
ing on shore, they had no means whatever of adding to the 
resources of the Morea, or contributing to its defence, whereas 
the influence of the military chiefs neutralized all their pow- 
er there. On the other hand, there was no doubt, that in 
retiring they were enabled not only to communicate their 
decrees to the different points of the confederation, but could 
appeal with more effect to the naval islands for succour and 
support. However conclusive these reasons might have 
been to the less partial observer, they did not prevent a num- 
ber of ill-natured remarks, more particularly on the part of 
Colocotroni, who was loudest in his censures, and from hav- 
ing performed so conspicuous a part in gaining the late vic- 
tory, naturally thought himself entitled to all the honours of 
the triumph. Hence arose an altercation which prevented 
the executive from resuming their functions for some weeks: 
to this circumstance may also be traced a great deal of that 
jealousy between the civil and military authorities, which has, 
on more than one occasion, retarded the interests of the con- 
federation since the above period. 

As it happened in almost every other instance of success, 
the Greeks had no means of following up the events of July 
and August, 1822. Finding that the enemy did not attempt 
to approach Athens, Ipsilanti returned to the Morea, and to- 
gether with Nikitas, advanced towards Napoli, to assist in the 
reduction of that fortress. The troops left under Colio- 
pulo, not being regularly supplied with rations, nor receiving 
any pay, became so tired of the service in which they were 
engaged, that the greatest part withdrew ; merely leaving 
Colocotroni's eldest son, a brave and promising young offi- 
cer, with two or three hundred men, to maintain the block- 
ade of Corinth. N As there was still a body of three thou- 
sand men, of whom two thirds were cavalry, encamped 



I 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 243 

under the walls, the situation of young Colocotroni was now 
very critical, and he had certain information that the Turks 
were preparing to march at all hazards to the relief of Napo- 
li. They did succeed in sending a small detachment, which 
gained the fortress unobserved by the troops before Corinth, 
or those employed in the blockade of Napoli. The latter 
were, however, in general extremely vigilant, as, excepting 
a convoy of fifty mules laden with grain, that contrived to 
steal across the plain of Argos and enter the citadel in the 
night, and during a heavy storm, the exertions of the Greeks 
were so unremitted, that whoever attempted to leave or ap- 
proach the walls, was almost sure of being intercepted. It 
was thus, that nearly all the cavalry brought by Ali Bey ft 
were cut off in detail, during their attempts to obtain sup- 
plies. 

The time had, however, now approached, when the garri- 
son of Napoli could no longer hope for relief on the side of 
Corinth. Colocotroni, who had succeeded in making ar- 
rangements for the more regular subsistence of the troops, 
uniting his forces with those under Nikitas, marched to the 
passes near the Isthmus, with a determination not to aban- 
don them before Napoli surrendered. He had not been 
many days here before the Turks advanced with the inten- 
tion of forcing the passes, but finding the Greeks posted on 
each side, they halted, when a parley ensued. After much 
recrimination and abuse on both sides, the infidels closed the 
conference, by asking how long the Greeks intended to re- 
main in their present position, and on being answered " un- 
til you dislodge us," they immediately retired ; a scarcity of 
ammunition, joined to his resolution of not quitting the fast- 
nesses, prevented Colocotroni from pursuing the Turks on 
this occasion. The sufferings and privations of the Greek 
soldiers, whether employed before Napoli or in the passes, 
during November and the following month, were of the most 
harassing description. They had no shelter whatever at 
night, though exposed to the piercing cold and incessant 
storms, which prevail on the mountains of Greece at this 
period, and without any other covering than the rude Alba- 
nian mantle : while the daily ration of each man did not ex- 
ceed half a pound of the coarsest bread. Those stationed at 
the Dervenachi, or passes, were frequently obliged to march 
over rocks and inaccessible crags from day-light till dark, and 
not unfrequently during the night. Nor was the situation of 
the blockading force before Napoli much better : it wa« 



244 HISTORY OP THE 

very rare for those to have their arms out of their hands*, 
while they were either exposed to chilling blasts on the 
heights, or inundated with rain on the plain below. It is true, 
the sufferings of the Greeks here were trifling when compar- 
ed with those of the Turkish garrison, which had been re- 
duced to the last extremity of want, for some weeks before 
its capitulation. Nor was it until all the horses were con- 
sumed, and that many of the wretched soldiery were driven 
to the horrible necessity of subsisting on the carcases of their 
fellow-sufferers, that those charged with the defence of the 
Palamida, or citadel, built by the Venetians on a mountain 
which overlooks the town, suffered themselves to be sur- 
prised by a party of Greeks, without making the least resist- 
ance. On scaling the wall, there were not more than thirty 
men found in that part of the fortress, and these had nearly 
the appearance of skeletons. Hearing that the Greeks had 
entered, the remainder of the Turks descended into the town 
by a covered way. Notwithstanding the dreadful condition 
of the garrison, Ali Bey hesitated to enter into terms, even 
after he discovered that the Palamida had been carried. 
But there was now no choice between immediate destruc- 
tion and surrendering. The gates were therefore opened, 
On condition that the lives of the prisoners should be saved, 
and that they should be transported to the coast of Asia Mi- 
nor, by the provincial government. Pursuant to the terms 
thus arranged, the Greeks took possession of this highly im- 
portant place, on the 11th of January, 1823, the anniversary 
of St. Andreas, the patron saint of the Morea, a circumstance 
which could not fail greatly to enhance the value of the tri- 
umph, in the eyes of the people. 

t onn Measures were immediately taken to procure ships 
from the islands for .the* transport of the garrison, 
Agreeable to the terms of the capitulation ; but Captain Ha- 
milton, of His Majesty's ship Cambrian, happening to anchor 
ih the bay, and perceiving the deplorable state of the Turks ? 
exposed to an inclement season, without any means of exist- 
ence, determined to receive them on board. Being accord- 
ingly embarked, and having experienced all those kind offi- 
ces, from the officers and crew of the frigate, which religion 
and humanity dictated, they were soon after landed at Scula 
Nova. The conduct of the Greeks in not offering the small- 
est violence, or committing any excesses towards the garrison 
of Napoli, though it had been for several days in their power, 
previous to the arrival of the British ship, proves at least, that 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 245 

they were not so insensible to the sentiments of compassion 
and mercy as their detractors have so often asserted. With- 
out dwelling on the meritorious conduct of the Greeks, in 
this case, it may well be asked, what would have been the 
fate of a Christian garrison, thus taken by the Turks in a 
place that had held out as long as Napoli di Romania 1* 



* As an excuse for the surrender of his friends, the Turks, on this 
occasion, Mr. Green makes the following note. — " The Turks inform- 
ed me," says he, " that they could have held out much longer, but for 
fear lest the hostages should suffer by their acts. It has been stated, 
that a capitulation of this strong fortress had been agreed upon, unless 
the garrison was relieved within a certain time. That for this purpose 
hostages had been exchanged, and a little island, which had a small fort 
on it, and was situated in the middle of the harbour, had been given up 
to the Greeks. Now, though the Turks could bring upwards of fifty 
heavy guns to bear upon it, yet when they were relieved, and the terms 
of the capitulation became void, the Greeks not only kept possession oi 
the island itself, but absolutely hindered any ship from throwing pro- 
visions into the town. More than once the Pacha took courage, and 
ordered the fort to be blown to pieces ; and once the Greeks informed 
me, that had he continued the tremendous fire any longer, they should 
have surrendered. But they stuck up the Pacha's son and the other 
hostages on the wall, and the poor father was obliged to give immedi- 
ate orders to cease firing. It was thus by constantly threatening to de- 
stroy their hostages, that the Greeks compelled the Turks to suffer in- 
numerable privations, to eat grass and human flesh, and ultimately to 
surrender, rather than allow one of them to be harmed. When the 
Cambrian received a remnant of this garrison, I saw a little girl of 
twelve years of age come on board gnawing the foot of an ass, the skin 
and sinews of which she had peeled off. Many of the others had just 
strength enough to get to the different ships, and then died. There 
was one curious trait in this siege, which I shall relate, as it affords an 
example how the Turks and Greeks feel towards each other, and 
how this patriotic war was conducted. Colocotroni, whose patriotism 
is on a par with his disinterestedness, got all his own followers into the 
town, and took particular care that none of the rabble should share in 
the plunder. Each man followed the example of their noble leader, and 
cared very little what the government got, provided he was satisfied. 
The rich Turks were too well acquainted with the power of a bribe not 
to know its effect on a Greek. They used, therefore, to call some one 
whom they had previously known, and tell him, ' Now I have got so 
much treasure; I will give you the half of it, provided you allow me to 
retain the other half, and escort me to the ships : if you won't do so, I 
will tell your companions, and they will then divide my property among 
fhem, and you will get nothing.' A great number of such bargains 
were made. After this they were escorted to the different vessels ; 
and it is an odd circumstance, that although the various massacres of 
Navarin, Tripolizza, &c. had already taken place, yet comparatively 
few of the rich would come on board the Cambrian : they said thev 

22 



246 HISTORY OF THE 

The surrender of Napoli led to another triumph on the 
part of the Greeks, destined to form the last portion of that 
terrible fate which had awaited the army of Machmout 
Pacha. The object of the division which remained at Co- 
rinth, being to relieve the garrison of the above place, 
there was no longer any motive for its continuance there. 
Want of provisions had, besides, rendered a change of po- 
sition absolutely necessary. The Turkish commanders, 
therefore, determined to march towards Patras, the blockade 
of which place had been lately neglected by the Greeks. 
Setting out about the middle of January, with nearly 3,000 
men, of whom a large portion were cavalry, they had only 
advanced as far as Akrata, near Vostizza, when Lunda, who 
was returning from Missolonghi with a small body of troops, 
appeared on a height through which the road lay, while the 
infidels were reposing in a deep valley, and thus suddenly 
stopped their progress. There being no attempt made to 
force a passage, the Greek general had ample time to send 
oft* expresses for reinforcements, and was shortly joined by 
Petmezza, another distinguished chief, who occupied the op- 
posite side of the valley. A new scene of horror was thus 
prepared for the devoted Turkish soldiers. Their scanty 
stock of bread being exhausted, they began to feed on the 
horses ; when the whole of these were devoured, recourse 
was had to the herbs which grew on the surrounding rocks ; 
having subsequently attempted to derive sustenance from 
their saddles, they were at last obliged to follow the shock- 
ing example furnished at Malvasia and Napoli.* The 



knew the captains of such and such vessels, they were their friends, and 
to them they would go." — Green's Sketches, p. 135, 136. 

* The following particulars of the horrid state of suffering to which 
this party were reduced, we take from Mr. Green. 

" This division," says he, " was under the command of Delhi Ach- 
met, the Delhi Bashi, or commander of the Cavalry of Dramali. 
The coast was for the most part bold and rocky, and the mountains run 
almost perpendicularly into the sea, leaving but a line of level road 
for the troops to march on. The Turks, half famished, disheart- 
ened, and weak, crept along the sea-shore as far as Akrata, within 
ft few miles of Vostizza. Here there is a tongue of land that runs 
ijoldly into the sea, at the back of which are the Mavralitharia, or 
"dack rocks. The Greeks, who had tracked them narrowly, occu- 
pying the tops of the mountains, while their enemies marched at 
! heir bases, now determined to inclose them : for this purpose they 
*iug deep trenches on each side of this tongue of land : thus the 
'i'urks were shut up on a piece of ground shaped like a T : the per- 






GREEK REVOLUTION. 24T 

blockade continued for nearly three weeks, when Odysseus, 
who had joined the other chiefs with about 200 men, chanced 
to recognise an old acquaintance in one of the two beys who 
commanded the Turks: negotiations were entered into by 
which those, who survived, obtained permission to embark, 
on condition of giving up their arms and effects. The beys 
were however conducted to Napoli di Romania as prisoners, 
and have been detained there ever since, without any effort 
being made by the Porte, either for their ransom or exchange. 
The number of Turks who perished thus miserably without 
firing a shot or drawing a sword in their defence, was esti- 
mated at two thousand. No apprehensions could be enter- 
tained from those who escaped, for they were nearly dying, 
when embarked on the gulph of Lepanto. 

Such was the termination of the second campaign in the 
Morea ; and upon the results of which, the Porte fondly 
calculated on restoring its iron sway over Greece. Insteadj 
however, of realizing this hope, the loss of the Turks, 
whether by famine or the sword, could not be less than 
twenty-five thousand men in the Peloponnesus alone, while 
the total want of those military talents which enabled their 
predecessors to enter Europe in the fifteenth century, and 
their utter worthlessness as a political power, were never 
more strongly exemplified. — Blaquiere, p. 205 — 228. 

pendicular portion represents the tongue, and the transverse figures the 
coast where the black rocks have been isolated by the two trenches. In 
this spot the Turks remained one month, and the privations they under- 
went almost exceed belief. Delhi Achmet himself told me that for 
three weeks they lived on horse flesh ; that then they resorted to human 
flesh. They fought over the graves of their comrades whom they had 
buxied in the morning, and dug up at night to satisfy the cravings o*' 
hunger. — Sketches, p. 138. 



248 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER XVin. 

Operations in Acarnania. — State of the province. — Mavro- 
eordato assumes the offensive. — Affair at Combatti. — The 
Traitor Gogo.— Marco Bozzaris.— Battle of P eta. — Re- 
treat of the Greeks. — Calamos. — Defection of Varnachi- 
otti. — Death of Kiriakouli. — Omer Vrioni advances. — 
The passes are occupied by the Greeks. — Retreat to Misso- 
longhi. — State of the Town. — Arrival of the Turkish Army 
before that place. — Preparations of the Greeks to defend 
themselves. — Perilous state of the garrison. — Succours ar- 
rive. — Departure of Mavromichalis. — General assault by 
the Turks. — They are repulsed with great loss. — Precipi- 
tate Retreat of the Enemy. — He is pursued to the Ache- 
ron. — Passage of that River. — Civil and Military organi- 
zation of the Province. — Mavrocordato returns to the 
Morea. 

1822. Though on a much smaller scale, the operations 
in Epirus were scarcely less interesting than those of the 
Peloponnesus, since it was owing to the perseverance and 
gallantry of the chief employed in directing the former, that 
the enemy were prevented from invading the Morea from 
the north. 

The state of anarchy and confusion in which Mavrocor- 
dato found Acarnania and Etolia, was more than sufficient 
to damp the ardour of an ordinary mind ; but aware of the 
consequences which depended on his efforts, the Prince de- 
termined to bear up against every difficulty.* Having col- 
lected all the troops he could find at Missolonghi, and incor- 



* It appears that Prince Mavrocordato is a most accomplished scholar, 
as well as a great statesman and warrior. In a letter from Lord 
Chores Murray to Sir Frederic Adam, the Prince is thus spoken of: 

" Prince Mavrocordato has received me with so much hospitality, 
that I shall ever retain a lasting sense of his Highness's liberal prin- 
ciples and moderate and upright conduct. When I add, that he unites 
to all the first-rate qualities of a statesman, the most critical and accu- 
rate knowledge of his own language, as well as of the Arabic, Persian, 
Turkish, Wallachian, French, and Italian languages, and that he 
reads English with the utmost facility, and the most correct pro- 
nunciation, I feel I am only describing a patriot, a scholar, and a 
philosopher, worthy in every respect of your Excellency's good 
opinion." — Blayuiere's Second Visit, p. 110. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 249 

poraled them into the newly organized levies, the whole did 
not amount to two thousand men, being less than half the 
number first proposed. With this force, he however took 
the field, and having passed the Acheron, or Asprotomos 
as it is now called, in the latter end of June, proceeded 
through Loutraki, towards the defiles of Macrinorous, where 
the Greeks could easily defend themselves, and arrange a 
more extended plan of attack, according as their numbers 
should increase. The Turks, who were posted in a far su- 
perior force at Combatti, attacked the left occupied by a 
part of the first regiment, on the 2d of July. The new sys- 
tem of tactics was now put into execution with such effect, 
that the enemy was soon forced to retreat, having been pur- 
sued to some distance by the Philhcllenes, with a loss of thir- 
ty men in killed and wounded. Several days had been pass- 
ed here, during which there were frequent skirmishes with 
the Turkish cavalry. Such was the success attending these, 
that the Greeks considered it no longer necessary to confine 
themselves to the defensive, and as the siege of Kiapha was 
carrying on with great vigour by a large body of Albanians, 
Marco Bozzaris, who had accompanied the Prince, expressed 
so much anxiety to go to the relief of his brave countrymen, 
and such confidence in the success of the enterprise, that he" 
was at length allowed to set forward, with six hundred men, 
although the reinforcement had not yet arrived. In order 
to support this movement, the main body under General 
Norman, advanced to the village of Peta, while the Prince 
continued his rounds to the neighbouring districts, for the 
purpose of reconciling jarring interests, arming the people, 
and procuring the necessary supplies. Had the Greeks 
been aware of the number of the enemy, they would never 
have adopted the above plan ; of which the imprudence 
soon became apparent ; but they were deceived by the re- 
presentations of an old Anatolican chief, named Gogo, whose 
subsequent conduct proved him to have been in communica- 
tion with the Turks. The enemy having been secretly ad- 
vised by Gogo, of the march of Bozzaris, attacked him at 
Placa, compelled him to fall back and retreat to the moun- 
tains. The separation of the forces, which were already so 
inferior to those of the enemy, could not fail to expose 
the small corps at Peta to the general attack, which new 
took place. 

The village of Peta is within a few miles of Arta, 
and built in a hollow, on each side of which rise 
22* 



250 HISTORY OF THE 

two lofty heights, rendering the position very strong. Thg 
Philhellenes were posted on the right, where the attack was 
expected to commence, and had two small pieces of mount- 
ed artillery. The fii'st regiment, under Colonel Tarella, 
was placed in the centre, while a small corps of Cephaloni- 
ans, commanded by Spirro Pauno, occupied the left. The 
remainder amounting to about eight hundred Greeks under 
Gogo, were posted in the village and on the height in its rear. 
The Turks were seen marching out of Arta at daylight on 
the morning of July the 16th. Their number was estima- 
ted at above six thousand men, of whom twelve hundred 
were cavalry. The latter took up several positions on the 
right, so as to intercept all communication with Combatti, 
and cut off the retreat of the Hellenists. The attack was 
commenced by a large body of Albanians, who rushed for- 
ward with loud shouts and waving of banners ; they were, 
however, received with such a brisk fire by the Philhellenes, 
that great numbers fell before they could reach the en- 
trenchments. The fire of musketry had been maintained for 
above two hours, in the course of which time the Greeks 
had scarcely lost a man, whilst hundreds of the Albanians 
were strewed over the field, when it was reported that Gogo 
had abandoned the village, and fled with all his followers, 
thus enabling the Turks to turn the right flank of the 
Greeks. Having ascended the height in their rear, the Ce- 
phalonians, who had acted nobly, were overpowered and 
driven back on the regiment of Tarella ; when the Philhel- 
lenes also, unable to resist the torrent, were in their turn 
forced to give way, and abandoned the position. The ground 
was immediately covered by the whole of the Turkish infan- 
try, when a desperate conflict ensued ; once broken, it was 
impossible with such a disparity of numbers, to rally the 
troops, so that those who attempted to escape could only do 
so over the dead bodies of the enemy. Many of the officers 
and men performed prodigies of valour ; amongst others, 
the names of Dania, Tarella, Chauvassin, Heusmaun, and 
Migniac, were more particularly distinguished. The latter 
is said to have laid ten men at his feet, before he fell : the 
brave Colonel Tarella and Dania were also among the kill- 
ed, as were many others whose names deserve a lasting re* 
cord for their heroism on this occasion. General Norman, 
who commanded, was amongst the wounded, and escaped 
with difficulty. Having at length succeeded in gaining that- 
part of the mountain, which was inaccessible to the enemy's 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 251 

cavalry, those who escaped the carnage returned to the 
small village of Langado. Mavrocordato, who was some 
leagues from the scene of action, did not hear of the enemy's 
advance, until within a few hours of the attack ; and owing 
to the messenger having arrived in the night, some time was 
necessarily required to put the few men he had with him in 
motion. Setting out at day-break, he had not marched 
far before another express apprised him of the disastrous 
result of the battle ; upon which, there was no alternative 
but to return and form a junction with the remains of the 
army collected at Langado. On mustering their forces, 
it was found that the loss in killed did not exceed two hun- 
dred, of whom nearly one fourth were officers.* This loss 
fell infinitely short of what was anticipated, for besides the 
great disparity as to numbers, the manner in which they 
had been surrounded on every side seemed to render the re- 
treat quite impossible. From Langado, the troops proceed- 
ed to Acracori, having left parties behind to watch the passes 
of Macrinoros. The only use made of their victory by the 
enemy, was to occupy Vonnizza on the southern shores of the 
gulph of Aria. 



' * These foreigners," says Mr. Green, "were mostly officers who 
cams, led either by ambition or need, to seek their fortunes ; but 
they were very soon disappointed, and therefore formed themselves 
into a band which General Norman commanded. They, and the 
Cephaloniots, were surrounded by the Turks on all sides : the pass, 
which their allies, the Greeks, were to secure, had been given up, 
either through treachery or cowardice. The Albanians crept along 
the heights, and picked off and thinned their troops, one by one. 
At last they determined to cut their way through the Turks; but 
these perceiving their intention, opened, and allowed them to pass, 
and then fired t upon them from all sides. The Europeans placed 
themselves in parties, back to back, and retreated, while the Turks 
pressed them hard. A French officer, who was one of the few who 
■escaped, told me that he was thus situated. A friend of his was 
opposed to a Turk who was a standard-bearer ; he seized the standard, 
and succeeded in cutting down the Turk, but was instantly assailed 
by the whole number who surrounded them. The Frenchman and 
another, in the mean time were retreating, when both fell into a deep 
ditch, in which, fortunately, there was much brushwood. The 
Turks, in the interim, had regained their standard, but not finding 
the Frenchman, left the spot. The two in the ditch, on looking up, 
saw most of their friends slaughtered, and the Turks busy in chop- 
ping off heads and ears ; they therefore very wisely kept close, and 
only stirred when it was dark. Norman died of his wounds; and 
a whole packet of military ribbons and crosses fell into the hands of the* 
TurW-— Sketches, p. 110. 



252 HISTORY OF THE 

The advance to Vonnizza was merely preparatory to an 
expedition which Reschid Pacha, who had recently arrived 
with four thousand Asiatics, intended to command in per- 
son, for the purpose of putting down the insurrection in 
Acarnania ; the jealousies which had arisen between this 
chief and Omer Vrioni were, however, favourable to the 
Greeks, and gave them time to recover from the effects of 
the disaster at Peta. With respect to the Albanians, they 
wished for nothing so much as delay, and as it was well 
known that they merely served the Porte as mercenaries, 
without feeling any interest in the success of the war, there 
is little doubt but these bands would have been as content to 
receive a bribe from one party as the other. 

But notwithstanding the inactivity of the enemy, the situa- 
tion of the Greeks had now become extremely embarrass- 
ing : the recent check, in which their best troops had been 
beaten, created such a panic among the inhabitants, that 
several thousand sought refuge in the mountains ; while the 
more helpless portion of the community fled to the desert 
islands of Calamos. The alarm was not a little increased 
by the arrival of the Capitan Pacha, with a formidable fleet, 
at Patras. It was truly fortunate, therefore, that Reschid 
Pacha did not act with more energy, as a well combined 
movement might have enabled him to complete what had 
been commenced at Arta, to overrun the province with the 
utmost facility. To crown these causes of terror, it was 
reported that the army of Machmout Pacha had succeeded 
in destroying the government in the Morea, and reconquer- 
ed the whole country. What with the loss at Peta, and the 
panic that followed, the utmost force now united to resist 
the threatened dangers did not exceed a thousand men, 
while that of the enemy, which had passed on to Vonnizza, 
was more than four thousand. The Greeks, however, took 
post at Catouna, in order to guard the passes leading into 
the plains of Acarnania. 

It was while matters were in this state of doubt and alarm 
that the system of neutrality, established by the late Lord 
High Commissioner of the Ionian islands, was manifested 
in a manner which requires to be placed on record. As 
those who took refuge in Calamos consisted almost exclu- 
sively of old men, women, and children, it was not likely 
that their presence on a desolate rock, which had never been 
thought of sufficient importance to require even a military 
tfost before the present contest, could tend in any way, 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 253 

to violate the neutrality ; while the wretched condition of 
the fugitives, without food or raiment, was such as to excite 
pity and commiseration in the most obdurate heart. An of- 
ficer was, however, despatched to drive the wretched beings, 
who thus sought an asylum from British clemency, away, and 
tfeey were accordingly forced to retrace their steps into 
Acarnania, without house or home, or the means of subsis- 
tence ; for every thing had been destroyed or plundered by 
the Turks previous to their flight : indeed, many of the fu- 
gitives, among whom were the most beautiful women of Ar- 
ta and Ioannina, had been unable to bring off their children. 
When it is added, that on leaving Calamos, these unhappy 
victims considered the whole country as being in full pos- 
session of the infidels, and that consequently certain death 
awaited their return, some notion may be formed of their 
situation at this crisis. 

Whatever may have been the motive that dictated an act 
upon which it would be superfluous to make any comment, it 
had the effect of rousing the Acarnanians to a keener sense 
of their danger, and owing to the fears awakened for the 
safety of their families, numbers of the peasantry who had 
concealed themselves in the mountains, now flocked to Ca- 
touna, where the Greek force was soon doubled. Mavro- 
cordato, who had established his head quarters at Vracori, 
in order to keep up the communication with Missolonghi and 
the Morea, as well as to watch the motions of the Turkish 
fleet, gave the command of this small corps to a chief named 
Varnachiotti, a man whom the wealth and influence he pos- 
sessed in the province, rendered it necessary to conciliate, 
but who, like the infamous Gogo, was also destined ere 
long to betray his country, and pass over to the enemy. 
There was both in the present conduct and former history oi 
this traitor, great reason to suspect his fidelity, for during 
the frequent skirmishes, which took place at Catouna, he 
never encouraged his troops to follow up the advantages 
they had gained. On the other hand, it was well known 
that he had been the warm friend of Omer Vrioni before 
the war. His indulgent treatment of all those Turks who 
fell into the hands of the Greeks, proved that he was look- 
ing forward to some secret plan of negotiation. Such, 
however, was the great influence of his family and connec- 
tions, that Mavrocordato had no alternative in giving to him 
the command. The suspicions entertained with regard to 



204 HISTORY OF THE J 

Varnachiotti, were in a great degree confirmed on the inter- 
ception of some letters addressed to him by Chourschid 
Pacha. These began by proposing an exchange of prison- 
ers, and concluded with offers of pardon to all the Greeks, 
if they would submit and return to their homes. This only 
served to irritate the minor chiefs, who went to Varnachiot- 
ti's quarters, and insisted on his proclaiming, that any one 
who should propose an accommodation with the infidels, 
should be that instant put to death. 

1822. It was at this period that the Capitan Pacha's 
fleet, consisting of seventy sail, of which five were of the 
line, appeared in the waters of Patras, and even summoned 
the Greeks in Acarnania to lay down their arms, but being 
suddenly called away to co-operate with Machmout, and to 
relieve Napoli di Romania, it did not wait to know the re- 
sult.* 



* On reaching the gulf of Argos, the Capitan Pacha met the Greek 
fleet under Miaouli. Bearing down on the Greeks, who had not more 
than sixty of their light and badly armed vessels, Miaouli formed in 
line of battle between Spezzia and the main, determined to await the 
enemy. When the Turkish ships approached within a short distance 
of the island, a fire-ship was directed to stand towards them ; she did 
so, and was soon locked in with an Algerine frigate. On perceiving 
this the Turks immediately hauled off, and made all sail, as if pursued 
by a fleet treble their number. Returning three days after, they stood 
into the gulf, as before, and were narrowly watched by the Greeks, 
who had maintained their position at the entrance. The latter made 
all sail after the enemy, and had already sent several fire vessels in ad- 
vance. x 

This demonstration had the desired effect, as the Capitan Pacha 
made a signal, which was followed by the fleets tacking about, and 
steering to the eastward with all sail, nor was he heard of again till his 
arrival at Tenedos. Having anchored at this island, a' violent storm 
came on, and drove a frigate and several smaller vessels on the rocks, 
where they were totally lost. — This was not the only disaster that 
awaited the infidel fleet. A division of Ipsariots, who had heard of the 
Capitan Pacha's approach, sailed directly, and taking advantage of the 
confusion into which he had been thrown by the late storm, sent in a 
fire-ship under the celebrated Canari, who had been so fortunate at 
Scio. The attempt was equally successful : fastening his grappling 
irons to the hull and rigging of a large seventy-four gun ship, it was in 
vain that the crew attempted to disengage her, and after burning to the 
water's edge she blew up with a tremendous explosion. More panic- 
struck than ever, the remainder of the fleet cut their cables, and with tho 
Capitan Pacha at their head, sought shelter within the Dardanelles, to 
the very entrance of which they were pursued by the Ipsariots. — Thus 
ended the naval exploits of the Turks in 1322. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 255 

The failure of the expedition under Kiriakoufi, who fell 
in the conflict which followed his disembarkation at Splanza, 
a small village north of Prevesa,* and the disappointment of 
Marco Bozzaris, added to the aspect of affairs in the Morea, 
having deprived the Souliotes of all hope of aid from their 
countrymen of the south, they were induced to accept the 
terms proposed to them, through the mediation of the British, 
at Prevesa, Mr. Meyer, who guaranteed their safe transport 
to the Ionian islands, with their baggage and arms. The 
firmness displayed by those who were entrusted with the de- 
fence of Kiapha was truly admirable, and fully justifies the 
praises which have been bestowed on a people who seem as if 
they had been destined to transmit the virtues of ancient re- 
publics down to modern times. 

The fall of Souli placed so many troops at the disposal of 
Omer Vrioni, who now assumed the chief command in Acar- 
nania, that he prepared to advance with an overwhelming 
force : and strong detachments had actually arrived in the 
immediate vicinity of the defiles early in October. The only 
chance now left to the Hellenists, of maintaining their ground, 
and preventing the whole province from being occupied 
by the enemy, was derived from the hope, that when the 
rainy season should commence, and there were no longer 
any means of procuring supplies, the Turks would retreat, 
and thus afford time for re-organizing the troops who had 
been dispersed subsequently to the disaster at Peta. 

Though pressed in the most urgent manner to attack the 
enemy before he received any more reinforcements, Varna- 
chiotti always contrived to defer it on some pretext or other : 
yet, the situation of the Greeks became every day more cri- 
tical, and apprehensions were even entertained that the 
troops would disperse, if offensive operations were deferred 
much longer. These fears were fully realized about the 
middle of September, by the open defection of the traitor, who, 

* On their being landed at Splanza, a few days after embarking 
at Chiarenza, the Mainotes were preparing to commence their march 
towards Kiapha, when a corps of two thousand Turks attacked them 
from the neighbouring heights. They defended themselves with great 
gallantry, and forced The infidels to retire with considerable loss. Nor 
would they have thought of re-embarking, but for the death of their 
Jeader Kiriakouli. This brave man fell just as he had shot Kiagah Bey, 
the same who had been defeated at Doliana, by Nikitas, during the cam- 
paign of 1821. The body of the Greek chief was born offby his sol- 
diers, and conveyed for sepulture to Missolonghi. 



256 HISTORY OP THE 

not content with his own treason, induced the districts of 
Valtos and Xeromeros to submit to the enemy. On hearing 
this piece of intelligence, the Prince immediately united all 
the men he could collect, sent off expresses to the different 
chiefs upon whom he knew dependence could be placed, 
and took such other measures as were likely to restore some 
degree of order. Quitting the town himself, at 10 o'clock 
on the night of the 19th, he halted on the road, in order to 
rally some peasants who were flying in a state of panic, and 
continuing his way on the following days, the Prince reached 
Yracori on the 24th. His presence here had a great effect 
in restoring confidence among the people : several captains, 
followed by numbers of the armed peasantry, came in, and 
thus reinforced, the divisions marched on to Calavi, near 
Angelo Castro. This was the general rendezvous assigned 
for re-organizing the troops, and concerting a plan of future 
operations. Two thousand men having been collected, they 
were posted in such a way, as to stop the advance of the ene~ 
my on the side of Haspi, and Makada. The Prince him- 
self took post with only a hundred men at the entrance of the 
mountains, and caused entrenchments to be thrown up. — 
From hence other messengers were sent to every part of 
the surrounding country, calling on the people to join the 
Patriot forces in repelling the enemy. A courier was also 
despatched to the Morea and naval islands, apprising them 
of what had occurred, and demanding succours ; there were, 
however, but slender hopes of relief from any quarter. Re- 
duced to nearly one third, by the desertions which followed 
Varnachiotti's treason, it was impossible to maintain their 
ground at Coutouna ; the Greeks therefore stationed there, 
Segan their march towards Anatolica, where Mavrocordato 
had established his head quarters. After sustaining several 
partial attacks on their route, which lay along the borders of I 
Lake Ozeres, they were forced to abandon the plains on the 
right bank of the Acheron, determined, if possible, to defend 
the passage of that river below Angelo Castro, where it was 
not fordable. 

Mavrocordato had not been many days in his new position, 
before the enemy's army, which was increased to nearly thir- 
teen thousand men, mostly Albanians, under Omer Vrioni 
in person, had passed the defiles of Xeromeros, guided by 
Tarnachiotti ; it was supplied with a" good park of artillery, 
and a large corps of cavalry ; and immediately advanced 
fo Vracori. Both this place and the surrounding villages 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 257 

were set on fire by the Greeks, to prevent their affording any 
shelter to the enemy. Marco Bozzaris, who had been unable 
to fulfil his generous intention of relieving Kiapha, occupied 
the defile of Dougri, while the troops posted at Calavia 
and Angelo Castro were obliged to fall back towards Ana- 
tolico. There were, however, several hundred families, 
who determined rather to seek a refuge on the numerous 
islets scattered over the lakes in the neighbourhood, than to 
quit the place of their birth. The Prince, whose left flank 
was threatened, also found it necessary to abandon the posi- 
tion he had fortified, as its defence was no longer of impor- 
tance : he therefore proceeded along the borders of the 
Lake Soudi to Dervekista, where a junction was formed 
with Bozzaris. 

The sudden abandonment of this position on the Ache- 
ron, by the party stationed to guard that pass under Macri, 
changed the situation of the Greeks : this retreat was caused 
by a false alarm, stating that a body of Turkish cavalry haa 
Crossed the river near Stamma. This circumstance, which 
was fortunately unobserved by the enemy, rendered it neces- 
sary for Mavrocordato to withdraw in all haste to the defile 
of Kerasova, where he vainly essayed to make a second 
stand, as it was now ascertained, beyond a doubt, that the 
Turks were really advancing on every side, and would soon 
he on the plains round Anatolico. 

Xeromeros, Valtos, and Vracori, were now overrun, and 
there was but too much reason to fear, that others had fol- 
lowed the example of Varnachiotti, by joining the enemy, 
who had by this time advanced to the heights of Stamma, 
about five miles from Anatolico, and from which he could at 
any time descend on the plain to the very walls of Misso- 
longhi. The loss of this place would have put the whole of 
Western Greece into the hands of the Turks, who might 
have then poured any number of troops into the Morea. 

The conduct of Prince Mavrocordato, on this occasion, 
Was marked by a degree of firmness and resolution, which 
has since placed him deservedly high in the estimation of 
the Greek people. It is indeed but a common act of justice 
to add, that the fate of Greece hung on the determination he 
now formed. Fortunately for the cause, he adopted the 
only plan which could afford a reasonable chance of saving 
the Morea. 

Having put the remnant of his forces in motion, Mavro- 
cordato set out from Anatolico, as if he intended to retreat 

23 



258 HISTORY OF THE 

towards Salona, but turning suddenly round, lie returned by 
a flank march on the village of Therasova, and entered Mis- 
solonghi on the 17th of October. The difficulties, which 
now presented themselves, were, however, far greater than 
any hitherto experienced. 

1822. The population of this place, which had not ex- 
ceeded two thousand, before the revolution, was now re- 
duced to a few families who possessed no means of escaping; 
all those in better circumstances, having fled to the Morea 
and Ionian islands, on the enemy's approach. The town of 
Missolonghi is built on a perfect flat, and though its walls 
are washed by an arm of the sea, the water is so shallow, 
as not to admit the approach of any vessels larger than fish- 
ing boats, nearer than four or five miles. Its fortifications 
consisted of nothing more than a low wall without bastions, 
and surrounded by a ditch seven feet wide, by four in depth, 
and filled up with rubbish in many places. The parapet, 
which did not rise more than three feet above the counter- 
scarp, was formed of loose stones, very much out of repair, 
and broken down in a number of places. Although the de- 
fence of this extensive line would require above three 
thousand men, the whole number of combatants whom the 
Prince had now with him, including those found in the town, 
did not amount to five hundred. The only cannon to be 
found within the walls, were four old ship guns, and a dis- 
mounted thirty-six pounder. As to ammunition, there was 
not sufficient for a month's siege, and with the exception of 
maize, every kind of provisions was extremely scarce. It 
was in a place thus destitute and exposed, that Mavrocordato 
and his followers formed the resolution of making a stand 
against an army of fourteen thousand men. For this pur- 
pose not a moment was lost in repairing the wall and clear- 
ing the ditch; a work in which, even the women were em- 
ployed ; the guns being placed in the most commanding 
points, all the houses built near the parapet were pierced 
with loop-holes, from which a fire of musketry could be 
kept up. In order to deceive the enemy as to their num- 
bers, a quantity of bayonets found in the town, being made 
bright, were attached to poles, and arranged round the walls. 
When the president quitted Anatolico, it was agreed that 
Marco Bozzaris should occupy the passes through which the 
enemy would be likely to advance, between that place and 
the sea. The temporary occupation of this point enabled 
the Greeks to drive a quantity of cattle into Missolonghi. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 259 

They were, however, obliged to retire in two days, upon 
which Bozzaris, followed by a small detachment of Souliotes, 
succeeded in reaching the town, all the rest having dispersed 
among the mountains. A large division of the Turkish ar- 
my appeared before the walls two days after, and imme- 
diately commenced a cannonade and fire of musketry, which 
continued with little intermission until the next day, when it 
was only suspended, to propose a capitulation.* Profiting 
by the stupidity of the enemy, in not attempting an attack, 
which must have ended in the total destruction of the 
Greeks, Mavrocordato, whose only chance of safety depend- 
ed on gaining time till succours were sent, replied in such a 
way as to make Omer Vrioni imagine that his proposal 
would be accepted. Though these negotiations were fre- 
quently interrupted by the renewal of the enemy's fire, they 
enabled the Greeks to make considerable progress in their 
preparations for defence : such, however, was the total in- 
adequacy of means and resources, that there seemed to be no 
hope of escape. Matters went on in this state of painful 
suspense until the morning of the 9th of November, when 
the Turkish brig and schooner, which had been sent to block- 
ade the place, by Isouf Pacha, were observed to steer to- 
wards Patras ; but the former being unable to reach the 
road-stead, owing to a strong southerly wind, bore up and 
stood for Ithica, chased by six vessels, on board of which 
the Creek flag was seen flying. The ships were followed 
by the eager eyes of the Prince and his brave followers, until 
night closed in, and they were once more left to ruminate on 
the perils of their situation. Although the appearance of 
this small squadron filled every breast with hope, yet a vigo- 
rous attack during the night might enable the infidels to 
render all opposition fruitless : as it fortunately happened, 
no attempt was made, and their joy maybe readily conceived 
on the return of day-light, to perceive the whole of the Greek 
squadron anchored as near the town as it could be approach- 
ed. Having chased the Turkish brig until she was run on 
the rocks of Ithica by her crew, the Greek commodore came 
to announce that a body of Peloponnesians were ready for 
embarkation at Chiarenza and Katakolo, destined for the re- 



* One of the articles contained in this proposal required that Mavro- 
cordato and about twenty others, whose names were mentioned, should 
be given up, as a preliminary to any negotiation in favour of the gar- 
rison. 



260 HISTORY OF THE 

lief of Missolonghi. A part of the ships was despatched on 
the following day for these most acceptable auxiliaries, and 
the remainder was joined by four Ipsariot vessels, thus form- 
ing a naval force, which was of itself calculated greatly to 
diminish the hopes of the enemy. The long-wished-for suc- 
cours arrived on the 14th ; they consisted of twelve hun- 
dred men, headed by Mavromichalis, who was accompanied 
by Andreas Lundo, of Vostizza, and Deligianapulo, both dis- 
tinguished Maniote chiefs. These troops, having formed 
part of the army which had partaken in the victories gained 
on the plain of Argos and before Napoli di Romania, were 
flushed with the recollection of their recent successes, and 
could not brook the thought of remaining shut up within the 
walls of Missolonghi. A sortie was accordingly made on the 
27th of November, in which a hundred and ten Turks were 
left dead on the plain, while the loss of the Greeks did not 
amount to more than twenty in killed and wounded. 

Such were the cruelties and excesses which followed the 
arrival of the infidel army in Arcanania and Etolia, that no 
sooner had the peasantry recovered from their consternation, 
than all those who had been able to retain their arms, rose, 
and greatly harassed the Turks by interrupting their commu- 
nications, and preventing the arrival of any supplies. 

In order to second these efforts of the people, it was de- 
termined that a part of the troops, sent from the Morea ? 
should embark, and landing at Dragomeste, co-operate with 
the inhabitants of Valtos and Xeromeros, for the purpose of 
re-occupying the defiles, and thus effectually cut off the ene- 
my's communication with Arta and Vonizza. The com- 
mand of this expedition was assumed by Mavromichalis, who 
sailed for his destination on the 24th of December, 1822. 
His departure reduced the garrison so much, that Omer 
Vrioni, who had remained for two months without attempt- 
ing an assault, now determined to take advantage of this cir- 
cumstance. Knowing also that Christmas day was generally 
passed by the Greeks in the performance of religious rites, 
which would give them full occupation, he had an additional 
motive for carrying his design into execution at once. 

Aware, from the movements of the Turkish camp, that 
something was in agitation, Mavrocordato, Bozzaris, and the 
other chiefs, held a council of war, at which it was decided, 
that every body should be on the alert during the night, and, 
contrary to the usual custom, the church bells were not to 
be rung, lest the noise might prevent a knowledge of what 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 2jG1 

passed close to the walls. Both Mavrocordato and the other 
leaders continued to visit all the posts, so as to prevent 
surprise, and to give the necessary directions in case of an 
attack. 

The plan of the Turks was to send eight hundred picked 
men, with scaling ladders, to the weakest point ; these were 
to be followed by two thousand more, intended to draw oft' 
the attention of the Greeks, and induce them to quit their 
posts, while the first party entered the town. Other divi- 
sions of the enemy were to advance simultaneously on every 
side. The signal for commencing the attack was made at 
five in the morning of the 25th, by firing a gun. A tremen- 
dous cannonade began along the whole Turkish line, and was 
as briskly answered by the Greeks. The escalading party 
contrived to approach within a few yards of the wall unper- 
ceived, and had even fixed some ladders, which enabled a 
few of the Turks to pass the parapet ; these were, however, 
instantly cut down ; two standard bearers, who succeeded in 
planting the crescent on the walls, shared the same fate ; all, 
in fact, who attempted to mount the wall, were precipitated 
into the ditch ; and as the Greeks felt that their existence 
depended on the issue of this struggle, they vied with each 
other in acts of valour and boldness. Though short, the 
conflict which followed was both desperate and sanguinary, 
for when day-light broke, the whole of the glacies were seen 
covered with the dead. Though the Turks now perceived 
that they had nothing to hope from prolonging the contest, 
numbers continued to advance, for the purpose of carrying 
off their dead companions, not one of whom was suffered to 
escape. The infidels lost above twelve hundred men, and 
nine stands of colours, in this affair ; while, incredible as it 
may appear, the utmost loss of the Greeks was only six kill- 
ed, and about thirty wounded. Such was the result of an at- 
tack, upon the success of which the Turkish chief calculated 
so fully, that he assured those around him, it was his in- 
tention to dine at Missolonghi on the great anniversary of 
the Christians. The immediate effect of this signal discom- 
fiture, was that of making the rising general throughout the 
neighbouring provinces : those who had entertained any 
dread of the enemy before, were now quite disengaged from 
their fears, and bands were found in all directions to cut oft' 
their retreat, whenever they attempted to re-cross the moun- 
tains. The only fear entertained by Mavrocordato was., 
lest the Turks should fly before the arming of the peasantry, 

23* 



262 HISTORY OF THE 

had been Completed. On the other hand it required all the 
efforts of the chiefs to prevent their men from sallying forth 
at once, and grappling with the whole of the infidel army on 
the plain. 

Omer Vrioni having sent Varnachiotti to Xeromeros, in 
order to procure provisions and forage, received a letter on 
the 31st, from the traitor, informing him that Rongo, whom 
Omer had sent into V altos for the same object, had abandon- 
ed the cause he had feigned to espouse, the more effectually 
to deceive the enemy ; and placing himself at the head of 
three thousand men, was marching to cut off Omer's retreat 
by Langoda ; that the people of Xeromeros had flew to arms 
in spite of all his influence, and that Mavromichalis, at the 
head of fifteen hundred men, had just driven the Turks from 
Dragomeste, and was advancing to occupy the defiles by 
which the Pacha could alone effect his retreat to Vonizza.* 
The Turks, whose characteristic is fear, were so panic-struck 
by this intelligence, that it had not reached the camp two 
hours before their retreat commenced, with the greatest dis- 
order. This was so sudden and precipitate, that they left 
the whole of their artillery, consisting of eight fine pieces of 
brass cannon, with a complete field train and tumbrils ; two 

* " It appears," says Mr. Green, " that Omer Vrioni decided on mak- 
ing an assault on the town, as the only chance left of gaining posses- 
sion of it, owing to the succours received by the Greeks, the want of 
provisions in the Ottoman camp, and the loss of manv hundred men by 
sickness Having consulted with the other commanders, Omer fixed 
on the 6th instant for a general assault on the place, knowing that it 
was the day of the celebration of Christmas, according to the ritual of 
the Greek Church. Every thing being prepared, the signal for the at- 
tac was given before day break on the 6th ; the advance posts reached 
the walls anperceived, and under cover of a heavy fire from the whole 
Turkish line, attempted to scale the walls. It seems that Mavrocor- 
dato was aware of the intended attack, and had made excellent ar- 
rangements to repel it ; the garrison was ready on the first alarm, and 
flew to their posts. Suffice it to say, that the Greeks behaved with 
such courage, and the Albanians were so little versed in military tac- 
tics, that the latter were completely repulsed by the besieged, in the 
space of two hours, with the loss of upwards of three hundred and fifty 
men killed, besides many wounded. It is asserted that the Greeks did 
not lose seventy men in this affair, which indubitably reflects the high- 
est honour on Mavrocordato, Marco Bozzaris, and the other chiefs. A 
few' days after his defeat, Omer Pacha commenced a precipitate retreat, 
abandoning his guns, tents, and baggage, which have fallen into the 
hands of the Greeks, who, as soon as they discovered the retreat of the 
Ottomans, sent out part of the garrison to harass them." — Sketches, 
p. 126, 127. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 263 

howitzers ; ammunition and camp equipage, together with a 
large quantity of provisions and all the baggage. To in- 
crease their embarrassment, the infidels were scarcely in 
motion, when a detachment of five hundred men sallied from 
the town, and overtaking their rear guard at Kerasova, kill- 
ed a great number. On reaching the Acheron, its waters 
were so swollen by the continued rains, that the enemy 
could not pass, so that they now found themselves enclosed 
on every side, and without provisions. It was while the in- 
fidels were in this situation, and meditating the means of 
escape, that a large division of the Greeks, under Marco 
Bozzaris appeared marching towards them. Such was the 
effect of this movement, that the Turks, more panic-struck 
than ever, determined to attempt the passage of the river 
rather than risk a battle. They accordingly plunged into the 
stream, and several hundreds were drowned in crossing, while 
those who did not adopt this perilous mode of saving them- 
selves, were under the necessity of surrendering as prisoners 
to the Souliote Chief. 

Having gained the right bank of the Acheron, the Turkish 
hordes had fresh enemies to contend with at every step, in 
the armed peasantry of Xeromeros, Valos, and the other dis- 
tricts through which their line of retreat lay; so, that, of the 
large force brought into Acarnania only three months before, 
not more than half the number escaped; nor did the fugi- 
tives stop, before they reached Arta and Anarcori beyond the 
passes of Macronorus. With respect to Mavrocordato, 
wl. jse firmness and perseverance, during this most arduous 
period, are above all praise, he was now enabled to realize 
his favourite plan of civil organization. A local junta being 
formed at Missolonghi, measures were immediately adopted 
for carrying the law of Epidaurus into effect throughout Acar- 
nania and Etolia. Arrangements were also made for re- 
organizing the military system of the provinces. The im- 
portance of Missolonghi being now more apparent than ever, 
it was determined that a moment should not be lost in re- 
modelling its dilapidated fortifications ; the completion of 
this task was considered so urgent, that in addition to the 
regular working parties, the inhabitants, of whom considera- 
ble numbers returned after the retreat of the enemy, were 
called upon to assist in throwing up the new works. This 
call being readily obeyed, they proceeded with such alacrity 
and spirit, that in less than three months, Missolonghi was 
placed m a state ef perfect security from all future attacks ; 



£64 HISTORY OF THE 

these important objects accomplished, the President re- 
embarked with all the troops that were not required for the 
defence of the town, and crossed over to the Peloponnesus, 
where he arrived in the early part of April, after an absence 
of ten months."* 



CHAPTER XIX. 

National Congress assembled at Astros. — Proceedings which 
took place there. — Proclamation to the people. — The Seat 
of Government is transferred to Tripolizza. — Preparation 
for opening the Campaign. — Movements of the Turks. — 
Operations \n Livadia. — Retreat of Isouf Pacha. — The 
Campaign is opened at Acarnania. — Advance of Mustapha 
Pacha. — Defection of the Albanians at Prevesa. — Marco 
Bozzaris marches to Carpensia. — Arrival of the Turkish 
Army. — It is attacked in the night by the Greeks. — Hero- 
ism and death of Marco Bozzaris. — Constantine Bozzaris 
is named to the command. — Proceedings of the Capitan 
Pacha. — Execution of six prisoners. — Operations in Can- 
dia. — Capture of Thisamos and Selinon. — Gallantry of 
the Greek squadron under Macromure. — The Turkish feet 
returns to the Dardanelles. — Re-capture of Corinth. — 
Brave defence of Anatolico. — Difficulties among the heads 
of Government. — Conduct of Metaxa. — Executive dismiss- 
ed. — Sketches of some of the Chiefs. — Arrival of Lord 
Byron and Col. Stanhope. — Arrival of the loan. — Mutiny 
of the Suliotes. — Mavrocordato. — Difficulty of obtaining 
the loan. — Death of Captain Sass. — Col. Stanhope estab- 
lishes two newspapers. — Anti-Patriots. — Ulysses seizes the 
Government money. 

According to the law of Epidaurus, the election for the 
ineyo second period should have been completed by the 
first of January, 1823, but this was impossible, owing 
to the proximity of the seat of war and long continuance of 
the campaign. A circular had, however, been sent forth by 
the executive immediately after the fall of Napoli di Roma- 
nia, directing that the new elections should commence forth- 
with, prescribing the mode of carrying them on, so as to pre- 

* Blaquiere, p. 229—254. 



GREEK REVOLUTIONS 265 

vent improper returns ; and pointing out the necessity of se- 
lecting only such men as had given unequivocal proofs of 
patriotism and public virtue. The members were invited to 
join the executive at a small town called Astros, situated in 
one of the numerous vallies that border the gulf of Argos ; 
as the position of this place afforded an easy communication 
with the islands, as well as the Morea and other points of the 
confederation. The members of the government, who had 
passed some weeks at Castries, on the coast opposite Hydra, 
proceeded to Astros early in March, but more than a month 
elapsed before the whole of the deputies and military chiefs 
had arrived. So great was the anxiety of the people to par- 
ticipate in the deliberations, that in addition to the prescribed 
number of representatives, not less than fifty delegates were 
sent from different places, with petitions praying for permis- 
sion to be present in the national congress. Besides the sol- 
diery, there was a large concourse of visitors drawn to the 
spot, from motives of curiosity, and the interest so universal- 
ly taken in the issue of the proceedings. 

In order to secure the concurrence of all parties, and give 
greater unity to the political system, one of the first propo- 
sals made by Prince Mavrocordato, on his arrival at Misso- 
longhi, was that of transferring the powers confided to the 
three local Juntas of Epirus, Livadia and Peloponnesus, to 
the central government. The meetings commenced on the 
10th of April, and were held in a garden under the shade 01 
orange trees. While the deputies and delegates, amounting 
to nearly three hundred, were occupied in the debates, which 
began soon after sunrise, the citizens and soldiers were min- 
gled promiscuously outside, where, being shaded from the 
heat of the sun by a grove of olive trees, they also discussed 
every point connected with the public interests, with as much 
zeal as their representatives, and waited the termination of 
each sitting with the greatest anxiety. The temper and spi- 
rit which prevailed during the meetings, will be best appre- 
ciated by a short summary of what took place. 

At a preparatory meeting of the 10th, the following oath 
was administered to each member: " I swear in the name of 
God and my country, to act with a pure and unshaken patri- 
otism ; to promote a sincere union, and abjure every thought 
of personal interest in all the discussions which shall take 
place in the second national Congress." The Congress then 
proceeded to nominate a President for the second period, in 
the person of Mavromichalis, after which, commissions were 



266 HISTORY OF THE 

formed to revise those points in the constitution that had 
been found most susceptible of improvement, as well as to 
inquire into the state of the confederation generally. After 
having heard reports on the various subjects of religion, pub- 
lic justice, finance, the military force, and civil administra- 
tion, the assembly came to the following resolution relative 
to the modification suggested by the commission appointed 
to inquire into the political code. " The second Constituent 
Assembly of Greece, after having introduced those changes 
and improvements into the constitution, rendered necessary 
by experience, and the interests of the nation, decrees, first : 
that the political code of Greece, which shall be henceforth 
called the Law of Epidaurus, be entrusted to the fidelity of 
the legislative body, executive government, and judicial au- 
thorities ; it is also consigned to the safeguard of the peo- 
ple, and to the patriotism of all the Greeks. Secondly : that 
the executive cannot enact laws, or make innovations on the 
said law of Epidaurus, under any circumstances whatever. 
Thirdly : that the constitutions thus revised and ratified by 
the universal consent, shall be immediately promulgated 
throughout the confederation. Fourthly : that the original 
document, signed by all the members and delegates compo- 
sing the present assembly, shall be deposited in the archives 
of the legislative body." 

The above important point being settled, on the 25th, a 
number of minor details next occupied the Congress. An 
article of the constitution, which provided for the sale of 
national property, was suspended, in order that the possession 
of these immense domains, formerly held by the infidels, 
might facilitate the financial operations of the government 
abroad, and prevent the loss which could not fail to attend 
their being disposed of under existing circumstances. >The 
executive was, however, empowered to dispose of all perish- 
able materials, such as houses, mills, shops, caravansaries, 
mosques, baths, and oil presses. Thanks were also decreed 
to the ship owners of Hydra, Spezzia, and Ipsaria, for their 
naval exertions during the war. Towards the close of the 
meetings, discussions took place, and regulations were made 
relative to the best mode of meeting the current expenses of 
the ensuing year, and the executive recommended to adopt 
such steps for replenishing the treasury, as were allowed by 
the constitution. The project of the law for the establish- 
ment of provincial governors and local magistracy, was next 
submitted to Congress, and confirmed. It being impossible to 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 267 

determine on a criminal code without farther inquiry and ex- 
amination, the executive was empowered to make selection? 
from the code Napoleon, and to organize the tribunals pro 
tempore. 

lfi oQ The labours of Congress closed on the 30th of April. 
' when it was decreed that unless circumstances ren- 
dered it necessary, the assemblage of a third National Con- 
gress should be deferred for two years ; and that in order to 
prevent the people from being too much hurried in the 
choice of their representatives, the executive should give 
three months' notice of the convocation. The seat of go- 
vernment being established at Tripolizza, ad interim, it mere- 
ly remained for the Congress to state the result of its pro- 
ceedings, and this was done in the following address to the 
people. 

" The national war of the Greeks for the assertion and 
maintenance of their independence, continues for the third 
year ; during this period, the tyrant has not been able to 
succeed against us, either by land or sea, whereas thousands 
of the enemy have fallen victims to the temerity of their 
leaders. Fortresses have been reduced, new acquisitions of 
territory made, whilst the thunder of our arms has resounded 
fo the very walls of Byzantium. 

" It was at Epidaurus that Greece had the happiness of 
first manifesting its will as an Independent state, establishing 
a national government, and instituting its fundamental laws. 
After a lapse of sixteen months, the second assembly of the 
people has been convoked at Astros ; this, after having ex- 
amined the political code conformably to the wishes of the 
nation, has decreed various ameliorations required by the 
common interest. The state of finances, public accounts, 
and national resources, have also been carefully discussed, 
and the necessary measures adopted for maintaining a force, 
both naval and military, which shall set all the future threats 
of the enemy at defiance. Agreeably to the law happily 
instituted at Epidaurus, it is hereby decreed, that the second 
period of the provisional government shall henceforth com- 
mence, and be left to perform the great duties committed 
to its vigilance and patriotism. Previous to its separation, 
it remains for the National Congress to proclaim, in the 
name of the Greek people, and in the presence of God 
and man, the political existence of the Hellenists and their 
Independence, for the acquirement of which, the nation ha^ 
shed torrents of blood, with the unalterable resolution of 



208 HISTORY OF THE 

every individual of the confederation, either to maintain the 
freedom they have conquered; or descend to the tomb with 
arms in their hands, as becomes men resolved to combat for 
the rights of nature, and the holy religion they profess. 
Deprived of their liberties and property, exposed to unheard- 
of cruelties, by those who have ever been strangers to jus- 
tice and humanity, the natives of an heroic soil, always keep- 
ing in mind the glory of their ancestors, feel that, in shaking 
off the yoke of barbarism, and liberating their country, they 
have only performed a sacred duty, called for no less by the 
Obligations of religion, than the progress of civilization. 

" It has been among the objects of the present Congress, 
elected by the free and unbiassed choice of the people, 
to declare to the whole universe — 1st. The justice of the 
war in which they are engaged for the preservation of the 
national Independence. 2dly. The anxious desire of the 
Greek people to regain the knowledge they had lost by cen- 
turies of oppression; and to be numbered among the 
enlightened nations of Europe, to which they still look for 
sympathy and support. 3dly. To thank in the name of the 
whole nation, the military and naval forces which have, dur- 
ing the two last campaigns, so bravely fought the battles of 
their country, destroying above fifty thousand of the enemy. 
4thly. To express its thanks to the provisional government, 
as well as the local juntas, more especially the Senate of the 
Peloponnesus and Areopagus of Western Greece, for the 
zealous and disinterested manner in which they have per- 
formed their arduous duties. 

" In thus closing its labours, the National Congress im- 
plores the Omnipotent Father of all, to extend his Al- 
mighty protection to the people of Greece, and crown their 
erfforts with success !" 

When it is considered that this was only the second time 
of a general assembly of the Greeks, since the Achaian 
league, which enabled their ancestors to resist the whole 
power of Rome, nothing would have been more natural than 
to expect a great degree of jealousy among chiefs, whose re- 
cent triumphs had given them such claims to pre-eminence, 
or of confusion in the proceedings of men so unaccustomed 
to the business of legislation. Yet, with the exception of a 
temporary misunderstanding between the generals and legis- 
lative body, relative to the propriety of alienating national 
domains at once, or waiting till the conclusion of the war, it 
would be difficult to conceive a scene of greater harmony. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 263 

The promulgation of the address was followed by the im- 
mediate transfer of the executive and legislative body to 
Tripolizza, where immediate steps were taken for opening 
the third campaign. As, however, the enemy had been so 
effectually crippled during the preceding year, some weeks 
elapsed before any movement was attempted by the Turks, 
who thus offered time for the provisional government to or- 
ganize the best mode of prosecuting the war. As the inva- 
sion of the Morea and the operations in Arcania had ren- 
dered it impossible for the people to cultivate their grounds, 
little could be expected from the ensuing harvest : an ar- 
rangement was however made, by which the national pro- 
perty and forthcoming crops, estimated at twelve millions of 
Turkish piastres by the finance commission, were farmed out 
for about a third of that sum, and this, together with a few 
millions, furnished by the zeal of patriotic individuals, was 
all Greece had with which to enter the field a third time 
against the whole military and naval power of the Ottomans. 
Although so inactive during the early part of the summer, 
the enemy was by no means idle afterwards. A fleet consist- 
ing of seventeen frigates and above sixty smaller vessels of 
war and transports, filled with troops, ammunition and pro- 
visions, was despatched for the purpose of supplying the for- 
tresses still held in IN'egropont, Candia,and the Morea. Ow- 
ing to the impossibility of preparing the Greeks ships in time, 
this was effected without opposition at Carystus, Canea, Co- 
ron, Modon and Patras, where the Capitan Pacha arrived 
about the middle of June.* 
ft „ - Wi tn respect to the plan of operation projected by 
the enemy on shore, it was infinitely better than that 
of last year ; while the forces destined to carry it into effect 
were far superior both as to numbers and leaders. An army 

* The following letter from Mr. Green, contains some important and 
interesting information. It seems from this, that to the end of the 
campaign of 1823, the Turkish combined fleet literally did nothing. — It 
appears also that the Albanians, though soldiers by trade, could not be 
brought, in this instance at least, to fight against the Greeks. 

Zante, 23d August, 1823. 

" The Turkish fleet, consisting of forty-six sail, under the com- 
mand of Mahomet Isref, Capoudan Pacha, passed Zante on the 18th 
June, on its way to Patras, where it arrived two days after. When 
off Missolonghi several boats were found trafficking with the Greeks, 
and consequently were seized by the Turkish Commander ; however, on 

24 



270 HISTORY OF THE 

of twenty-five thousand men having been assembled at La- 
rissa early in June, it was formed into two divisions, intend- 
ed to act at separate points : one of these, under Isouf Pa- 

my agent requesting their liberation, his demand was complied with in 
the most courteous manner. The Capoudan Pacha immediately insti- 
tuted a strict blockade of Missolonghi, and issued a manifesto respect- 
ing the same, which was forthwith acknowledged by the Ionian Go- 
vernment. The blockade has been kept up with tolerable strictness, 
but nevertheless several boats have contrived to elude the vigilance of 
the Turkish cruizers, and have landed their cargoes of provisions at the 
small islands in the neighbourhood of Missolonghi. 

A3 I deemed it advisable to be present at Patras during such an inter- 
esting period, I proceeded there the first week in last month, returned 
here on the 20th, and performed my quarantine of fifteen days in the 
wretched Lazaretto of this place. 

I was well received by the Ottoman naval commander-in-chief, 
who treated me in the handsomest and most courteous manner. — 
His Highness paid the greatest attention to various representations 
which it was my duty to make, respecting some Ionian boats and 
cargoes detained by him, for breach of blockade : these he released 
at my request, as also two Cephaloniot subjects who had been made 
prisoners by him in Negropont, having been taken in arms with the 
insurgents. 

The Capoudan Pacha appeared to me to be a quiet shrewd man, 
not at all sanguinary, but rather endeavouring to accomplish his 
designs by conciliatory measures than by force of arms. He has 
the reputation of possessing some general knowledge of seamanship, 
although as an European he would be justly considered very deficient 
in that science. In several interviews I had with him, he was very 
inquisitive concerning our naval affairs : among other subjects he asked 
me if it was still the custom in the British navy to punish seamen by 
flogging them on their naked backs, as he recollected was the case when 
ite was in Egypt, co-operating with Lord Nelson. 

About the middle of July, the Turkish fleet was joined by the Alge- 
rine and Tunisian squadrons, and the combined force then amounted 
to sixty ships of war, and a few transports. The generality of the 
vessels are in good order and condition ; I was particularly struck with 
the appearance of the frigate bearing the Capoudan Pacha's flag ; she is 
a handsome new vessel, built at Constantinople, mounts fifty-two ldng 
guns, kept particularly clean, and as far as I could observe, on deck and 
below, greater discipline was enforced than could have been expected. 
Up to the present time this large fleet has remained quite inactive ; in- 
deed, the only occupation of the Capoudan Pacha appears to have been 
the granting of licences to a number of Austrian, Ionian, and Maltese 
vessels, to proceed up the Gulph of Corinth, for the avowed purpose of 
buying currants at Vostizza from the Greek proprietors. Of course, it 
is stipulated, that on the return of these vessels with their cargoes, 
the purchasers shall pay a certain sum by way of duty, but, in fact, as a 
bribe for obtaining leave to traffic with Greek blockaded ports, and to 
•Which places they also convey supplies of provisions and ammunition, 
concealed under the ballast, besides large sums of money to pay for 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 271 

cha of Bercoffeeli, marched towards Thermopylae, while the 
other led on by Mustapha Pacha, proceeded to the pass otr 
Neopatra near Zetouni. The Greeks posted here, being too 



the fruit ; thus furnishing to the Greeks means to carry on the war 
against the Ottomans. 

During my stay at Patras, I was obliged to live on board the vessel, 
as there was no accommodation on shore ; I. however, paid a visit to an 
old acquaintance, Ali Pacha,* who held the Pashalik of the Morea, on 
my arrival in 1818, and who I visited at Tripolizza to present the cus- 
tomary presents on my nomination. He had soon afterwards been 
raised to the dignity of Grand Vizier, but did not long enjoy that post; 
was disgraced and sent into banishment, where he remained until or- 
dered to join the army which occupied Corinth, in 1822. Ali recognized 
me immediately, appeared much pleased with my visit, and made many 
apologies for not being able to treat me as he had done on our first ac- 
quaintance ; in truth his condition was much changed, and his spirits 
were evidently dejected ; he was without money, and consequently had 
few attendants : he received, with evident satisfaction, a supply which 
had been sent him through me. by his family at Constantinople, though 
it amounted only to about 300/. sterling. 

After my visit, I traversed the ruins of the once beautifully situated 
and populous town of Patras ; of four thousand houses, only ten or 
twelve remained, and those under the walls of the fortress. The rest 
of the town was so completely destroyed, that I was unable to find the 
site of my own house until it was pointed out to me, and I then only re- 
cognized it by the pedestal of my flag-staff, which yet remained, and the 
stocks of two favourite orange trees, which, though burned close to the 
ground, were beginning to shoot out in fresh vigour through the sur- 
rounding ashes. 

When I took leave of the Capoudan Pacha, he presented me with a 
handsome cashmere shawl, in return for which, I sent him from hence 
one of Dollond's silver tubed telescopes. 

Soon after I quitted Patras, the Turkish Admiral received a visit from 
the British naval commander-in-chief, Sir Graham Moore, accompa- 
nied by Sir Frederick Adam, acting Lord High Commissioner. The 
ostensible object of their visit was to represent to the Capoudan Pacha, 
that several irregularities had been committed by the Turkish vessels 
under his orders, towards Ionian boats. Our naval and military com- 
manders-in-chief were received by the Turkish High Admiral with eve- 
ry mark of respect, and with the honours due to their rank : their re- 
presentations were attended to, and they departed apparently satisfied 
with the result of their conference. The British squadron consisted of 
five vessels ; the Rochfort, eighty -gun ship, carried the admiral's flag : 
the appearance of the squadron, but more particularly their manoeu- 
vres, excited the admiration of the Turks. Two days after the de- 
parture of the English squadron, the Capoudan Pacha sent to Zante 

* This is not the Ali Pacha of Ioannina, who, the reader will remem- 
ber, came to a tragical death the year before this was written 

t 



272 HISTORY OF THE 

weak to attempt making any resistance, withdrew, so that 
the enemy was enabled to advance into Livadia unopposed, 
and encamped at Nevropolis on the 20th of June. Still un- 
able to cope with the Turkish division, the Greeks contented 
themselves with occupying the passes through which this 
force had entered the province. 

In the meanwhile, Isouf continued to occupy and lay 
waste the whole country round Parnassus and Livadia, mur- 
dering all the inhabitants who had not escaped to the moun- 
tains or marshes near the lake Copaes : he also attacked a 
small corps which had thrown up entrenchments on the high 
road between Rachova and Delphi, but was repulsed with 
considerable loss : returning a few days after, the enemy 
was more successful, and having turned to the right of the 
Greeks, advanced to both the above named places, to which 
he set fire, after plundering whatever had been left by the 
fugitive peasantry. 

Odysseus, who had been waiting at Athens until the con- 
tingent despatched from Tripolizza under Nikitas passed the 
Isthmus of Corinth, set out on the 28th of June : leaving 
orders that all the forces collected in Attica and Bceotia 
should follow, he proceeded to Megara with five hundred 
men, and embarking there, sailed up the gulph and joined 
Nikitas at Dobrena. The two chiefs lost no time in advan- 
cing towards the enemy, and soon reached the heights in 



handsome presents of sabres, shawls, &c. for the Admiral, General, and 
other officers who had paid him a visit. 

Isouf Pacha has just arrived at the Morea Castle from Prevesa, with 
a few attendants, onboard a Turkish vessel. It appears he had collected 
together a body of 10,000 Albanians, and formed his camp near Arta. — 
After having advanced his men two months' pav, and prepared every 
thing, the Pacha set out on his march towards Missolonghi, which 
place he intended to invest, but had scarcely quitted the environs of Vo- 
nizza, when the troops simultaneously mutinied, pillaged the baggage, 
and dispersed. Isouf Pacha, and his immediate attendants, with difficulty 
reached Prevesa. Thus terminated the exertions of an able commander, 
who quitted his post to raise an army at his own private expense, with 
which he hoped to gain possession of Missolonghi, a town that from its 
position had for so long a time materially annoyed Turkish operations in 
the Gulf of Lepanto. There can be little doubt that this defection was 
caused by the intrigues of Omer Vrioni, who himself having failed in 
the attempt to reduce Missolonghi, was jealous of the talents of Isou? 
Pacha, who, he had reason to fear, might be more successful." 

* Green's Sketches, p. 151—156. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 273 

•Sight of Isouf 's camp. A system of guerilla warfare was 
now commenced, and the Turks were so harrassed, that 
they soon retreated in the greatest disorder, pursued by the 
Greeks, who killed numbers, and took a large quantity of 
their baggage. 

The second division, under Mustapha, waited on the plain 
of Thebes for the result of Isouf 's operations, in order to ad- 
vance towards the gulf of Lepanto, but the retreat of his 
coadjutor having enabled the Greek chiefs to alter their plans, 
Odysseus pushed on to attack this division, which he forced 
to take refuge in Negropont, leaving behind most of its bag- 
gage and military stores. The Turks had scarcely reached 
Carystus, when Odysseus appeared before it, and established 
a rigorous blockade. After these successes, which removed 
all apprehension of any new attack on the side of Corinth, 
Nikitas proceeded to Salona to co-operate with the inhabi- 
tants in the preparations making for the defence of that place 
and its neighbourhood. 

The management of the war in Arcania being confided 
to Mustapha, Pacha of Scutari, with Isouf, the Pacha of 
Serres, as his second in command, they found such difficulty 
in organizing a sufficient force, that the whole of June and 
July was passed in preparing a corps of eight thousand 
men at Prevesa. Isouf had taken up a position at Ponda, a 
village close to the ancient Actium, there to await the Pacha 
of Scutari. The latter was advancing with his own troops, 
and a large contingent furnished by the Pacha of Thessaly. 
Marco Bozzaris was at Katochi, between Missolonghi and 
Vonizza, with Joncas of Agrapha,* to whom he had been 
reconciled after a long enmity. Their utmost force did not 
exceed twelve hundred men, but with these it was decided 
they should continue closely to watch the motions of the ene- 
my. While, however, Mustapha was on his march from 
Agrapha to Vracori, fully expecting to be joined there by 
the troops at Prevesa, the Albanians, who formed the flow- 
er of Isouf's army, no sooner received the allowances 
usually made before entering the field, than they mutinied, 
threatened the life of their commander, and after com- 
mitting numerous excesses, withdrew to their respec- 
tive homes. Even Isouf's tent was not spared on this 

* Joncas was highly distinguished before the war, as Protopalicaron, 
or second in authority to the famous Klepthis Katsandoni, who fre- 
quently defeated the armies, and ultimately succeeded in setting the 
whole power of Ali Pacha at defiance. 

24* 



274 HISTORY OF THE 

occasion, while he himself only escaped by embarking anfl 
flying to Patras with a few of his attendants. The cause 
of this mutiny and desertion was afterwards traced to Omer 
Vrioni, who had become jealous of Isouf 's military fame, 
and determined to strip him of all means of co-operating with 
Mustapha in the present campaign. He accordingly succeed- 
ed in persuading the Albanians to join his own standard, and 
took post at Lepanore, to the right of the Acheron, with four 
thousand men. On reaching Patras, Isouf Pacha sent a body 
of troops to be landed at Crionero, not far from the position 
of Marco Bozzaris, with orders to attack the Greeks in flank. 
Apprised of their landing, the Souliote chief fell on the 
Turks, and having either killed or taken prisoners more 
than two thirds of the whole number, the rest were glad to 
escape to their boats. 

Hearing thata division of two thousand men was advancing 
on the side of Valtos, Bozzaris sent a detachment in that di- 
rection to prevent their approach, while he himself deter- 
mined to dispute the entrance of Mustapha Pacha into Arca- 
nania. To effect this important object, it became necessary 
to undertake one of those extraordinary forced marches, 
which have so frequently secured victory to the Greeks dur- 
ing the present contest. It was this alone which enabled 
him to reach Carpenisa in time to prevent the consequences 
that must have followed a sudden invasion by Mustapha. 
The enemy's army reached the frontier of Arcanania on the 
19th of August, and encamped on an extensive plain near 
the above place : it amounted to fourteen thousand men, 
while the Greeks could with difficulty collect two thousand. 
Undaunted by such fearful odds, Bozzaris, whose previous 
gallantry had awakened the most flattering hopes of his fu- 
ture heroism, wa.s now destined to exceed the most sanguine 
anticipations of his friends and admirers. A general coun- 
cil of the chiefs and soldiery being summoned, Marco 
pointed out the impossibility of making a regular attack on 
the enemy, while on the other hand, their country and its 
cause were irretrievably lost, if they did not take advantage 
of the night, and endeavour by an act of boldness, required 
by the interests of their country, to prevent the Turks from 
entering the plains round Missolonghi. This opinion being 
acquiesced in by all present, he addressed his companions a 
second time, and having drawn a flattering picture of the glory 
which awaited those who took part in the intended attack, 
as well as the service they were about to render Greece, 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 275 

the hero called upon those who were ready to die for their 
country to stand forward. The call was answered by four 
hundred men, chiefly Souliotes, who according to the ancient 
practice of Souli, when they are determined to conquer or 
die, threw away their scabbards, and embraced each other. 
Having selected three hundred to act immediately about his 
own person, Bozzaris directed that the remainder of the 
troops should be formed into there divisions, for the purpose 
of assailing the enemy's camp at different points, while he 
penetrated to the centre with his own chosen band. 
1ft9 o Every thing being prepared by midnight/ on the 
19th July, the last words of Bozzaris, on assigning 
to each chief and soldier the part he had to perform, were, 
" If you lose sight of me during the combat, come and 
seek me in the Pacha's tent." He then set forward closely 
followed by the sacred battalion, while the three Stratarchs, 
or minor chiefs, destined to make their attack at separate 
points, also proceeded to their stations. In order that this 
should be simultaneous, it was agreed that not a shot was to 
be fired, or a sword drawn, until they heard a bugle sound- 
ed. Bozzaris was enabled to advance by addressing the 
Turkish sentinels in the Albanese language, and telling 
them he came with reinforcements from Omer Vrioni. On 
reaching the centre he sounded the bugle, upon which the 
attack commenced on every side. The enemy, either un- 
prepared or panic struck, fled in all directions, while those 
who resisted, frequently mistook their comrades for enemies, 
perishing by each other's hands. While dealing death 
around, and encouraging his companions to profit by so fa- 
vourable a movement, the voice of Bozzaris was recognized, 
and just as he had ordered the chief Pacha to be seized, a 
ball struck him in the loins : though the wound was danger- 
ous, he concealed it, and continued to animate the men, 
until wounded a second time in the head, when he fell, and 
was borne from the field by a party of soldiers. Notwith- 
standing this disaster, the struggle was maintained with the 
utmost spirit till day-light, at which time the Greeks saw 
themselves undisputed masters of the field ; those of the 
enemy who did not perish, having abandoned their camp, 
leaving the ground covered with the dead, eighteen stand- 
ards, a quantity of baggage and ammunition, together with 
a number of horses, and several thousand head of oxen. 
While the loss of the infidel army could not be less than 
three thousand men, that of the Christians was only thirty 



276 HISTORY OF THE 

killed, and seventy wounded; of these, about half were 
Souliotes. Brilliant as this triumph must be regarded, 
it was the most dearly bought of all those acquired by re- 
generated Greece. Though unblessed with the advantages 
which science and education bestow, Marco Bozzaris was 
endowed with all those manly virtues and that simplicity 
of character, which are only to be found in the heroes of 
Plutarch. His conduct from early life, whether in his capa- 
city of citizen, patriot, or soldier, had excited the hopes, and 
Won the admiration of the whole Gre^k people. Surely the 
last act of his life will bear an advantageous comparison with 
the most envied moment in that of Leonidas, or the hero of 
Mantinea! Greece will long have to deplore this irrepara- 
ble loss. Yet it would have been impossible to die a more 
glorious death ; and, however slender the hopes of repla- 
cing such a man may be, the event cannot fail to exercise a 
most salutary effect on those who are left to sustain the con- 
test; while, if antiquity could boast a name, which has 
served as a never fading illustration to poets, orators, and 
historians, modern Greece may safely put forth that of 
Marco Bozzaris, as being scarcely less entitled to the palm 
0f immortality.* 

On discovering their loss, the eyes of the Greek chiefs 
and soldiers were immediately turned on Constantine, the 
liero's elder brother, who was named his successor with ac- 



s Those qualities which had raised Marco Bozzaris so high in the 
Estimation of his countryman, and which would have perhaps led 
tt> his being one day the first in rank as he was in virtue, have been 
Retailed in a spirited sketch of the hero's life, which has appeared in 
the New Monthly Magazine. Nor is it possible to peruse the account 
there given, without fancying that we are reading the life of a Greek 
Captain in the days of Pericles or Phocion. 

The last moment of the Souliote chief must have been greatly 
embittered by the recollection that his wife and children were to be 
teft completely unprovided for. I saw Madam Bozzaris and her two 
fine boys at Ancona, when on my way to Greece last year ; she is a very 
interesting young woman, and was then far advanced in pregnancy. 
Nothing could be more destitute than her situation after the death of 
iier husband, and were it not for the pious and benevolent Metropolitan 
Ignatius, there is reason to fear that the widow of a man whose memory 
may be one day hailed with scarcely less veneration than that of 
Timoleon or Leonidas, would have been reduced to the lowest stage of 
poverty and want. It is scarcely necessary to add, that the provisional 
government has not as yet possessed any means whatever of providing 
'Jot a family which has such irresistible claims on the sympathy of afi 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 277 

clamation. When he had paid the last sad duties to the 
manes of his departed relative, a party of Souliotes were sent 
to convey the body to Missolonghi for sepulture, while the 
remainder of the troops, headed by their new leader, took 
up a position, whence they could watch the future movements 
of the enemy, and prevent his advancing. 

It has been already stated, that the Capitan Pacha's fleet 
had arrived in the waters of Patras, about the middle of 
June. Although the professed object of his visit was to co- 
operate with the military leaders on shore, the latter derived 
very little benefit from his appearance. One of the first 
acts of the Pacha was that of declaring Missolonghi and 
every other port possessed by the Greeks, in a state of rigo- 
rous blockade, although he had neither the courage nor en- 
ergy to enforce it. A number of vessels under the Ionian 
flag were seized at the same time, while several light ships 
had orders to cruise about the islands, to examine all the 
vessels they should meet. Such was the effect of this mea- 
sure, that the whole of the islanders who had any commer- 
cial concerns, regarded themselves in a state bordering on 
close blockade, for being aware of the excesses in which 
Turkish sailors indulged, and that the mere fact of being 
visited by an infidel cruiser, subjected them to a long qua- 
rantine, none of the lonians would venture to sail ; so that 
their commerce was completely interrupted for several 
weeks. The little respect shown to the British flag by the 
barbarians was also most strikingly exemplified in the mur- 
der of six passengers, taken in a boat belonging to Corfu, 
and which sailed from that island soon after the arrival of the 
Turkish fleet at Patras. This vessel was boarded off the 
island of Paxos, and though her papers were perfectly re- 
gular, she was taken into Prevesa, when the passengers were 
brought before Isouf Pacha, then waiting for the contin- 
gents from Albania, and after a short examination he order- 
ed them to be hung up within a (e\v hundred yards of the 
English Consul's door. The motive of this outrage, as well 
as the steps taken to prevent and resent it, are still unknown 
both to the Greeks and lonians, 

Notwithstanding the difficulties which opposed the sailing 
of the Greek fleet, until so late a period of the season, Em- 
manuel Tombasi, the Hydriot admiral, was supplied with a 
body of fifteen hundred men, and a small squadron, with 
which he proceeded to Candia early in June, having been 



278 HISTORY OF THE 

previously named Harmostis,* or Captain General of all 
Crete. Landing near Kisamos on the 6th, he ordered the 
ships to blockade the port, while he should attack the town 
by land. A proposal was, however, first made to the Turk- 
ish garrison to capitulate, and they agreed to accept it ; 
but on hearing that the Capitan Pacha was at sea, they 
retracted, and broke off the parleys which had commenced. 
Being soon after attacked from two batteries, which were 
mounted under the direction of Mr. Hastings, who accom- 
panied the Captain General as head of the artillery, the 
Turks were glad to renew the negotiation, and terms having 
been mutually agreed on, they embarked in their own ships 
next day for Canea, leaving the town without a single in- 
habitant, thus greatly diminishing the risk which the Greeks 
Would have otherwise incurred, of contracting the plague. 

Four Beys were, however, retained as hostages for the 
fulfilment of the terms, which provided, that all the Greeks 
retained in slavery in other parts of the island, should be 
givni up : when the governor of Canea heard of the condi- 
tion, he peremptorily refused to ratify it ; adding, that the 
Greeks were at perfect liberty to do as they pleased with 
men who did not know how to defend the post which had 
been confided to their charge. 

After the fall of Kisamos, Tombasi marched on to the dis- 
trict of Selinon, in the chief town of which the Turks had 
shut themselves up, after being repulsed on all sides by the 
armed peasantry. Besides its high walls and bastions, this 
place is surrounded by thick groves of olive and plane trees, 
which render the approach extremely difficult. The Cap- 
tain General having proposed terms similar to those granted 
at Kisamos, they were rejected, upon which batteries were 
immediately opened on the place : these had not played long, 
when the Turks fled towards Canea, and were pursued to 
the very walls by the detachment of Greeks, who slew num- 
bers. Master of these two points, Tombasi was enabled to 
open a communication with the various other districts which 
had been conducting the war before his arrival, and although 
it was out of his power to furnish them with those supplies, 
of which they stood so much in need ; yet the presence of 
such a force as he brought with him, as well as the recent 
check experienced by the enemy, gave a fresh impulse to the 

• This was the title given by the ancient Spartans to tire governors 
who were entrusted with full powers. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 279 

Exertions of those brave islanders, who had by their own 
gallantry sustained a most unequal contest with the Turks 
for above two years ; and succeeded, without any assistance 
whatever, in driving them into the fortresses. It is true^ 
the Candiotes did not achieve their victories without great 
sacrifices, as it is calculated that above twenty thousand of 
both sexes have perished in this beautiful and prolific Island, 
since the insurrection broke out. 

While the Captain General was organizing a plan of still 
more active operations on shore, his small squadron, under 
the gallant Hydriot Captain, Macromure, greatly distinguish^ 
ed itself before Retimo and Canea, in preventing the entry 
of several Turkish vessels that attempted to throw supplies- 
into those two places. 

With respect to the Capitan Pacha, his naval efforts were 
confined to the declaration of blockade already noticed, 
while a few Greek gun-boats, stationed at the first named 
place, were more than sufficient to set the whole of his vi- 
gilance and power at defiance. There was, in fact, scarcely 
a single instance of any vessels, carrying supplies to the 
Greeks, being intercepted ; whereas several under the Aus- 
trian flag fell into the hands of the Christians. Having re- 
mained in a state of the greatest inactivity for above three 
months, during which time nearly a third of his crews were 
carried off by an epidemic fever, the Turkish admiral sailed 
at length, and made the best of his way towards the Archi- 
pelago. A Greek squadron, which left Hydra early in Sep- 
tember, met the infidel fleet off Mytilene, and sent some fire- 
ships in among them, but without effect, the wind being so, 
high, that the Turkish vessels had time to escape. So far* 
however, from having sustained a defeat, as stated by the 
enemies of the Greek cause, a division of Turkish ships was, 
attacked soon after in the gulph of Volos, and several of 
them were taken or destroyed. As to the Capitan Pacha, 
he did not, as usual, attempt to visit any of the islands, but 
hastened back to the Dardanelles with all possible speed. 

The campaign of 1823 was signalized by two events no 
less advantageous to the Greek cause, than they were ho- 
, nourable to the Greek chararter — the re-occupation of Co- 
| rinth, and defence of Anatolico. Though frequently reduced 
| to great distress for provisions, yet, such was the importance 
attached to the possession of Corinth by the Turks, that they 
I obstinately rejected every overture to surrender, until the 



280 HISTORY OF THE 

latter end of October, when there being no longer any hope 
of receiving the assistance promised by the Capitan Pacha, 
who had thrown a trifling supply into the place on the arri- 
val of the fleet, proposals were made to Staico of Argos, who 
had maintained the blockade ever since he had left the as- 
sault of the Palamida, at Napoli di Romania. This brave 
man immediately repaired to the seat of government, then 
at Napoli, to communicate the circumstance, and to know 
its pleasure : the result was, that he received full powers to 
treat with the garrison, and he returned for this purpose ; 
but Colocotroni, and one or two other chiefs, happening to 
hear of the intended negotiation, repaired to the spot, with 
a view, it is said, of participating in the spoils. No sooner, 
however, did the Turks hear of this, than a flag of truce was 
instantly sent to inform Staico, that they would only open the 
gates to himself and Giorgaki Kizzo : as it was in vain to 
think of reducing the Acropolis by force, there was now no 
alternative but that of acceding to their wishes ; a messen- 
ger was therefore dispatched for the Souliote Chief,* who 

* Giorgaki is brother to Vasilica, the favourite wife of AH Pacha, and 
who was sent to Constantinople after the tyrant's fall. Though dis- 
tinguished for his modesty in private life, and undaunted bravery in the 
field, as well as the purest patriotism, the circumstance of his sister's 
marriage had placed Giorgaki near the person of AH, who always treat- 
ed him with the greatest kindness, and made him the depository of all 
his secrets. It was not, however, until the death of AH, that Giorgaki 
took an active part in the war of regeneration ; when this event oc- 
curred, he repaired to the Morea, with a chosen party of followers, and 
has not been less actively than usefully employed ever since. Having 
accompanied Theriacouli in the hope of being able to enter Kiapha, he 
greatly distinguished himself in the action at Splanza, and was one of 
those who bore off the body of the Spartan chief. 

I had frequent opportunities of seeing Giorgaki while at Tripolizza, 
and was much struck by his modest demeanour and singularly fine coun- 
tenances-full of placidity and virtue. He suffered the greatest uneasi- 
ness on his sister's account, and I was more than once consulted as to 
the best means of extricating that beautiful woman from the hands of the 
infidels. As it occurred to me that a joint application from the Lord High 
Commissioner of the Ionian Islands, and our ambassador at Constantino- 
ple, would have the desired effect, I recommended his addressing him- 
self to those two quarters. All I could do, as a mere traveller, was to 
mention the circumstance to Captain Hamilton, of the Cambrian, and 
I did so, on meeting that gallant officer at Napoli di Romania. As the 
family of Vasilica is one of the most powerful in Epirus, both on the 
side of her late husband and the Souliotes, I trust this matter has al- 
ready attracted the attention of those in whose power it is to obtain her 
liberation. It should be added, that there are about fifteen other in- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 281 

arrived soon after, and entered the Acropolis of Corinth, on 
condition that the Turks might be permitted to depart. This 
being accorded, they were embarked on board some Aus- 
trian vessels, and conveyed to Asia Minor. Disappointed in 
(heir hopes, and stung with mortification at the mean opi- 
nion of their character, implied by the resolution of the infi- 
dels, Colocotroni and his friends were obliged to retrace 
their steps to Tripolizza, which they entered amidst the 
scoffs of the multitude and ridicule of their own soldiers. 

Anatolico is a small town built on a neck of land, about 
three leagues from Missolonghi, at the eastern extremity of 
the gulph which bears its name ; and having nothing for its 
defence but an old dilapidated wall and ditch filled up in 
several places. Of about fifteen hundred inhabitants resi- 
ding here, not more than three hundred were armed, when 
the town was closely invested by the Pacha of Scutari early 
in October, having previously received large reinforcements 
and been joined from Lepanou by Omer Vrioni. As the ul- 
terior object of the enemy was to besiege Missolonghi, Con- 
stantine Bozzaris, unable to cope with such a force as that now 
brought forward, quitted his post at the bridge of Kerasova 
and retired to the former place to prepare for the Pacha's 
reception, whenever he should advance. The discomfiture 
before Anatolico was, however, scarcely less complete than 
that experienced at Missolonghi the preceding year. 

Having established several batteries composed of mortars 
and eighteen pounders, the Turks continued to fire shells 
and shot into the place for above three weeks, during which 
they frequently summoned the inhabitants to surrender, but 
were invariably answered by a brisk cannonade, from the 
few guns which had been mounted in great haste, when the 
enemy appeared, and discharges of musketry. Warned by 
the result of the attempt to assault Missolonghi, the experi- 
ment was not repeated, and having expended the whole of 
their shot and shells, as well as exhausted their stock of pro- 
visions, the Turks retreated in their usual disorder on the 
19th of November, leaving behind a number of guns, and a 
considerable quantity of baggage. The loss of the infidels, 

dividual retained by the Porte, whose enlargement would add greatly 
to our popularity in Albania, without doing the smallest injury to the 
Turkish interests there. To return to Giorgaki, I should add, that he is 
the warm friend and admirer of Prince Mavrocordato, and was one of 
the three stratarGfcs who immortalized themselves with Marco Bozzari* 
at Carpenisa. 

25 



282 HISTORY OF THE 

in the various sorties made from the town, was above fou? 
hundred, while the Greeks had only about fifty killed and 
wounded, although the number of shot and shells thrown 
into the town was estimated at no less than 2,600 : as the 
Turks were also frequently harassed in the rear, by parties 
from the mountains, or who sallied forth from Missolonghi, 
the number of their killed is probably underrated. It should 
be added, that an epidemic fever carried off above twelve 
hundred of the Pacha's army between the period of his de- 
feat at Carpenisa and that of his retreat. The reason for 
attacking Anatolico was, that its possession would have ena- 
bled the Turks to assail Missolonghi by sea. Three gon 
boats had even been prepared by the Pacha, but when com- 
pleted, he could not prevail on any person to embark in them, 
and they were accordingly burnt by his own orders. No- 
thing could exceed the cool and determined bravery of the 
defenders of Anatolico, of whom a hundred and fifty swore a 
solemn oath to each other before the attack commenced, that 
they would bury themselves under its ruins, rather than sur- 
render.* 

* During this siege a singular and fortunate circumstance happened, 
which is mentioned by several writers, and is thus related by Mr. Bla- 
quiere. " Nothing, says he, but a thorough conviction, that the fact I 
am about to relate actually occurred, and my having ascertained its ex- 
act truth from eye witnesses, would have induced me to notice 
such an incident at a time when there are so many attempts to impose 
on public credulity. 

" Being aware that there was neither water nor cisterns in the 
town, one of the first measures of the Turks was to possess them- 
selves of the fountain on Terra Firma, at a distance of nearly two 
miles, where the inhabitants had always drawn their supplies ; so 
that the blockade had not continued many days, before those who 
remained were in the greatest distress, and would have been forced 
to surrender, had not a small supply been occasionally sent from 
Missolonghi during the night. But every further hope was destroyed 
by the enemy placing a strong post and battery close to the narrow 
channel through which the boats had to pass, so that the garrison 
looked forward to their immediate destruction as inevitable, for the 
town was hemmed in on every side, and had been without any com- 
munication with Missolonghi for several days, when a shell from a 
ten inch mortar, entering the front of St. Michael's church, and 
penetrating the flagged pavement, lighted on a source of excellent 
water ! What adds to the singularity of the circumstance is, that a 
few women and children who continued in the town (for the greater 
part had been sent hither) took up their abode in the church, as the 
most secure asylum, and were in it when the shell entered, without 
receiving the least injury. With respect to the water thus miracu- 
lously discovered, it was not only most abundant, but fully equal in 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 28$ 

Such was the end of the third campaign ; and such the 
fate of the formidable armies collected by the Pacha's of 
Scutari and Thessaly. Each of the four divisions which en- 
tered Livadia and Epirus was defeated and dispersed in lit- 
tle more than four months after it took the field, by a few 
detached corps : and unaided Greece was once more saved 
from the horrors to which she would have been exposed had 
the enemy triumphed. For it is well known, that the Turk- 
ish leaders had orders to carry fire and sword before them, 
so that the Greeks were fully aware that in this, as every 
former campaign, they had no alternative between victory 
and extermination.* 

, ft2 o The success of the Greeks during the campaign of 
1822, and 1823, was such as not only to give the 
friends of that afflicted country considerable confidence in 
the new government, but also some reason to hope that 
this struggle for liberty would soon end in triumph and 
independence. But towards the close of this year difficul- 
ties sprung up from a source hardly to be expected. This 
was no less than a disagreement among the heads of the 
Government, which ended in the deposition of some of 
its members, producing want of concert, confusion, and 
anarchy. 

We have already hinted at the disaffection of Colocotroni. 
At the Congress of Astros, Mavromicalis was made Presi- 
dent of the Executive Council, instead of Mavrocordato, 
and Colocotroni, Vice-President of the same body in place of 
Canacaris. 

This body now having at once the civil and military powers 
in their hands, they soon reduced the Senate to total imbecili- 
ty. The Senate indeed, attempted to preserve its authori- 
ty, and was engaged during the remainder of the year in 
checking the abuses of the military government. But such 
was the violence with which the two parties carried on their 
enmity towards each other, that the two former presidents, 
Conduriotti and Mavrocordato were obliged to flee to Hydra, 
while the Senate, supported by the Islands, came to open 
rupture with the Executive. 

Juality to that of the fountain of which the enemy had taken possession, 
t is needless to say that this fortunate coincidence was regarded as a 
miracle in every sense cf the word ; that it saved Anatolico there is no 
doubt." — Blaquiere's Second Visit^. 44. 
* Blaquiere, p. 255-282. 



284 HISTORY OF THE 

The immediate occasion of this disagreement is stated to 
have been as follows. The seat of government had been 
removed from Astros to Tripolizza, and from the latter 
place to Napoli. The law had made it necessary that at 
least three members of the Executive Council should reside 
at the seat of government, that number being required to 
form a quorum for business. This Council, consisting of 
five members, two of which, Colocotroni and Mavromicalis 
being with the army, there remained Count Metaxa, and two 
others for the transaction of affairs. The Count, without 
leave or notice, withdrew himself from the seat of govern- 
ment, thus leaving the Executive in a state of political in- 
competency. For this act he was prosecuted, judged, and 
dismissed from his office,* John Coletti being nominated to 
fill his place. The minister of finance was also tried and 
dismissed for having, without authority, established a salt 
monopoly. Four representatives, in like manner, were turn- 
ed out of their places for not attending to certain duties when 
called on to do so. 

The Executive, irritated by these vigorous acts of justice, 
sent Nikitas and young Colocotroni to Argos, where the 
Congress was sitting, with two hundred men, to ask an expla- 
nation of such conduct. On their arrival, they proceeded to 
the house of Assembly, and found that the members had 
iust terminated their sitting. The Senate, however, was in 
session, and thither they found admittance, soon filling the 
house with armed soldiers. Nikitas, in an attitude of defi- 
ance, questioned this body as to their conduct in removing 
Count Metaxa, and the minister of finance, from office. — 
They, in reply, accused the Count of neglect of duty, and 
the minister of establishing the salt monopoly without or- 
ders. Nikitas then threatened to make law with his sword, 
and declared he would establish a military government. Af- 
ter much angry debate, it was agreed that the house should 
meet in the afternoon to consider what course should be 
taken. Meanwhile the soldiers were ordered to seize on the 
archives of the legislature, which was accordingly done. — 
The members hearing of this outrage, ordered the Capitani, 
who were at the head of the police to recover these records, 
which order was put into execution with admirable courage 

* Stanhope's Letters, p. 43, 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 285 

and address.* The Capitani, it is said, contrived to intoxicate 
Nikitas' principal officers in the evening, and then wrested 
from them the archives of the houses. 

After this affair the legislative hody transferred their sit- 
tings to Crandidi, a place situated at the extremity of the 
Argolic Peninsula, near Spezzia. Here the Executive 
issued two proclamations ; the first containing a defence of 
their conduct, but expressing no regret for what had happen- 
ed, and the second called on the representatives of the nation 
to send deputies -to confer with them and to settle their 
difficulties. 

The legislative body finding however that the disorders 
went on increasing, oanie to the determination of effecting 
an entire change in the Executive. 

Colocotroni, Col. Stanhope states, had already tendered 
his resignation ; Metaxa, as we have seen, was dismissed, 
and the other three members were tried and judged singly 
and dismissed, according to the language of the Consti- 
tution. 

Having thus dissolved the old Executive, the house pro- 
ceeded to the nomination of the new, when the following 
persons were chosen and inducted into office. As presi- 
dent Conduriotti, of Hydra ; and as members, Coletti, a phy- 
sician, Botesi, a Spezziot admiral, and Nicolo Londos of 
Patras, a fifth not being chosen. The following are the 
charges of which the members of the late Executive were 
found guilty, by a commission of nine members of the legis- 
lative body. 1st. For having misapplied the funds of the 
land and sea forces. 2d. For having allowed two members 
to carry on the functions of the Executive. 3d. For promo- 
ting officers contrary to law. 4th. For having sold the can- 
non taken at Napoli, without consulting the representatives. 
5th. For uniting the cantons of St. Pierre and Prastas, with- 
out consulting the legislative body. 6th. For selling Turkish 
slaves contrary to law. 7th. For having proclaimed the sale 
of the national property without the consent of the legisla- 
tive body. Sth. For allowing the finance minister to estab- 
lish a monopoly of salt. 9th. For sending M. Metaxa, a 
member of the Executive, to Carilis, and leaving the su- 
preme body of the state with only two persons, and from 
that period having avoided all correspondence with the legis- 
lative body, 10th. For having allowed M. Metaxa to act 

* Stanhope's Letters. 
25* 



286 HISTORY OP THE 

as a member of the Executive, after he had been sentenced 
to dismissal by the commission of the legislative body. 
11th. For not having acknowledged M. Coletti as a member 
of the Executive, after he had been chosen by the legislative 
body. 12th. For having allowed an armed body to depart 
from Napoli, and to act against the legislative body at Argos, 

These charges, and the dismissal of the members of the 
late Executive, were published in a proclamation issued by 
the presidents of the new Executive and legislative bodies.* 

Of the characters and qualifications of the members of 
the new Executive, we can give only a few short notices, 
gleaned from various sources. 

Of the President, Conduriotti, Count Pecchio says, he was 
neatly habited in the costume of his island (Hydra) sitting 
on a sofa a la Turque, counting the beads of a Compolojo. 
As he speaks no foreign language, our conversations, when- 
ever we met, were short and unimportant. The Condu- 
riotti family is certainly the richest in Hydra. His property 
is said to amount to a million. At the commencement of the 
revolution, this family contributed very important sums of 
money for the support of the navy ; and this sacrifice, with 
the reputation of being an excellent citizen, raised him to 
the first rank in the government. From that time, however, 
his fame has been on the decline. He was formerly esteem- 
ed a man of firmness, but experience has proved him obsti- 
nate rather than firm. His integrity is without blemish, bu$ 
he is accused of partiality towards his own friends, and the 
Hydriots his countrymen. 

Botasi, Botazi, or Boutasi, as he is called by different wri- 
ters, the Vice President, is described by Mr. Emerson, to 
be an honest Spezziot, not overstocked with intelligence, but 
bearing a high character for honour and principle. 

Andrea Metaxa is a Cephalonian, who gained a consider- 
able reputation as a soldier in consequence of his brave de- 
fence of Antolico. At the beginning of the revolution he 
passed over into the Morea, joined the insurgents, and was 
ultimately outlawed by the Ionian government. Col. Stan- 
hope says he is a sly politician, who raised himself and injur- 
ed his country by his cunning. Cristides, the fifth member 
who was chosen after the others, was acting Secretary when 
Mr. Humphreys was at Napoli, who describes him as an ac- 
tive intriguing man. 
/ 

* Stanhope's Letters. Letter 3$, 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 2S7 

"Ofthe members ofthe executive," Mr. Emerson says," that 
John Colletti, a physician by profession, and as such, former- 
ly in the pay of Ali Pacha, is by far the most clever and in- 
telligent. Of his sterling patriotism, however, there are few 
in the Morea, or even among his own countrymen, who are 
not rather sceptical. The exactions which have been car- 
ried on in Roumelia by his agents, and with his approbation, 
have rendered him odious to the people whom he represents ; 
and his intriguing spirit, forbidding countenance, and repul- 
sive manners, have gained him, both with the Moreotes, and 
with foreigners, a character for cunning, avarice, and dan- 
gerous ambition. Nevertheless, his acknowledged talents 
have given him such an ascendancy with the president, and 
with the executive body, that he may be considered as the 
spring of its movements."* 

The ex-president, Colocotroni, was visited by Mr. Wad- 
dington, who gives the following description of what he saw : 

" I have presented nvyself three or four times at the le- 
vees of Colocotroni, and have received from him repeated 
assurances of his peculiar respect for the English nation, 
and his attachment to its individual members ; and, in fact, 
he immediately provided me with an excellent lodging, 
which I could not otherwise have procured. These profes- 
sions amuse me the more, as the old hypocrite is notorious- 
ly anti-Anglican, and is continually and publicly accusing 
the British government of designs to occupy and enslave 
the Morea. His manners, however, to do him justice, are 
utterly devoid of urbanity, and, like his countenance and 
dress, are precisely those which be-t become a distinguished 
captain of banditti. His court seems to consist of about fif- 
teen capitani, who seat themselves on the sofa which lines 
three sides of his spacious hall ; from the walls are suspend- 
ed Turkish muskets, curiously inlaid, with many valuable 
pistols and sabres. His capitani are as filthy a crew as I 
ever beheld, and for the most part, ill-looking and very mean- 
ly attired; but the most miserably starving wretch that I 
fcave observed among them is a papas, or priest, bonneted 
and bearded, but still military. Their usual covering for 
the head is nothing more than the red cap of the country ; 
but there are generally two or three of the party who think 
proper, from whatsoever feeling of vanity, to burden them- 
selves with extremely large and shapeless turbans. Colo- 
icotroni takes little notice of any of them, and seldom rises at 

* Emerson's Journal; 



288 HISTORY OF THE 

their entrance. The fourth side of the room was occupied 
by a number of soldiers, who remain standing. Upon some 
Occasion, Colocotroni thought proper to command them to 
retire ; they obeyed reluctantly and slowly, and in a very 
few minutes returned in parties of two or three, and re-occu- 
pied their station. Count Pecchio adds his testimony of the 
savage appearance of the same personage, after his exile to 
Hydra. He says, * when I beheld Colocotroni sitting amidst 
ten of his companions, prisoners of state, and treated with 
respect by his guards, I called to mind the picture that Tasso 
draws of Satan in the council of the devils. His neglected 
grey hairs fell upon his broad shoulders, and mingled with 
his rough beard, which, since his imprisonment, he has al- 
lowed to grow as a mark of grief and revenge. His form is 
rugged and vigorous, his eyes full of fire, and his martial and 
savage figure resembled one of the sharp grey rocks which 
are scattered throughout the Archipelago.' "* 

Petro Bey, (Mavromicalis) is a fat, dull, well-looking per- 
sonage, who is -ddicted to no particular class of political 
©pinions, and appears peculiarly unenlightened by any sort 
©f foreign information ; he is understood to have made great 
progress, (for an oriental,) in the science of gastronomy ; and 
is believed to be willing to embrace any form of government 
which will leave him riches, and give him peace, abundance, 
and security. 

Near the' close of the year 1823, the Rt. Hon. Col. Stan- 
hope, a young Englishman, of ability, arrived at Missolonghi, 
as agent for the Greek committee of London, and on the 5th 
©f January, 1824, Lord Ryron arrived at the same place. 

His Lordship's arrival had been long and anxiously expect- 
ed, and he was received with military honours, and the ac- 
clamations of the people. Mavrocordato had previously ar- 
rived from Hydra, being appointed by the legislative body to 
(he government of western Greece. He proceeded to sum- 
mon a congress at Missolonghi, consisting of primates and 
^captains of the province, at which several wise and salutary 
angulations were adopted. 

A surly misunderstanding still existed between the execu- 
tive and legislative bodies. The latter is accused of not 
liaving fulfilled their engagements, particularly in regard to 
the fitting out of sixty ships, and the employment of 12,00ft 
sailors, f 

The Greeks and Turks continued to engage each other at 

* Count Pecchie's Journal. t Stanhope's Letter, 1% 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 289 

sea as opportunity offered. On the 10th of December, a 
Turkish oris? was pursued by a number of Greek vessels, and 
after a gallant defence, was driven on shore near Ithica, 
when the Greeks proceeded to rifle her. The Turks were 
pursued, and some of them killed, while others escaped. 
This vessel had on board 250,000 piastres for the payment 
of the Turkish troops at Patras, all of which fell into the 
hands of the Greeks.* 

* According to Mr. Green, the wounded Turks found on board this 
vessel were put to death in the most wanton and brutal manner, and 
those who landed were pursued and killed without mercy. " Captain 
Knox, says he, the resident, assisted by the military, succeeded in sav- 
ing numbers of the Turks, and on his approach the Greek assassins 
hastily re-embarked. The survivors have been treated with the 
greatest kindness by the local government." 

It appears that the government of the Ionian Isles, or some of its 
members, considered their neutrality violated, since the above action 
took place on their waters, and in consequence the following proclama- 
tion was issued : 

Corfu. 20th December, 1823. 

" Whereas, on the 10th and 12th instant, one of the most flagrant 
violations of territory took place in the islands of Santa Maura and 
Ithica, on the part of some Greek armed vessels, which were under the 
command of a person styling himself Prince Mavrocordato, and that in 
opposition to every recognized principle of neutrality and the rights (A 
nations ; his Excellency, the Lord Hisrh Commissioner of his Britannic 
Majesty, finds himself, with profound regret, compelled to order that 
the two above named islands be immediately placed, as regards the 
other Ionian Islands, in a quarantine of thirty days. The Inspector-Ge- 
neral of the Health Department at Corfu, is charged to transmit imme- 
diately the necessnr'. orders to this effect. 

His Excellency feels the deepest affliction for the inconveniences and 
losses which must necessarily result from a similar measure; and that 
which renders it so much more dreadful is, that an attempt to compro- 
mise and insult the Ionian Government, placed under the exclusive pro- 
tection of his Britannic Majesty, was least to be expected from men who 
declare themselves fighting 1 for their own liberty, and who would thus 
render this government, if the act had been passed over in silence, ac- 
cessory to those terrible misfortunes and odious atrocities, which on 
this, and many other occasions, have marked the conduct of the parties 
engaged in the present warfare. 

By order of his Excellency, 

(Signed) Frederick Hankky. ' 

After the extracts we have before made from Mr. Consul Green's 
book, we shall leave to our readers to inquire, what would have been 
the language of that gentleman, had the Turks, under the same cir- 
cumstances, taken a Greek vessel, and, as he terms it, assassinated the 
crew. The Turks crave the signal for a war of extermination, not by 
putting to death soldiers taken in arms against them, but by the de- 
liberate murder of the dignitaries of the Greek church at Constantino- 
ple. It is not in the nature of the most civilized men to bear sucli in- 
juricfs without retaliation. 



2&0 HISTORY OF THE 

1 Lord Byron, it appears, during his passage from Cepha- 
Ionia, very narrowly escaped falling into the hands of the 
Turks. The vessel which carried his Lordship was found 
Carly in the morning of the 30th December, to be surround- 
ed by a Turkish squadron, which had unexpectedly come out 
Of the Gulph of Lepanto. His vessel was hailed, and order- 
ed to send her boat on board the Turkish commander, but 
\>y superior sailing she finally escaped. 

At the meeting of the Congress before mentioned, Mavro- 
Cordato, the President, opened the session by a spirited 
Speech. " He said he had heard with delight, on his arrival 
here, that the patriot warriors of Western Greece had driven 
the enemy from their soil, and had thereby saved Missolonghi 
and Peloponnesus from pest, death, and ruin. With no less 
delight did he see these persons assembled to deliberate on 
the state of Greece. He could not but anticipate their un- 
dertakings, in civil as in military affairs, would be attended 
With advantage. With respect to union of sentiments, it was 
pot to be met with in private, or in public assemblies : but 
When the end was good, the collision of sentiment tended to 
enlighten men, and to promote the common interest. Pas- 
sion and civil discord were alone the sources of mischief. 
For a proof of this it was not necessary to cite history — the 
facts were before their eyes ; and from their past sufferings 
they should learn to be wiser for the future. Greece, in- 
deed, had nothing to fear from the enemy. She had con- 
founded the Turk even when disunited. But united, she 
had pushed her advantages still further — had saved her soil 
from desolation, and her resources from ruin. The prince 
thought not with those who traced discord and disunion to 
poverty. On the contrary, he considered that Greece did 
possess resources equal to the drain occasioned by the war, 
jf well husbanded. But if she did not possess sufficient 
wealth, was it by disunion that wealth was to be obtained 1 
Surely not. For who would lend when he knows not to 
whom he lends, and whom to look to for his capital ? He then 
observed, that the illustrious person [Lord Byron] whom the 
people had brought to Missolonghi, by their repeated calls, 
could be of no use to them, unless they acted with union and 
friendship. All good depended on themselves. With 
union they required no individual aid ; without it no aid could 
be effectual. There was, said he, a report abroad, which 
he must repel as a calumny. It had been rumoured, that 
Western Greece wished to separate her interests from those 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 291 

of the Morea. It was not so : but if the latter possessed re* 
sources beyond her wants, it was but just that she should 
contribute to a war carried on for the defence of our out- 
works. If, as has been asserted, the revenue of the Moreit 
had been squandered and pillaged, the people had a right to 
demand redress from the government, or rather, they should 
give the government the force necessary to effect the object. ,? 
Prince Mavrocordato then recommended the meeting to ap- 
point a Secretary, and two or three members from each can- 
ton to form committees, to make reports for the acceptance, 
correction, or rejection of the general assembly. With re- 
spect to his own sentiments, they should be publicly can- 
vassed. He then again recommended friendship and union, 
which could alone save the commonwealth, and concluded 
by moving the following questions : " 1st. What are the 
means to check mal-administration in the cantons — to prevent 
the fields from being wasted, and to secure to the husbandman, 
the fruits of his labour 1 2d. What force should be main- 
tained, and how should the money and rations be furnished ? 
3d. How should our military measures be conducted so as 
to promote the general good ? 4th. How regulate the dues 
of the Capitani, so as to prevent misunderstanding amongst 
them ? 5th. Wliat means should be employed to effect a 
general union, and give force to the government V 9 All pre- 
sent were quiet, and conducted themselves admirably.* 

Great expectations were entertained that the influence 
of Lord Byron would not only effect a reconciliation be- 
tween the contending parties which divided the forces and 
distracted the councils of Greece, but that his talents and his 
name would give vigour and success to the operations of the 
war. He professed himself of no party, recommended con- 
ciliation and union, and soon after his arrival took into his 
pay 500 Suliots. These he intended to discipline in the Eu- 
ropean tactics, and began by placing himself at their head, as 
military chief. 

In addition to the Suliots, the government placed under 
his command 3000 troops, which were designed to act 
against Lepanto, which was then in the hands of the Turks. 
It was however afterwards reported to his Lordship that this 
expedition must fail for the present, in consequence of want 

* Stanhope, Letter 21. 



292 HISTORY OP THE 

of funds, and the munitions of war.* Meanwhile the Su- 
Hots became turbulent in consequence of the inability of 
government to pay them their arrears, and Lord Byron, in 
consequence of provocation, and over-excitement from wit- 
nessing such conduct, was seized with an alarming fit.f-— 
One of the Suliots, in an affray, shot an officer, Captain Sass, 
and killed him on the spot. Indeed the conduct of these 
semi-barbarians was such as to disappoint all expectations of 
their being of use to the army. Lord Byron, in order to 
surmount the difficulties concerning pay, advanced from his 
own funds the sums they required ; but afterwards, when, 
preparations were completed for marching against Lepanto, 
these men very coolly refused to advance towards that 
place, saying "they were not used to fight against, stone walls." 
Arta was then proposed, as a fit place for the exercise of 
their arms, but neither place was molested, and the prepara- 
tions were relinquished. While these things were trans- 
acting, Col. Stanhope was carrying on his plan of regenera- 
ting Greece by means of newspapers and posts, with great 
zeal. His exertions, and subscriptions for the support of a 
Corps of artillery, also deserve the highest encomiums. His 
jproposal to establish schools in different parts of Greece for. 
the education of youth ; his plan of a hospital, and dispensa- 
ry for the sick and wounded ; and his exertions and advice 
in favor of a reconciliation and union among the chiefs, were 
all objects worthy a generous man and a vigorous mind. 

* In order to show what amount of military stores were available 
41 that time at Missolonghi, we extract the following report of the 
committee of war, convened by Lord Byron for the purpose of ascer- 
taining whether there was a sufficiency to warrant the besieging oi 
Le panto. 
f This Committee reported as follows : — 

There are 45 cannons, viz : one of 48, one of 36, two of 22, fdur 
<5f 18, of which three are howitzers, one of 16, four of 12, five of 9, 
two of 7, fifteen of 6, and nine of 4 ; also one mortar of 40 lb. calibre. 

There are 200 balls of 48 lbs., one hundred of 36, one hundred and fifty 
of 22, three hundred of 18, fifty of 16, and eighty of 12. Of canister 
shot there are about 3300 lbs. ; one hundred howitzer balls of 18, and 
about twenty shells of 40 lbs. 

Powder, about 6600 lbs., musket balls, 22 cases and 3000 cartridges. 
Read, 4500 lbs. 

Working Tools, about 30, viz : 10 hatchets and 10 wheel barrows,— 
gadders none, nor any thing but green wood to make them of. 

Gun Carriages, all require repair. 

On this report, the committee were of opinion that the articles spe* 
eined were not sufficient to warrant the siege of Lepanto. 

| Stanhope, Letter 39. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 29a 

Col. Stanhope, after many difficulties, and considerable 
delay, finally established two newspapers, viz. : the " Hel- 
lenic Chronicle," at Missolonghi, and the " Athens Free 
Press," at Athens. A laboratory for the manufacture of 
warlike articles was also established at Missolonghi, partly 
through his influence.* 

From the beginning of the revolution, the poverty of the 
government was the greatest obstacle to its progress. To 
remedy this great evil, a proposition had been made to the 
London capitalists by the provisional government of Greece, 
and a loan had been negociated, by subscription, to the 
amount of 800,000/. sterling, to be paid by instalments. — 
The first instalment, amounting to 40,000/. in sovereigns and 
dollars, arrived at Zante, under the charge of Edward Bla- 
quiere, Esq. in the month of April, 1824. The loan was 
consigned to Mr. Samuel Barff, a highly respectable Eng- 
lish merchant, of Zante, and M. Logotheti, a native of the- 
island, and to be retained by them until they should receive 
an order for its delivery from the commissioners who were 
appointed for its application. These commissioners were 
Lord Byron, Lazzaro Conduriotti of Hydra, and Mr. Gordon 
of England. Col. Stanhope was authorized to act in the 

* This establishment, of such invaluable consequence to Greece, 
where nothing of the kind before existed, was sent from the Greek 
Committee of London. On its arrival the following communication was 
made to the Greek government through Mavrocordato. 

To Prince Mavrocordato. 

Missolonghi, 5th Feb. 1824. 
Prince, — We have the honour to inform you that the Greek Com- 
mittee of England has sent out to Greece a complete laboratory 
establishment, which is now fixed at Missolonghi. The committee, in 
this as in all its measures, are anxious to promote the knowledge and 
freedom of Greece. The laboratory establishment is capable of 
manufacturing all the materials of war, either in naval or military 
departments. The artisans can construct vessels of all descriptions ; 
they can found cannons, mortars, and howitzers; also shot shells, 
and spherical case shot; they can make carriages of all kinds; like- 
wise gun powder, Congreve rockets, and all sorts of inflammable fires' 
the fire-master undertakes to give instructions in the practice of 
artillery, in projecting shells and rockets, and in the whole art of 
manufacturing the materials for war. In a word, this laboratory may 
be considered not only as a useful source of supplying warlike stores, 
but as a model and a school. 

Your Excellency's most devoted servants, 

(Signed) NOEL BYRON, 

LEICESTER STANHOPE. 
[Stanhope. Letter 35.] 
26 



294 HISTORY OF THE 

place of Mr. Gordon, until the latter gentlemen should arrive 
in Greece. A few days before the arrival of Mr. Blaquiere 
with the loan, Lord Byron died.* This was a most disas- 
trous event to the welfare of Greece, and the progress of the 
revolution; for besides destroying at once the expectations 
which his exertions in the cause of Greece had raised, his 
death invalidated the commission for the application of the 
loan, and thus prevented the delivery of the money. It ap- 
pears that the Greek Committee of London, in the appoint- 
ment of commissioners to appropriate the funds, had made 
no provision in case of the death or disability of one of the 
individuals, that another should take his place. On the 
death of Lord Byron, therefore, the commission was dis- 
solved, and Messrs. Barffand Logotheti could not deliver the 
'money without violating their instructions from the London 
capitalists. As if a fatality attended this whole transaction, 
a proclamation issued by the Provisional Government, in 
which Zante and Cerigo were inadvertently mentioned as 
the depots for the future instalments of the loan, had the 
effect of eliciting a counter proclamation from the Ionian 
government, by which it was declared, that the transfer of the 
money sent to Zante for the Greeks, would be considered as 
a breach of neutrality, and would expose the offenders to all 
the pains and penalties denounced by the edict promulgated 
by Sir Thomas Maitland in 1822. Thus was the loan, on 
which the fate of Greece seemed nearly to depend, locked 
up within sight of her mutinous soldiery, and insolvent go- 
vernment, at the very moment when its delivery would have 
done the most good, and its delay the most injury to the 
cause of Greece. At that very moment a formidable expe- 
dition was preparing at Alexandria against Greece. The 
Turkish fleet was actually at sea, and an army of 60,000 men 
were marching towards Solona, destined to cross over to the 
Morea to co-operate with the Egyptian troops. The con- 
tractors who had engaged to supply rations for the troops 
at Missolonghi, now refused to fulfil their engagements, not 
knowing when, or if /ever they should be paid ; while the Su- 
liots became so ungovernable as to keep the town in a state 
of anxiety and alarm, and rendered Mavrocordato's condition 
not only extremely embarrassing, but even attended with 
personal hazard, "f 

* The particulars of his Lordship's sickness and death will be found 
in the Appendix. 
^ | The. Suliots, it will be remembered, were the most heroic antt 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 205- 

Colocotroni and the military party had always been averse 
(o the loan, pretending to consider it as an equivalent for the 
sale of the Morea. They had sent an emissary named Peru- 
ca, to England, for the express purpose of dissuading the 
British capitalists from lending their money to the Greeks. 
This man proceeded as far as Corfu for the purpose of ob- 
taining a passage to England, but owing to some circum- 
stances connected with his character, the authority of that 
island would not suffer him to land, and thus the mission en- 
tirely failed. On the arrival of the money at Zante, another 
attempt was made by the anti-patriots to prevent its delivery, 
on the ground that the military party might yet prevail, in 
which case the present government would be replaced by a 
new order of things, in which event the new government 
could not be holden to repay. At the same time a report 
was spread that the money was to be sent back to England. 
The fact was, that the anti-patriots saw that they were mined 
If they could not prevent, in some way or other, the money 
from going into the hands of the Government, since such an 
accession to their power, would at once give them an entire 
ascendancy. 



unconquerable of all the mountain clans, and yet by treachery, and 
numbers, their cities were taken, and their country destroyed ; the 
few that escaped being obliged to seek refuge wherever it was to 
be found. They were indeed a nation without a country. They 
had suffered the greatest hardships and privations, and their women 
and children, at the time of which we are speaking, were without 
homes, and probably without food. They had strong claims on the 
government, and their disappointment in not receiving their pay af- 
ter having waited for many months, had made them restive and fe- 
rocious. Col. Stanhope impressed the necessity of allotting them a 
district of country on the government, long before, and Bozzaris, 
one of their leaders, told Mr. Blaquiere, that all they required was 
an asylum for their families, and the means of existence. At length, 
when Mr. Blaquiere advanced 10,000 dollars on his own responsibility, 
towards their payment, this trifling sum not only enabled Mavrocor- 
dato to put the Suliots in motion, but to strengthen several important 
points on the northern frontier. 

* The greatest apprehensions were entertained in consequence of 
the delay of the loan. Col. Stanhope writes to Mr. Bowring, (Let- 
ter C3) " The legislative and executive bodies, indeed all the people, 
think that the loan will save Greece, if it arrives in time. Every 
preparatory measure has been taken towards the proper disposal of 
the money. The only danger is, that it should fall into the hands of 
a few individuals, and be appropriated to their particular interests " 
Mr. Blaquiere writes, " I am in a state of infinite perplexity. Such 
ft the state of that place, (Missolonghi) and the position of poor Mav- 



30G HISTORY OF THE 

At length instructions were received from England to 
place the money, without conditions, at the disposal of the 
Greek government. But it was now too late to remedy many 
of the disastrous effects of delay, and the want of precaution 
in delivering the money became a fresh source of calamity. 
The first supply arrived at Napoli in July, and 90,000 dol- 
lars were paid over to the fleet, the remainder being distri- 
buted to the army. Each one obtained as much as he could, 
some got little or nothing, and few were satisfied. Among 
others, Ulysses, not finding his demand complied with, made 
a seizure of what government money he could find, dis- 
banded his troops, and retired to mount Parnassus. 



CHAP. XX. 



Campaign of 1824. — Loss of Ipsara, and barbarities com- 
mitted there. — Italian and Maltese Sailors assist the Turks. — 
Greeks stimulated to action in consequence of the toss of 
Ipsara. — Triumph of the Turks of short duration. — Jit- 
tempt of the Turks on Samos. — Loss of a Turkish fri- 
gate. — Turks confounded by the boldness and skill of the 
Greeks. — Capitan Pacharetreats. — Western Greece. — Mili- 
tary operations there. — The Campaign on the whole suc- 
cessful to the Greeks. — Dissentions in the JVIorea. — The 
Porte prepares for the next campaign. — Operations at Can- 
dia. — Favourable aspect of Greece. — End of the Civil Dis- 
cords. 

IR24 ^ HE cam P a ig n °f 1824 was opened on the part of 
the Turks by the destruction of Ipsara. The ac- 
count of this awful tragedy we extract from Mr. Blaquiere, 
our principal guide in the History of the Revolution. 

On the arrival of Mr. Blaquiere at Napoli di Romania on 
the 8th of July, he found the whole of the Legislative As- 
sembly convened there, for the purpose of conferring with 
the Executive relative to the frightful catastrophe of Ipsara, 
from which ill-fated Island, two deputies had that morning 
arrived, who confirmed the news before received, of its de- 
struction, and demanded immediate succour. 

racordato, that he writes, to say his life will be endangered if money be 
not instantly sent over to pay the troops, especially the Suhots, who 
have become quite ungovernable." 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 297 

It is almost needless to say that the above disastrous news 
spread general consternation, approaching to panic, among 
the members of the government and legislative body ; its ef- 
fect was not less acute when circulated among the people. 
If ever the patriots entertained a doubt of the final success 
of their cause, it was probably at this moment. As if, how- 
ever, that Providence, which had enabled Greece to triumph 
over so many difficulties, was still watching over her, the in- 
telligence from Ipsasa was accompanied by the announce- 
ment of two other events, which could not fail to afford in- 
finite consolation to all parties. These were the sailing of 
the fleet from Hydra, and arrival at Zante of a person sent 
out from England, with instructions to BarfT and Logotheti, 
to deliver up the money deposited in their hands. 

The great obstacle to the departure of the Greek fleet has 
always arisen from the inability of government to make the 
usual advances of pay to the seamen for the support of their 
families while absent. The capitalists of Hydra, and its 
sister island Spezzia, had made such frequent sacrifices in 
this way, that they were no longer able to continue them, 
and it is probable that the arrival of the money at Zante may 
have rendered them somewhat less inclined to do so. Thus 
it was, that although fifty ships were ready for sea soon after 
my arrival in the Ionian Islands, the necessary funds 
could not be procured to meet the demands of their crews. — 
No sooner, however, had the catastrophe of Ipsara been 
made known, than the whole population of Hydra assembled 
at the port, and proceeding in a body to the convent where 
the local government meets, vehemently insisted on the pri- 
mates, and other rich men of the island, coming forward, and 
that, by way of example, they had already made a beginning 
among themselves. This appeal was irresistible, the funds 
were instantly forthcoming ; and from this moment up to the 
period of my quitting Napoli di Romania, the Greek seamen 
appear to have been animated by a degree of energy and 
spirit altogether unknown during any previous year of the 
war. 

Having stated the object of our visit to the government, and 
received its thanks for the interest we took in the Greek 
cause, Lord Charles* and myself returned to the apart- 
ments which had been kindly prepared for us by M. Coletti. 

* Lord Charles Murray, a young English nobleman accompanied 
Mr . Blaquiere on this occasion. 

26* 



298 HISTORY OF THE 

The first object of our solicitude was to ascertain all the 
particulars we could of the attack of Ipsara. As these I am 
about to relate, were communicated by deputies, who had 
witnessed the event, they are probably the most authentic 
yet recorded relative to that direful tragedy. 

It having been fully proved by the experience of the pre- 
ceding campaigns, that nothing but the destruction of 
the naval power of Greece could ever enable the Porte 
to regain any part of its former ascendency, the whole 
of its attention was directed to this point, so that, as stated 
in the letters I received from Prince Mavrocordato while at 
Zante, an attack on the naval islands was to form the prima- 
ry object of the campaign * For this purpose, a large na- 
val and military force had begun to collect at Mytilene 
early in April. Owing, however, to the slowness of their 
operations, the Turkish armament did not complete its pre- 
parations before the latter end of May. The activity and 
boldness displayed by the Ipsariots during the contest, no 
less then their vicinity to the Dardanelles, made them singu- 
larly obnoxious to the Porte ; nor would it have been pru- 
dent to leave such a formidable source of annoyance in the 
rear during the projected naval campaign. It was therefore 
determined that this island should be the first point of at- 
tack. Of all the naval islands, the military organization of 
Ipsara made it least vulnerable to the enemy. Besides the 
whole male population capable of bearing arms, amounting 
to nearly two thousand five hundred men, there was a corps 
of Albanian Greeks, and about fifteen hundred of the fugi- 
tives from Scio, formed into companies. Batteries had 
been constructed on every point of the island at which a 
landing was thought possible, and as very early information 
reached the local authorities, of the intended attack, every 
means within theijLreach were adopted to repel the assail- 



* Previous to the grand attack on Ipsara, a smaller armament had 
been sent against those islands which, without being formidable, had 
been distinguished for their hostility to the Ottomans. At Scopolo, 
near the Gulph of Volos, the enemy was repulsed with great loss, and 
after several attempts to land. The infidels were, however, more fortu- 
nate at Cassos, a small island near the east end of Candia, which, like 
Ipsara, had acquired considerable wealth by the enterprising industry 
of its inhabitants. Here the Turks succeeded in effecting a landing ; 
and though subsequently forced to retreat, they were enabled to carry 
off a large quantity of booty, and destroy several of the vessels which lay 
in the^iarhour. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 299 

aftts. The whole of the ships being recalled, their rudders 
were taken away, and a few Sciots placed on board to take 
care of them, in order that the seamen might be able to de- 
vote their exclusive energies to the defence of their native 
island. Besides the batteries, which were provided with 
ammunition and well manned, Cotta, a chief of Olympus, 
was posted at the most accessible point, though one at which 
it was not expected that any attempt would be made to 
land. 

Aware that nothing but an overwhelming force could 
make any impression on the island, the Capitan Pacha's 
preparations were of the most formidable description. The 
Turkish fleet was descried from the heights on the 1st of 
June, in the forenoon : on approaching somewhat nearer, it 
was found to consist of two ships of the line, eight frigates, 
four corvettes, forty brigs, and nearly 200 smaller vessels fit- 
ted up as gun boats, and with mortars, a species of force 
which the enemy are said to have adopted at the suggestion 
of some of their friends comprising the foreign legations at 
Constantinople. 

The whole of the ships and vessels were filled with 
troops, and it had indeed been communicated by a Greek 
resident at Mytilene, that not less than 24,000 picked men 
were embarked in the expedition. 

The firing from the enemy commenced on the northern 
side of the island, at four in the afternoon, and was returned 
with considerable effect from the batteries ; it ceased on the 
part of the Turks about eight o'clock, after which they 
seemed to be retiring ; this did not, however, prevent the 
islanders from taking every precaution, and increasing the 
means of defence ; the posts were visited, and all the lead- 
ers enjoined to be vigilant. It was while the inhabitants, 
placed for the defence of the town, fancied the enemy had 
in reality withdrawm, that numbers of the troops stationed 
in the remote points, came rushing in, early the following 
morning, and stated, that owing to the treachery of Cotta, 
the Turks had effected a landing in the night, and having di- 
vided into three columns, one of these was at that moment 
approaching the town. It appeared, on further inquiry, 
that the enemy contrived to disembark w T ith such silence, 
that a large body of troops posted on a height not far from 
the spot, knew nothing of the circumstance until day-light,. 
When, to their utter astonishment, they beheld the Turks 
cfrawn tip in great numbers on (be neighbouring hills. 



300 HISTORY OF THE 

While one of the divisions marched towards the town, the 
other two advanced to attack the batteries, and from taking 
them in the rear, they found very little difficulty in carrying 
them, and putting the Greeks to the sword. Those destined 
to attack the town did not reach it before noon ; on enter- 
ing, they began to cut down all who came in their way, so 
that neither men, women, or children were spared at the 
first onset. There has been no exaggeration in the state- 
ment, that numbers of the Ipsariot mothers, rather than fall 
into the hands of the barbarians, rushed to the nearest 
rocks, and dashing their infants into the surge below, plunged 
after them, and thus ended their own sufferings, as well as 
those of their offspring.* 

After a contest of some hours, in which the Ipsariots, see- 
ing their wives and children perishing without any hope of 
saving them, they at length determined to try and gain their 
ships. Accordingly, a part of the inhabitants rushed to- 
wards the port, while the rest, together with a body of 500 
Albanians, shut themselves up in fort St. Nicholas, which 
formed the principal defence of the town. What was the 
surprise and horror of the former, on perceiving that those 
who were left in charge of the ships, panic-struck by what 
they saw passing on shore, had cut the cables and suffered 
the vessels to drift before the wind out to sea, without sails 
or rudders. It may be readily imagined how much this ad- 
ded to the confusion. There was not, however, a moment 
to be lost, and as it was out of the question to attempt saving 
all the fugitives, those who succeeded in reaching the port, 
rushed into the first boats they could find, while hun- 
dreds of the women and children were seen stretching out 
their hands, vainly calling upon their husbands and fathers 
for succour. Many plunged into the waves and were drown- 
ed in attempting to reach the boats as they left the harbour. 
As a portion of the enemy's fleet were outside, it intercept- 
ed and took several of the vessels which had no means of 
getting away. There were, however, several instances in 
which the Greeks determined rather to perish even after 
they had effected their escape from the Island, than surren- 
der to the Turks. The captain of a brig which came to 

• Among the many proofs of heroism displayed by the women, my 
Informants related that one, who had been married only a few months, 
seeing her husband engaged with two or three Turkish soldiers, rushed 
fn between them, and fell with the object of her affections, covered 
with wounds. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 301 

Napoli di Romania a few days after our arrival, had laid a 
train for blowing her up, and when approached by the Capi- 
tan Pacha's ship and two frigates, he actually set fire to it. 
On seeing the fire ascend, and part of the vessel's rigging 
in a blaze, the Turkish ships retreated in all haste, thus ena- 
bling the Greeks to extinguish the fire and make their es- 
cape. Another vessel, having only five men on board, hailed 
two of the- enemy's frigates, which came up with an evident 
intention to board, and vociferated, that if they came a yard 
nearer, they would set fire to the powder magazine : this 
menace had the desired effect, and they were allowed to pro- 
ceed. 

While this scene was passing at the fort, another still 
more harrowing was preparing in fort St. Nicholas. Those 
who took refuge there were pursued by a part of the Turks, 
while the remainder were occupied in cutting down the in- 
habitants who fled towards the ships, and in plundering the 
houses. On entering the fort, the Greeks had barricaded the 
gates, and commenced a fire on the infidels, which obliged 
them to retreat with the loss of half their number. 

After having satiated themselves with the blood of more 
than two thousand victims, night came on, and suspended 
the carnage. The Turks, who had been sent to attack the 
coast batteries, and two of which were blown up by the 
Greeks rather than surrender, having concentrated them- 
selves in the town, the Capitan Pacha sent a peremptory or- 
der on shore, that the whole of the troops should be employ- 
ed in reducing fort St. Nicholas. Accordingly they advan- 
ced while it was yet dark, preparatory to a general assault. 
The attack commenced at day-break, and gave rise to prodi- 
gies of valour on the part of the Christians. Perceiving, 
however, that it was in vain to contend against such num- 
bers, they formed the desperate and heroic resolution of bu- 
rying themselves in the ruins of the fort. Pursuant to this 
determination, those who remained placed themselves close 
to the gate, having previously ranged the women and children 
in the rear ; a soldier being placed at the powder magazine 
with a lighted match, the gates were thrown open, upon 
which about two thousand of the enemy rushed in ; when 
the fort was so full that not a man more could enter, the 
signal was given, and in another instant every soul within 
its walls were buried in the ruins, or blown into the air by 
the explosion. 



3Q2 HISTORY OP THE 

Such was the fate of Ipsara, which may be fairly attributed 
to the delay in the sailing of the fleet ; for had it been possi- 
ble to effect this in time, there is no doubt whatever but the 
enemy would have abandoned his project, or been foiled in 
the attempt. How prophetically Prince Mavrocordato an- 
ticipated some such disaster, will be seen from the extracts 
of his letters to myself while at Zante. 

The loss sustained on this occasion was immense and irre- 
parable. Upon a moderate computation, four thousand 
Christians, of every age and sex, perished. When to this is 
added the loss of all property, personal and public, and about 
a hundred vessels of different sizes, some notion may be 
formed of the catastrophe of Ipsara. During the first mo- 
ments of dismay, the fugitives sought shelter in any of the 
neighbouring islands they could reach, but it was afterwards 
thought advisable to establish themselves at Napoli di Mal- 
Vasia, on the coast of Maina, until the period arrived either 
for their returning to the place of ^heir birth, or being settled 
in some other point of the confederation. 

A fever with which I was attacked on the day after my 
arrival at the seat of government, having confined me to my 
bed for nearly a fortnight, I was prevented from following the 
progress of events so exactly as I could wish. When ena- 
bled to return to the consideration of passing events, I un- 
derstood that the division of the fleet, which sailed from Hy- 
dra under the brave Miaulis, on the 4th of July, could not, 
owing to contrary winds, approach Ipsara before the 8th. 
Impelled by a spirit of vengeance, hitherto unknown to them, 
the Greek seamen eagerly rushed into the boats, and landed 
while the fleet hovered off the port to intercept all the ene- 
my's vessels that should attempt to escape. The only object 
©f the Turks being that of removing every possibility of 
Ipsara ever holding up its head again, they were busily em- 
ployed in taking away the cannon and plundering property, 
of which a considerable portion, together with the women 
and children they had reserved for slavery, had been already 
sent to Scio and Mytilene. On hearing that the Greeks 
bad landed, the Turks immediately rushed towards the port, 
and put to sea. They were pursued by the fleet, and num- 
bers either run down or captured.* Those who could not 

* It was known that there was a great number of Italian and 
Maltese seamen serving on board the Turkish fleet and flotilla ', of 
these, not more than foaxteen fell into the hands of the Greeks. I 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 303 

get out of the harbour, were taken possession of, and con- 
ducted with the spoils that had been embarked, to Hydra and 
Spezzia. The most horrid spectacle that can be imagined 
presented itself to the Greeks who landed ; they found the 
town still smoking, and the streets full of dead bodies, of 
both sexes and all ages. The putrefaction which had al- 
ready commenced, rendered it impossible for either party to 
remain, so that they were forced to retire, leaving the island 
completely deserted, except by a single detachment of the 
enemy, who had shut themselves up in one of the few houses' 
that remained standing, and whom the Greeks could not at- 
tack, in consequence of their having a number of women and 
children in their possession. 

As a compensation for the disasters which attended the 
commencement of the naval campaign, many of the patriots 
assured me, that however calamitous they might be regarded* 
more particularly that of Ipsara, something of the kind had 
become necessary to rouse the people from an apathy into 
which their previous successes had thrown them. Be this 
as it may, there is no doubt that although the consternation 
caused by the news from Ipsara, became very general, and 
continued for a considerable time, the event had really the 
effect of stimulating all the energies of the nation, and in* 
spiring a spirit of vengeance, which is not only excusable 
but salutary, when a people are struggling for existence.* 

The triumph of the Turks, however, was of short dura- 
tion. No sooner had tidings of this catastrophe reached 
Hydra, than the Greek fleet, commanded by Miaulis, which, 
had been lying there in inaction, for want of funds for the 
payment of the sailors, animated with a desire of vengeance* 
immediately set sail for Ipsara. The Turkish admiral had 
withdrawn his armament before they could reach the island, 
leaving nothing but about twenty galleys in the harbour, 
and a garrison of 1,500 men. Of these, only between 2 
and 300 escaped. Seven of the galleys succeeded in eluding 
pursuit ; the remainder were taken or destroyed. The 
Greeks then brought away the cannon left in the fortresses^ 
together with some Ipsariot fugitives who had concealed 
themselves in the hills ; and the island has ever since re- 
need hardly say they did not escape the indignation of the Chris- 
tians ; indeed, many of the Greek sailors who were in the action, as- 
sured me they felt infinitely more enraged against the Franks than the 
Turks. 

* Blaqnier's Second Visit, p. 75— &6. 



304 HISTORY OF THE 

mained desolate. AH its citizens who have escaped slaugh* 
ter or slavery, have been indebted for an asylum to the hos- 
pitality of their countrymen. The greater part established 
themselves at Napoli di Malvasia, on the coast of Maina. 

The next attempt of the Capitan Pacha was upon Samos. 
For this purpose, a large body of Asiatic troops was collect- 
ed at Scala Nova. The Samians, aware of the enemy's de- 
signs, sent their families to the mountains, and prepared to 
defend the passes, in case the Turks should effect a landing, 
while a division of the Greek fleet, under George Sakturi of 
Hydra, disputed the passage of the straits. On the 17th of 
August, in a fourth attempt of the Turkish fleet to run 
across, the brave Ipsariot, Canaris, attached his fire-vessel 
to a forty-gun frigate under sail ; the fire very speedily 
reaching the magazine, the greater part of those on board 
were destroyed, as well as several transports to which the 
fire communicated. At the same time, other fireships burned 
a Tunisine brig of war and a large Tripolitan corvette. On 
the 21st of August, another fleet of transports, employed in 
conveying troops to the northern side of Samos, were inter- 
cepted and dispersed, a part being taken and destroyed. 
On the following day the Turkish fleet again attempted the 
passage from Cape Trogilium to the opposite shore ; but 
such was now the dread inspired by the Greek fire-ships, that 
the approach of only two or three of them was sufficient to 
drive back the Ottoman men of war to the Asiatic coast. The 
troops assembled on the shore of Mycale, in readiness to 
embark, on witnessing this last disgrace of their navy, re- 
turned to their camp at Scala Nova ; and it was not long 
before the greater part of the land forces which had been col- 
lected there, dispersed and withdrew into the interior. 

" The Capitan Pacha, feeling the necessity of giving up 
the attempt upon Samos for the present, proceeded to effect 
a junction with the Egyptian expedition at Cos and Halicar- 
nassus. Sakturi in like manner united his force with that of 
the naval chief Miaulis, at Patmos, after which the Greeks 
proceeded to observe the Mussulman armament. On the 
5th of September, a small division of Greek vessels with 
two fire-ships approached the Turkish fleet, when the latter 
got under weigh ; the Greek fleet then joined their comrades, 
and an action taking place, the Turks lost some men, and 
two fire-ships of their opponents exploded without having 
done any damage to the enemy. The Greeks then retired 
to Panormus, (the port of the ancient Branchidae, in the 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 305 

district of Miletus,) now called le'ronda. It was the object of 
the Capitan Pacha to return with the united fleet to Samos, 
On the 8th and 9th of September, the Turkish vessels at- 
tempted in vain to effect a passage through the channel be- 
tween Calymna and the coast of Caria, the wind not being 
favourable, and the Greeks advancing to meet them. On 
the 10th, they were still more unfortunate. Early in the 
morning, they had advanced with a favourable breeze against 
the enemy, who was becalmed near Calymna ; and the near- 
est of the Greek vessels, exposed to the heavy fire of the 
Turkish ships, were in danger of being destroyed, or at least 
of being cut off from the rest of the fleet, when a breeze 
arising, the Greek ships were enabled to act more in concert. 
Such a desultory combat as the great inferiority of the Greek 
vessels will alone admit off, was kept up until the middle 
of the day, when two fire-ships were attached to a large 
Egyptian brig of war, and not long afterwards, two others to 
the frigate which commanded the Tunisine division. So 
confounded were the Turks with the boldness and the skill of 
their opponents, in thus attacking them with their small ves- 
sels, in the open sea and under sail, that not even the Greek 
ships accompanying the incendiary vessels suffered much 
from the Turkish fire. The Ottoman fleet returned in con- 
fusion to the anchorage near Budrum, (Halicarnassus,) and 
the burning ships, drifting ashore, were entirely consumed. — 
Many of the seamen were drowned or slain in endeavouring 
to escape from the flames, but the Tunisine commander was 
taken, and remained a prisoner with the Greeks. 

" After this defeat, the principal object of the Capitan Pa- 
cha seems to have been, that of effecting a safe retreat to the 
! )ardanelles. Some ships of war having been left for the 
protection of the transports which had been sent to the up- 
per part of the Gulf of Cos, to land the Egyptian troops, the 
remainder, as soon as the calms (which usually prevail for 
some weeks after the cessation of the Etesian winds) had 
given place to the equinoctial gales, took advantage of a 
southerly breeze, and after meeting with some interruption 
and loss near Icaria, reached Mytilene. 

" On the 7th of October, the Turkish admiral, having left 
Ibrahim Pacha in the command of the naval forces, re-enter- 
ed the Dardanelles. About the middle of the same month, 
Ibrahim, after some unsuccessful encounters with the Greeks 
near Chios and Mytilene, returned to the Egyptian arma- 
ment in the Gulf of Cos ; and in the month of November his 

27 



306 HISTORY OF THE 

ships sustained considerable damage from the enemy on the 
northern coast of Candia."* 

In Western Greece, military operations were almost sus- 
pended during the whole year. Mavrocordato, indeed, took 
post at the head of about 3000 men, on the heights of Lugo- 
vitza, near the western bank of the Achelous, where they re- 
mained for three months ; while Omer Pacha remained at 
Kervasara at the south-eastern extremity of the Ambracic 
Gulf; but neither party was able or disposed to bring his 
troops to act.f 

In Eastern Greece, an attempt was made by the Seraskier, 
Dervish Pacha, to penetrate from Thessaly to the Corinthi- 
an Gulf, by the route which leads from Zeitouni to Salona. 
In the month of July, he succeeded in passing through the 
defiles ; but at Ampliani, about eight miles from Salona, he 
was attacked and defeated by the Greeks under Panouria ; 
and after suffering some further loss in his retreat, he resu- 
med his positions in Doris and Thessaly, without having effect- 
ed the smallest advantage. J In concert with this operation, 
an attempt to recover Athens was made by Omer Pacha of 
Egripo ; but he was met at Marathon in the middle of July 
by the Greeks under Goura, from whom he received such a 
check as, combined with the ill success of the Seraskier's ex- 
pedition, sufficed to confine him to Bosotia, and he ultimately 
withdrew behind the walls of Egripo. 

In the Morea an attack was made, in the early part of the 
year, on Modon ; but this with occasional skirmishes with the 
garrison of Patras, comprised the whole exertions on either 
side. Coron and Lepanto remained in the undisturbed pos- 
session of the Turks. 

Upon the whole, the campaign of 1824 was one of the most 
inglorious and unprofitable to the Ottomans of any that had 
hitherto taken place, and at no period had the prospects of 
the Greeks assumed a brighter appearance, than towards the 



* Leake's Outline, pp. 152 — 155. 

t A detachment of cavalry surprised the town of Vrachova, and took 
or killed about 300 of the inhabitants. The town, however, had been 
before nearly destroyed, and with this exploit Omer Vrioni was satis- 
fied. — Humphreys, p. 264. 

J Captain Humphreys states, that the Turks on this occasion lost 
about 200 men ; the Greeks four or five. " This was the most im- 
portant engagement that took place by land during the whole cam- 
paign, and constituted the operations of the Turkish army of above 
20,000 men, opposed to 4000."— Humphreys, p. 368. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 307 

close of this year. The arrival of the loan and the submis- 
sion of the military party had given new strength and ap- 
parent stability to the civil government; while, as to the most 
important of all its foreign relations, the Ionian Government, 
with whom there had arisen a serious misunderstanding, was 
now on terms of friendly neutrality, and the Lord High Com- 
missioner had actually deigned to set his foot in Greece.* — 
But unhappily, the renewal of those dissensions in the Mo- 
rea, which it was fondly hoped that the loan would heal, or 
enable the Government to terminate, not only prevented the 
prosecution of the winter campaign, but placed the cause in 
the greatest jeopardy. 

During the winter, these differences rose to an alarming 
height. Several instances of partiality shown by the Go- 
vernment to the Roumeliots, had tended to irritate the More- 
ote chieftains, who were moreover jealous of not sharing in 
the increasing power of the Government. At length, as lit- 
tle conciliation was employed, the dispute produced an in- 
surrection on the part of the Moreotes, at the head of which 
was Colocotroni and his sons, Niketas, his nephew, Demetri- 

* u An order had been issued by the British Government, towards 
the close of 1822, directing its officers in the Mediterranean to respect 
the right of the Greeks to blockade such ports of Greece as remained in 
possession of the Turks. This was a most important point gained, be- 
ing a first step toward the recognition of their Independence. It was, 
however, notorious, that among the transports hired at Alexandria and 
Constantinople, a great number were under the English and the Aus- 
trian flags. Irritated at these proceedings, and alarmed at the formi- 
dable preparations which were being made in both Turkey and Egypt, 
the executive council issued on the 8th of June, 1824, from Lerna, an 
edict authorizing their cruizers to attack, burn, and sink, all European 
vessels which they should find so employed. This infraction of inter- 
national law, immediately called forth strong remonstrances from Sir 
Frederick Adam ; but these not being attended to, on the 6th of Sep- 
tember, he issued a proclamation, notifying, that till the Greek mani- 
festo should be fully and authentically recalled, the British Admiral in 
the Mediterranean had been directed to seize and detain all armed ves- 
sels acknowledging the authority of the Provisional Government oi 
Greece. On the 27th of August, the Government had already revoked 
their edict so far as regarded all neutral ships that had not Turkish 
troops on board; but this not being satisfactory, Sir Frederick Adam, 
two days after the issuing of his proclamation, embarked for Napoli, 
where he was received with the highest honours, and all differences 
were immediately adjusted by a new decree limiting the order to neu- 
trals found in the enemy's fleet. On the 17th of November, a pro- 
clamation from the Ionian Government enjoined all vessels bearing the 
8eptin6ular flag, to respect the blockade of the Gulf of Corinth main- 
tained bv the Greeks.'' — Modern 7'ravtller. 



308 HISTORY OF THE 

us and Nicolas Deliyauni, General Sessini, Andrea Zaiini, 
Andrea Londos, and Giovanni and Panagiola Notapopuolo. 
The Government immediately called in the aid of the Rou- 
meliots, two of whom, General Izonga and Goura, aided by 
the counsels of John Coletti, took the command of their for- 
ces. The Moreotes carried on the civil war with considerable 
spirit for some time, and proceeded so far as to attempt the 
capture of Napoli di Romania ; but at length, after some de- 
lay and bloodshed, the insurgents were dispersed, and the 
rebellion was pretty well quelled by the end of December. 
The evil effects, however, of this civil contest were long felt, 
and one most disastrous consequence was, that it prevented 
the reduction of Patras, which might easily have been taken 
during the winter. Owing to the delay thus occasioned, it 
was the middle of January before a few vessels sailed up the 
Gulf of Corinth, and, aided by some land forces, recommen- 
ced the blockade ; while an active pursuit was set on foot 
after the fugitive leaders in the late insurrection, who had 
taken refuge in the different holds of the Morea. 

In the meantime, the Porte was very differently occupied. 
The Pacha of Egypt, prompted apparently by a Mussulman 
feeling, and by the hope at least of adding Candia and the 
Morea to his dominions, had entered cordially into the war, 
and his wealth enabled him to take upon himself the chief pe- 
cuniary burthen. Unhappily for the Greek cause, the assist- 
ance of the Egyptian troops had enabled the Turks in Can- 
dia to produce a temporary suppression of the insurrection in 
that important island ; and the great facility of communica- 
tion which was thus established between Egypt and the Mo- 
rea, enabled Ibrahim Pacha, the step-son and lieutenant of 
Mahommed Ali, to begin the campaign of 1825 without wait- 
ing for the return of spring. His fleet having wintered at 
Suda in Candia, set sail on the 23d of December for Rhodes, 
where he took on board 5000 disciplined troops : with these 
he returned to Candia, to complete his armament, which de- 
tained him till the middle of February. At the same time, 
transports were being fitted out at Constantinople, for the 
purpose of relieving Modon and Patras. Omer Vrioni had 
been removed to Salonica, and the pashaliks of Ioannina and 
Delvino had been bestowed on the Roumeli Valisee, to which 
was to be added Karl-ili, in the event of his subduing it. He 
immediately began to form his camp at Larissa, intending, 
when his arrangements should be complete, to pass over to 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 309 

his new pachalik, and with reinforcements levied in his pro- 
gress, to descend on Missolonghi. 

Affairs however wore a favourable aspect in Greece up to 
the commencement of February. The last remnant of the 
rebellion had been quelled. A few of the leaders had taken 
refuge in Kafamos,an island appropriated by the Ionian Go- 
vernment to the reception of Grecian fugitives. The remain- 
der has surrendered to the Government, and it having been 
determined to remove them to Hydra, the same vessel which 
brought Conduriotti from that island to resume his functions 
at Napoli as President of -the Executive, returned with the 
chiefs of the rebellion on board. On the 17th of December, 
Colocotroni and his companions embarked, and in a few days 
were landed at the place of their destination — the monastery 
of St Nicholas, on the craggy summit of one of the wildest 
hills of Hydra.* 



CHAP. XXL 

Beginning of the fifth Campaign. — Fair prospects for 
Greece. — Preparations of the Enemy. — Egyptian squa- 
dron anchors off J\lodon. — Ibrahim Pacha receives a rein- 
forcement from Candia, and places his Camp before Nava- 
rino. — Assault on the Town. — Attack and defeat of the 

, Greeks. — Taking of the Island of Sphacteria, and death 
of Santa Rosa. — Capitulation of Old JYavarino. — De- 
struction of 25 of the Enemy's Vessels at Modon. — More- 
otes demand the liberation of Colocotroni ; his liberation. — 
He assembles 8,000 Troops at Tripolizza. — Destruction of 
the Turkish Ships at Cavo Doro. — Siege of Missolonghi 
by the Enemy. — Disasters in the Morea. — Tripolizza 
bmrned. — Pappa Flessa. — Success of the Greeks near Ar- 
gos. — Distress and perplexity at JYapoli di Romania. — 
General Rouche and De Rigvy, their proposition to place 
the Duke of Orleans on the Throne of Greece. — Proposition 
of Russia to form Greece into Principalities. — Death and 
character of Ulysses. — Rage and disappointment of Ibra- 
him Pacha. — End of the Campaign of 1825. 

1825. The situation of Greece at the end of 1824, and 
at the commencement of 1825, was such as to leave 

* Modern Traveller, Part II. p. 208—215 

27* 



310 HISTORY OF THE 

grounds for the highest expectation from the result of the 
ensuing campaign. Mr. Emerson, who was on the spot, 
writes as follows on the prospect of that period : 

" The prospects of this moment were," says he, " perhaps, 
the most brilliant since the commencement of the revolution. 
The liberators were now in full possession of the Morea, 
with the exception of Patras, and the unimportant fortresses 
of Modon and Coron. Almost all Western Greece was in 
the hands of the Government. The country was just freed 
from a rebellion, which had exposed the principles of three 
of the chieftains who were disaffected, and enabled the Go- 
vernment to remove them from their councils and measures ; 
a fourth portion of the Loan was at that time arrived, and a 
fifth expected : whilst, about the same time, a second Loan 
!iad been effected in England, so that the funds of the Go- 
vernment were now replenished with ample means for a long 
campaign. Thirty ships composed the blockading squadron 
before Patras, aided by a large body of land troops. The 
garrison within was already reduced to straits for provision, 
as appeared by some letters which arrived at Zante from per- 
sons within the walls ; and a capitulation was expected in a 
very short time. Constant communications being maintain- 
ed between Missolonghi and Larissa, and the activity of 
Koumeli Valisi's movements being ascertained, it was deter- 
mined to prepare in time to oppose him ; and for this pur- 
pose, Nota Bozzaris, together with Generals Suka and Mi- 
lios, set forward with a sufficient body of troops to occupy 
the pass of Macrinoro, the ancient Olympus, through which 
it was necessary he should pass. Thus prepared at every 
point, the spirits of the soldiers were raised to the highest 
pitch of enthusiasm ; and it seemed that Greece wanted but 
one step more to defeat her northern invaders, deliver the 
Peloponnesus, and complete the work of freedom. 

" It was, however, towards the end of the same month, 
that the first disastrous stroke occurred. Frequent letters 
from Crete had informed the Government of the return of 
Ibrahim Pacha from Rhodes, and of the vigour with which 
he was hastening the completion of his preparations. The 
progress of the blockade at Patras was now observed with 
double interest, as its fall was daily expected, and as there 
was no other probable means of checking the armament of 
the Egyptians, than by withdrawing the squadron which was 
cruising before the fortress. This, being a desperate re- 
source, was of course deferred to the last moment : till at 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 311 

length, advices arrived of the immediate departure of the ex- 
pedition from Candia ; further delay was impossible ; and 
just at a moment when the garrison was ripe for surrender, 
the squadron sailed, unfortunately too late. Such was the 
deficiency of communication across the Morea, that almost 
on the same day that the fleet sailed from Patras (24th Feb.) 
the Egyptian squadron of four corvettes and numerous brigs 
and transports, in all thirty sail, anchored off Modon, and 
disembarked 6000 soldiers, infantry and cavalry, well disci- 
plined, and commanded chiefly by European officers. The 
troops immediately encamped around Modon, whilst the 
ships returned without delay to Suda in Candia. A few days 
after, Ibrahim Pacha, at the head of 800 men, advanced to 
the summit of the range of hills which rise at the back of Na- 
varino. The inhabitants were instantly struck with terror, 
and flew to arms, while 700 Roumeliots, under the command 
of General Giavella, poured immediately into the fortress. 
The Pacha's object, however, appeared to be merely to take 
a survey of the situation of the fortress ; he remained quietly 
at his station for some hours, and then returned to his en- 
campment. It was now clear that Navarino and the adjacent 
country was to be the immediate seat of war ; the attempt 
on Patras was consequently totally abandoned, and the 
troops drawn off to be marched further south. 

" Both parties, however, remained quiet till the 20th of 
March, when Ibrahim Pacha, having received a second re- 
inforcement from Candia, (his ships having evaded the Greek 
squadron,) took up his position, and placed his camp, with 
14,000 soldiers, before Navarino. The capture of this town 
was a considerable object to the Turks, not only from its po- 
sition, but from the circumstance of its being the best, or 
one of the best protected port^- in the Morea. The harbour, 
which is of considerable c mensions, is protected by the 
island of Sphacteria at its entrance, which is so narrow, thai 
whoever has possession of the island can prevent all ingress 
- <r egress from the town by sea. 

" The situation of Navarino perfectly agrees with Thucy- 
dides' description of Pylos ; from some remains of antiquity 
m the neighbourhood, there canbe little doubt of its identity; 
in fact, a village about half a mile distant, built immediately 
at the foot of the cliff, on which stands the fortress called 
Oid Navarino, still bears the name of Pylos. New Navari- 
no, or Neo-Castro, as the Greeks more usually call it, for- 



312 HISTORY OF THE 

merly contained 600 Turks and about 130 Greeks ; the former 
of whom were remarkable for their villany, the latter, like all 
the Messenians, for their sloth and effeminacy. It now con- 
tained nearly 200 inhabitants and a small garrison, having 
fallen into the hands of the Greeks during the early stages 
of the revolution. The fortifications, like all the others in 
the Morea, where the work of the Venetians, and though not 
peculiarly strong, were in a pretty fair state of repair. E very- 
precaution was now taken by the Greeks. A garrison 
amounting to 2000 soldiers, principally under the command 
of Hadji Christo, and Joannes Mavromichali, son to Petro 
Bey of Maina, were thrown into the fortress ; a small corps 
of artillery, amounting to fifty or sixty men, were sent off 
with all haste from Napoli ; and the command of the fortifi- 
cations was given to Major Collegno, who lost no time in as- 
suming his post. Provisions were sent in from all parts of 
the Morea, sufficient for a long siege. Large bodies of 
Roumeliots, under command of their respective generals 
Giavella, Karatazzo, Constantine Bozzaris, brother to the 
hero Marco, and General Karaiskaki, took positions in the 
rear of the enemy. Conduriotti and Prince Mavrocordato 
prepared to set out from Napoli with fresh troops; and though 
affairs were threatening, there existed the strongest hopes, 
from the spirit of the soldiery and the state of the fortress, 
that they would be able to make an effective stand against all 
assaults." 

The army of Ibrahim Pacha consisted of about 10,000 in- 
fantry, 2000 Albanians, and an adequate proportion of caval- 
ry and artillery. On the 28th of March, he made an assault 
on the town, but was opposed by the united force of the 
Roumeliot general, Karatazzo, and Joannes Mavromichali. 
The loss on both sides was nearly equal : that of the Greeks 
is stated at 150 men, including their brave young leader, Jo- 
annes, who received a wound in his arm, which, being unskil- 
fully dressed, terminated in a mortification. The Greeks 
succeeded, however, in taking from the enemy upwards of a 
hundred English muskets and bayonets, which were immedi- 
ately forwarded to Tripolizza. A system of petty skirmish- 
ing was kept up during the ensuing three weeks without any 
important result. In the mean time, Austrian, Ionian, and 
even English ships, laden with Turkish grain and provisions, 
were daily arriving at Napoli, as prizes taken by the Greek crui- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 313 

zers :* and on the 13th of April, three Austrian vessels, laden 
with provisions for the enemy, who was reported to be al- 
ready in possession of Navarino, appeared at the entrance of 
the harbour. The Greek commandant, suspecting their in- 
tention, hoisted the red flag on the fortress : and the three 
ressels, entering in full confidence, were declared lawful 
prizes, and their cargoes were applied to the supply of the 
garrison. 

At length, on the 19th of April, Ibrahim Pacha attacked, 
in their position, the whole force of the Greeks, amounting 
lo about 6000 men, and completely defeated them. The 
particulars of this important action are thus given by Mr. 
Emerson, on the authority of letters from Navarino, trans- 
mitted to the Government at Napoli. 

" The positions in the rear of the enemy had been all oc- 
cupied, with an intention of cutting off their communication 
with Modon, and were now extended almost in a circle. The 
left extremity was intrusted to Hadji Christo, Hadji Stephano, 
and Constantine Bozzaris ; the right was commanded by the 
Roumeliot generals, Giavella and Karatazzo ; whilst the cen- 
tre was occupied by a body of Moreotes, under General 
Skurtza, a Hydriote, whom Conduriotti's interest had invest- 
ed with a high command, together with a few other capitani. 
On the evening of the 18th instant, intimation of the intended 
attack in the morning had been received from a deserter, 
and notice in consequence sent to the different generals. 
The commander? of the positions on the extremities w T ere 
fully prepared ; but in the centre, Skurtza had as yet neglected 
to make the necessary entrenchments and petty lines, behind 
which alone the Greeks are capable of making any stand. 
He accordingly applied for additional assistance, and early 
in the morning, Bozzaris set out to his position with a chosen 
body of his soldiers. About nine o'clock the attack of the 
Egyptians commenced on the position of Hadji Christo, who 
sustained the onset with extreme courage : at the same time, 
another party, with three cannon and one mortar, commenced 
the attack on the right, where they met with an equally brave 

* Emerson, p. 105. These vessels had invariably regular papers 
from their respective consuls, and cleared for the Ionian Isles : but in 
general, the confessions of the captains, or some other circumstances, 
condemned them. Several, however, were reclaimed, and though no 
doubt could be entertained of their being Turkish property, yet as their 
papers were correct, the Greeks were compelled to surrender them. 



314 HISTORY OF THE 

resistance from Giavella and his followers ; whilst a third, 
supported by a body of Mameluke horse, charged on the 
centre. The two extremities kept their position with asto- 
nishing bravery, though not less than three hundred shot and 
shells fell within the lines of Giavella. In the centre, how- 
ever, the want of their accustomed tambours soon threw the 
soldiers of Skurtza into confusion ; and after a short stand, 
they commenced a precipitate retreat, leaving the soldiers 
of Bozzaris to oppose the enemy alone. These were soon 
cut to pieces ; and it was with extreme difficulty, that himself 
and twenty-seven followers escaped with life, after witness- 
ing the fall of almost all the chosen soldiers of his brother 
Marco, who had died in his defence. Upwards of two hun- 
dred Greeks lost their lives in this engagement. Xidi and 
Zapheiropuolo, two of the bravest leaders, were made prison- 
ers ; and four other distinguished capitani perished in the 
fray. 

" The day following, the enemy, elated with their success, 
attempted an assault on the walls : the efforts of the garrison, 
however, assisted by a band of Arcadians in the rear of the 
enemy, were successful in driving them off with the loss of 
100 slain and 20 prisoners ; whilst the Greeks took posses- 
sion of their newly-erected battery, but, not being able to 
carry off the cannon, contented themselves with spiking them 
all, and retired again within the walls." 

The negligence or pusillanimity of the Moreotes under 
Skurtza, to which Bozzaris justly attributed the defeat of his 
troops, so materially widened the breach between the Rou- 
meliots and the Moreotes, that shortly after, hearing that the 
Turks were advancing on Missolonghi, the former expressed 
their determination to leave the defence of Navarino to the 
peninsular troops, and return to defend their own homes. 
Accordingly on the 30th instant, they arrived at Lugos, to 
the number of 3000, under their respective generals, Giavel- 
la, Karaiskachi, and Bozzaris. The Moreotes, roused by 
this defection, now took arms with greater spirit ; and the 
rebel chiefs Zaimi and Londo, driven from Calamos by the 
English resident, returned to the Morea, having submitted 
to the Government, and began to raise troops in their native 
districts of Kalavrita. 

In the meantime, the Roumeli Valisee had, on the 10th 
of March, reached Ioannina from Larissa. On the 20th he 
arrived with 15,000 men at Arta ; and early in April, he suc- 
ceeded in accomplishing his entrance by the pass of Macri- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 315 

noro into the plains of Western Greece. The Roumeliots, 
under Nota Bozzaris and Izonga, had deserted their post, and 
crossed the Achelous, without once coming in contact with 
the enemy, leaving the whole country north of that river open 
to his ravages, while the inhabitants of the villages took re- 
fuge under British protection in Calamos. At the orders 
or entreaties of the Missolonghi Government, Generals 
Izonga and Makris were induced, however, to recross the 
Achelous, and attempt to seize the passes of Ligovitzi ; but 
the enemy was beforehand with them, and after a short con- 
flict, they were obliged to retreat with all expedition, and 
prepare for the defence of Anatolico, and Missolonghi. 

To return to the siege of Navarino. The object of Ibra- 
him Pacha was now to take Sphacteria ; but it was not till 
the arrival of his ships from Suda with a third division of land 
forces, that he deemed it expedient to make the attempt. 
On the 24th of April, a large division of the Egyptian army 
commenced the attack on the fortress of Old Navarino, with 
a view to cover the debarkation of troops from the fleet. The 
spirited defence made by the garrison under Hadji Christo 
and the Archbishop of Modon, together with the approach of 
the Greek fleet, defeated the plan. In the evening, after a 
smart action, which continued all day, the enemy retired to 
their former position at Petrochori, while the fleet fell back 
in the direction of Modon. The Greek squadron kept beat- 
ing off the town, and only eight ships, including that of the 
brave Anastasius Psamado, remained within the harbour. 

" Early on the next morning, the Turkish fleet was again 
observed under weigh in the direction of the fortress, and, 
about one o'clock, had advanced very near the island, while 
the Hydriot ships under Miaulis were becalmed at some dis- 
tance from the shore. The island contained but one landing 
place, on the western side, which was defended by a small 
battery of three guns, and a garrison of 200 soldiers, under 
the direction of a brave young Hydriot, Starvo Sohini. 
and General Anagnostara. For the purpose of working 
the guns more effectually, a party of sailors, headed by 
Psamado, were landed from the ships in the bay ; and Prince 
Mavrocordato and Count Santa Rosa, a Piedmontese volun- 
teer, remained on the island to direct the operations of the 
whole. If bravery could have compensated for the inequa- 
lity of numbers, the Greeks would have triumphed. Fifty 
armed boats were sent off from the Turkish fleet, contain- 
ing 1500 men, on whose approach the little garrison open-- 



316 HISTORY OF THE 

ed their fire, and for some time maintained their position no- 
bly; but at length, surrounded from behind, cut off from 
relief or retreat, they were overpowered by numbers, and, 
after a desperate resistance, were to a man cut to pieces, 
their two brave leaders being among the last that fell. The 
divisions stationed at other points of the little island now fled 
in confusion, and all the Greek vessels in the harbour, except 
Psamado's, made their escape, passing unopposed through 
the division of the enemy's fleet placed at the mouth of the 
harbour to detain them. Mavrocordato and the governor of 
Neo-castro, both of whom were in the island, were so 
fortunate as to reach the remaining ship ; but when the 
boats reached the shore a second time, for the purpose of 
bringing off others, the fugitives that eagerly crowded into 
them were too many, and sunk them. A few moments after, 
Psamado, desperately wounded, with a few followers, gained 
the beach, and was seen waving his cap for the assistance 
his countrymen could no longer render him. The Turks 
soon came up, and he fell, with his handful of men, under a 
shower of bullets. Not a Greek was now left alive on the is- 
land, and the solitary ship of Psamado had to make her way 
out through the fleet of the enemy, drawn up round the en- 
trance of the harbour. During four hours of a dead calm, 
she maintained a desperate fight, but finally fought her way 
with great gallantry through the forty sail of the Egyptians, 
with the loss of two men killed and six wounded. Three 
hundred and fifty soldiers perished in the island, including 
the unfortunate Count Santa Rosa, who fought in the ranks 
with his musket and ataghan, and General Catzaro, besides 
ninety seamen in killed, wounded, and missing ; a greater 
number than Hydra had lost during the four years of the 
war.* 



* Amongst the number of those who that day fell in the cause of 
Greece, says Mr. Emerson, was Count Santa Rosa. Disappointed 
in his attempt to free his own country from the Austrian Sultan, 
and in consequence an exile from his home, he had joined the cause of 
Greece, with the generous intention of helping her to the ac- 
quirement of those blessings which his native country had failed in 
attempting to regain. His superior abilities were, however, brought 
to a wrong mart : amongst the intriguing, factious members of the 
Greek legislature, he found it impossible to serve her in any situa- 
tion becoming his rank and talents ; and at length adopted the re- 
solution of joining the band of liberators as a volunteer, without any 
regard to pecuniary advantage or military rank, which, in fact, his 
ignorance of the language, as well as of the customs of the coun- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 317 

The following detail of this unfortunate affair was drawn 
up by Grasset, Private Secretary to Mavrocordato. — It is 
sufficiently enthusiastic, but given as truth by Count Pec- 
chio. Grasset was present on the occasion, and shared in 
its perils. 

" Ibrahim Pacha says he had perceived the impossibility 
of gaining possession of the fortress at Navarino, without 
first making himself master of the island of Sphacteria, 
which forms the harbour, and from which he could easily 
bombard the fortress, as well as Old Navarino, situated at 
the extremity of the ports. The arrival of the fleet, which 
he had been long expecting, enabled him to execute the pro- 
ject. 

The President of the executive body, who command- 
ed the expedition, but who, from indisposition, had retired a 
short distance from the army, being informed of this inten- 
tion of the Pacha, resolved to send his excellency Prince 
Mavrocordato to the general encampment of the Greeks, in 
order to induce them to reinforce the positions hereafter 
mentioned. 

His Excellency arrived at Old Navarino on the night of 
the 24th or 25th of April, and found it defended by 100 men, 
under the command of General Hadji Christo and the 
Archbishop of Modon. On the 25th, at five in the morn- 
ing, the out posts pronounced the arrival of the Egyptians, 
who were advancing upon the tongue of land which separates 
the harbour from the lake. 

The Cretans, whom the Prince had brought with him, 

try, rendered him unqualified for : and in the dress of a common sol- 
dier, with his ataghan and musket, he joined the camp at Navarino. — 
This s'.ep was taken against the urgent advice of his friends, who 
represented it as at once imprudent, unbecoming, and attended with 
no important advantages. Hurried on, however, by his own feelings, 
he followed a resolution which has conducted him to his fate ; and 
whilst we disapprove the measure, it is impossible not to do honour 
to the motives which prompted it, and sincerely to lament its conse- 
quences. His fate and his fall have, however, been glorious, and for 
him fortunate. Separated, to all appearance, for ever from his family, 
a ceaseless anxiety for whom was the canker of his existence, and an 
exile from a country after which his heart yearned, no other prospect 
was before him than years of sorrow and hopeless regret. He has fall- 
en on the field of fame ; and, whilst we drop a tear of heartfelt regret 
over his memory as a friend, we must still rejoice, that as a patriot his 
high-born spirit has fled beyond the reach of tyrants. — Picture of Greece, 
Vol. 1. p. 102. 



318 HISTORY OF THE 






made a dash upon the enemy, and compelled him, by the fire 
of the tirailleurs, to fall back. During the skirmish, the sight 
of the Greek fleet, with the wind in its favour, sailing towards 
the enemy's fleet, redoubled the courage of the Greeks. Still, 
the Egyptians did not retire altogether, but kept out of reach 
of cannon shot. We imagined that the affair was at an end ; 
but at mid-day the attack again began on the side of Old Na- 
varino. It was soon over; and we perceived that the intention 
of the enemy was only to reconnoitre our positions, and to 
seize the village of Petrochori, standing near Old Navarino, 
and the tongue of land, preparatory to a regular attack on 
the old city, whilst the fleet was effecting a landing on 
the island. The Prince, convinced that it would take 
place the following day, sent the same night some troops 
over to the island to strengthen the points that were weak, 
and in the morning he joined them himself. The number of 
men assigned for the defence of this position did not amount 
to 500, including the sailors that had been landed from the 
eight Greek ships in the harbour ; and this number, as his 
Excellency directly perceived, was insufficient for the defence. 
But what was to be done 1 Above all, it was essential to 
endeavour to prevent a disembarkation, which the enemy's 
fleet, by its coasting along the island, satisfied us it was 
about to attempt. The Prince visited all the positions, 
strengthened the weakest, and encouraged the men to do 
their duty. He wished to form a corps of 100 men, to move 
upon the point where the enemy should attempt their land- 
ing ; but the disorder that always reigns amongst irregular 
troops, prevented it, notwithstanding its obvious importance. 
Three batteries, mounting eight cannons and a mortar, had 
been raised on the island, but they were of no great utility. 

The enemy's fleet, to the number of fifty-two- sail, were 
drawn up in good order ; the brigs in advance, and covered 
by the frigates and corvettes from the attacks of the Greek 
fleet, which was, unfortunately, too far distant to give them 
any disturbance. Whilst the Prince w r as indefatigably or- 
dering and disposing every thing for the best, the hostile fleet 
approached, surveyed us, and then fired two signal guns. 
Instantly the attack began on Old Navarino, and at the same 
moment the enemy's ships commenced their fire upon the 
Island. This was at eleven o'clock. The Prince being 
dressed in the European costume, was distinguished by those 
Franks who had once served under his orders, and who, 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 319 

basely deserting the cross, had gone over to the Africans. 
The cannon were immediately directed to the spot where the 
Prince was standing ; fearing, therefore, for his life, we be- 
sought him to retire, but our entreaties were unavailing. 

We perceived the boats filling with Arabs to the sound of 
drums. They were ranged around, and began to move to 
the intended place of disembarkation. A brisk fire com- 
menced on both sides — besides that from the fleet. The 
Arabs were at first repulsed, and seemed about to retire, but 
an Egyptian brig compelled them to return. Half an hour 
passed in the midst of a thick smoke, which prevented our 
seeing the progress of the disembarkation ; when all at once 
the cry was heard, " the Egyptians are in the island !" The 
Prince, and those around, attempted to gain a height in the 
midst of a shower of balls ; the former at length, exhausted 
with fatigue, exclaimed, " Help me, I am falling !" Instant- 
ly his general, the faithful Catzaro, and one of the soldiers 
took him in their arms, and carried him to the height. Here 
we perceived the Greeks taking to flight, and pursued by the 
Egyptians. All hopes were at an end. The Greek ships in 
the harbour had already put to sea, with the exception of a 
single one, that had not yet cut its cable, the brig of Captain 
Anastasius Psamado, who had come to the island with the 
Prince, and got separated in the confusion. 

We hastened down to the sea, when a boat was sent to 
take the Prince on board. The sailors asked for their cap- 
tain, " was he saved V 9 Alas ! we were ignorant of his fate. 
We entered the boat as the Egyptians had gained the heights, 
having overwhelmed the unfortunate Greeks, and pursued 
them to the sea. The boat was sent back for Captain Psa- 
mado, whom the sailors imagined they saw on the shore. 
The Greek ships that had first set sail, taking advantage of 
a brisk wind, were already out of sight. Psamado's brig 
alone remained. The cables were ordered to be cut. The 
sailors exclaimed, " Where is the captain V J The boat did 
not come back. We expected the delay would be the cause 
of our ruin. The sailors would wait for the captain : at 
length the boat returned, but, alas ! without him. The ca- 
bles were then cut, and we set sail ; but the wind began to 
fall. Dimitri Sartouri, the commandant of the fortress of 
Navarino, who the morning before had come to the island to 
see the Prince, had been pursued to the shore by the Arabs, 
when he plunged into the sea amidst a shower of balls, and 
swam to the vessel. He had seen Captain Psamado fall. — 



320 HISTORY OF THE 

Thus perished this brave man, the brother in arms of Miau- 
lis, and one of the most distinguished captains of Greece. 
One of the sailors, in despair for the loss of his captain, was 
about to set fire to the magazine, and it was with great diffi- 
culty that he could be brought to reason. We prepared for 
action ; and Sartouri was chosen to command the vessel. 
He encouraged the sailors by his composure, and resolved 
to conquer or die. It was determined to pass through the 
enemy's fleet, which was waiting for us at the entrance of the 
harbour, as for a certain prey. The batteries erected on 
the island in front of Navarino were about to contribute to 
our destruction. The Arabs turned them against us. But 
despair gives courage ; and we conceived a hope that it was 
possible to escape. At length we quitted the harbour, when 
five vessels, a frigate, a corvette, and three brigs, surrounded 
us and began firing. Our sailors, with determined courage, 
returned it briskly ; and the « enemy perceiving that we had 
the advantage, resolved to board us. The sailors immedi- 
ately left the guns, and took to their small arms and cutlass- 
es ; but, at this time, hope did forsake us, and we were just 
on the point of blowing up the vessel. The Prince, who 
had evinced the same sangfroid as on the island, was thrown 
down by a ball, and was waiting his death with composure, 
happy in the thoughts of dying in the service of his country, 
and with no other regret, on quitting this vale of alarms, than 
that of being no longer able to serve the Greeks. His Ex- 
cellency, with a pistol in his hand, was awaiting the moment 
of boarding, to put a period to his existence. Tile Africans ! 
in vain did you flatter yourselves with the hopes of taking 
alive the best of the Greeks. The sailors went below, or com- 
mended themselves to the Holy Virgin, embraced her image, 
and full of confidence in divine mercy, returned to the fight 
with the most undaunted resolution. The wind began to 
blow, but a further swarm of vessels commenced a fire upon 
us. Our brig, however, made way, our sailors felt their 
hopes revive, and we dared entertain the belief that it was 
possible to escape death. An old brig, a bad sailer, harrass- 
ed us considerably, and did us much damage. Our sails 
were shot through and through, and our masts were injured, 
as well as our rudder ; but the cry was heard that Miaulis 
had attacked the Egyptian fleet, upon which every one re- 
doubled his exertions, and the brig that annoyed us, man- 
ned, I have no doubt, with Europeans, sheered off; — but why 
should I add more ? This battle will hereafter be spoken of, 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 321 

and regarded as a fable. In short, after having sustained an 
attack from thirty-four ships of war, comprising frigates and 
corvettes, as well as brigs, after having caused the enemy 
considerable loss, and after having continued the fight for six 
hours without hopes of success, we were permitted to con- 
tinue pur course without further opposition from the Egyp- 
tian vessels. Thanks to the God oi Battle ! a merchant brig 
of eighteen guns fought a whole fleet of many sail, and came 
off conquerors. ye English and French admirals ! many 
traits of bravery, almost incredible, have been recorded of 
you ; but what will the world at large say of the battle main- 
tained by the Mars ? Our sailors, urged by despair, fought 
like lions ; and hardly believing their success, they humbled 
themselves before the God of Armies, who had preserved 
them from apparently inevitable death. Glory to the Eter- 
nal ! The first and most illustrious of the supporters of Greek 
liberty, Prince Mavrocordato, has not fallen. His talents 
are still destined to save his country : and it was not written 
in the Book of Fate that one of the greatest ornaments of 
this world should be carried off in the flower of his age, and 
in the midst of the greatest dangers. His Excellency was 
perfectly composed, and happy to die for his country. Al- 
ways kind and considerate, he was grieved to see us involved 
in his misfortune, and appeared to reproach us for having 
been too much attached to him. We had but two sailors 
killed, and seven wounded. Amongst the latter was Cap- 
tain Sartouri. If ever a man performed his duty on the day 
of battle, if ever a man covered himself with glory, it cer- 
tainly was the brave Dimitri Sartouri. 

In the evening, when the Egyptian fleet had retired, we 
perceived two of their vessels on fire : but could not con- 
ceive how it happened. Though we were successful at 
sea, our loss on shore was considerable. The minister at 
war, Anagnostara Papageorge, the brave Colonel Stauro, 
Shaini of Hydra, General Catzaro, and Zafiropulo, a member 
of the legislative body, who had come oVer with the Prince 
to be enabled to ransom his brother Panajoti Zafiropulo, 
made prisoner some time before, and two other chiefs, per- 
ished in the battle. We had also to deplore the death of a 
worthy and illustrious Philhellene, the Count of Santa Rosa, 
who served as a volunteer in the Greek army. 

Having been both an actor and an eye witness throughout 
28* 



322 HISTORY OF THE 

these transactions, I can speak with confidence on the accu- 
racy of the facts I have stated."*! 

Two days after the capture of the island, the garrison of 
Old Navarino, who were now shut up with but little provi- 
sions, and water for only a few days, capitulated on condi- 
tion of laying down their arms and retiring. For these fa- 
vourable terms they were unexpectedly indebted to two of 
the French officers in the Pacha's service ; and on the faith of 
their representations, they ventured to march out, about a 
thousand men in number, under the command of General 
Luca and an American Philhellene named Jarvis. Having 
surrendered their arms at the feet of the Pacha, they were 
escorted for a few miles by a small body of horse, and were 
then permitted to depart in safety. The Turkish ships, 
having entered the harbour, now opened a fire upon Neo- 
castro, about fifty pieces of cannon being placed in battery on 
the land side ; but not till the 23d of May, after a week 
consumed in negotiation, the garrison marched out on the 
same terms as those of Navarino, and were embarked in Eu- 
ropean vessels for Calamata, with the exception of Generals 
latracco and Giorgio Mavromichali, who were detained pri- 
soners. By the fall of this place, Ibrahim Pacha became 
possessed of the key to the entire western coast of the Morea, 
there being no other fortresses to oppose his progress, and 
the country consists of open plains, affording no impediment 
to the operations of cavalry ; while the beautiful harbour gave 
the enemy a secure hold to winter in. 

Shortly after the fall of Navarino, the Egyptian Pacha sus- 
tained a naval loss, which, though not of sufficient magni- 
tude materially to affect the operations of the Ottoman fleet, 

* Picture of Greece, vol. ii. p. 115 — 122. 

f Mr. Emerson was at Hydra when the vessels arrived bringing the 
melancholy news of the disaster of Sphacteria. " During the day," 
says he, " several vessels had arrived from the fleet, and the rocks on 
the beach became crowded with groups of females, eagerly watching 
its approach. As the vessels came slowly into the harbour, every voice 
was raised in anxious inquiry for the safety of their brothers, or their 
relatives, and many a straining eye sunk in tears and despair, as each 
learned the sorrowful intelligence of their fate. I never witnessed a 
more mournful sight : the few, but burning, heart-wrung tears of the 
aged, and the clamorous grief of the young ; the bitter resignation with 
which the mother and the widow heard the confirmation of their fears ; 
and the agonies of disappointed hope in the daughters and sisters of 
the slain — each spoke the anguish of the occasion : — but such are at- 
tendants of war." 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 323 

served to revive the drooping spirits and rekindle the almost 
extinguished ardour of the Moreotes. 

" Immediately after the loss of the Island, while the Greek 
fleet continued cruising off the coast, the squadron of the 
Pacha separated into two divisions, one of which remained 
in the vicinity and harbour of Navarino ; whilst the other, 
consisting of two frigates and four corvettes, with numerous 
transports, moved down to Modon, where, on the 12th in- 
stant, they were followed by Miaulis, with four fire-ships and 
twenty-two brigs. In the evening of the same day, a most 
favourable breeze setting in from the south-east, he made his 
signal for the fire-ships to enter the harbour. Besides the 
Egyptian squadron, there were likewise within a number of 
other, Austrian, Ionian, and Sicilian craft, making in all about 
thirty-five or forty sail. The enemy, on the advance of the 
fire-ships, immediately attempted to cut their cables and es- 
cape ; but the same steady breeze which drove on the brulots, 
and blew direct into the harbour, prevented their egress. 
The consequence was, that they were thrown into the utmost 
confusion, ran foul of each other, and finally were driven, en 
masse, beneath the walls of the fortress ; where, the brulots 
still advancing upon them, the whole Egyptian squadron, 
with a few Austrian and other ships, in all twenty-five, fell 
victims to the flames. Only a very few of the smaller Euro- 
pean craft, which lay further out from the town, succeeded 
in making their escape, and brought the particulars of the 
event to the Pacha of Navarino. In the meantime, the mis- 
siles caused by the blowing up of the shipping and cannon, 
falling within the walls, set fire to a store-house containing a 
large quantity of ammunition and provisions, which blew up 
with a tremendous explosion, which was visible for several 
miles from sea. Owing to the panic on the first appearance 
of the Greeks, not the slightest opposition was made by the 
Egyptians ; and after destroying the squadron of the enemy, 
the brulottiers succeeded in regaining their own ships, with- 
out the loss of a single man." 

" While the feelings of the Moreotes were still vibrating 
between joy and despondency, the cry for Colocotroni was 
again loudly raised. Some of the provinces had before de- 
manded his release, and he had himself besought the Go- 
vernment to allow him to engage the enemy, offering his two 
sons as hostages. Two members of the Government were 



324 HISTORY OF THE 

in favour of his release, and two against it ;* but, on the ar- 
rival of the President, it was referred to the legislative body, 
who decided tKe point in his favour, and a deputation proceed- 
ed to Hydra to conduct him back to Napoli.f He arrived 
on the 30th of May, and on the next day, his reconcilia- 
tion to the Government was celebrated with all due ceremo- 
ny, amid the acclamations of the populace. A general am- 
nesty and oblivion were mutually agreed to and ratified in the 
church of St. George ; after which Signor Tricoupi delivered 
an oration to the people and the soldiers in the grand square. 
Colocotroni replied without premeditation to the speech ad- 
dressed to him by one of the legislative body. " In coming 
hither from Hydra, I have cast all rancour into the sea ; do 
you so likewise ; bury in that gulph all your hatreds and dis- 

* Coletti, Colocotroni's principal enemy, was one of those who op- 
posed his release. Conduriotti, considering Coletti as the suborner of 
the Roumeliot troops who had abandoned the camp, wished him to be 
expelled ; but perceiving that he should soon require his support against 
Colocotroni, he gave up this idea. Mavrocordato, however, was the 
most obnoxious to the Moreote party . 

f " When I beheld Colocotroni sitting amid ten of his companions, 
prisoners of state, and treated with respect by his guards, I called to mind 
the picture that Tasso draws of Satan in the council of devils. His ne- 
glected gray hairs fell upon his broad shoulders, and mingled with his 
rough beard, which, since his imprisonment, he had allowed to grow as 
a mark of grief and revenge. His form is rugged and vigorous, his 
eyes full of fire, and his martial and savage figure resembled one of the 
sharp gray rocks that are scattered throughout the Archipelago." Such 
is the portrait of the old klepht drawn by Count Pecchio. Mr. Emer- 
son's description is not less picturesque, though he gives a different co- 
louring to his hair. He obtained permission to visit the rebel chiefs at 
Hydra a short time before. " The generality of them exhibit nothing pe- 
culiar to their appearance, being, like the rest of their, countrymen, 
wild, savage-looking soldiers, clad in tarnished embroidered vests, and 
dirty juctanellas. Colocotroni was, however, easily distinguished from 
the rest by his particularly savage and uncultivated air. His person is 
low, but built like a Hercules, and his short bull-neck is surmounted by 
a head rather larger than proportion warrants, which, with its shaggy 
eye-brows, dark mustachios, unshorn beard, and raven hair falling in 
curls over his shoulders, formed a complete study for a painter. He had 
formerly been in the service of the English in the Ionian Islands, as a 
serjeant of guards, and spoke with peculiar pride of his acquaintance 
with several British officers. He was in high spirits at the prospect of 
his liberation. . . . During my visit, he spoke of his enemies in the Go- 
vernment with moderation and no appearance of rancour ; he, however, 
said little ; but on the name of Mavrocordato or Coletti being mention- 
ed, he gathered his brow, compressed his lips, and baring his huge arm 
to the shoulder, he flung it from him with desperate determination." — 
Picture of Greece, vol. i. pp. 164, 167; vol. ii. p. 86. 



GREEK REYOLUTION. 325 

sensions : that shall be the treasure which you will gain" — 
alluding to the excavations in search of treasure which were 
then being made. Proclamations were now issued by the 
Government, calling the inhabitants of the Morea to arms ; 
all the shops of Napoli were ordered to be closed, except a 
sufficient number of bakers and butchers, and the whole po- 
pulation was to join the standard of Colocotroni. By the 
10th of June, he had assembled about 8000 men at Tripolit- 
za. Pappa Flescia had already marched to garrison Arcadia, 
and Petro Bey was raising his followers in Maina. 

In the meantime, Miaulis, the Hydriote admiral, had deter- 
mined on a desperate but decisive service ; this was no other 
than to enter the harbour of Suda, and attempt the de- 
struction of the remainder of the Egyptian fleet. He was 
just about to sail, when news was brought, that the Turkish 
( had passed the Dardanelles, and was at that time within 
thirty miles of Hydra. Instantly signals were fired, and in a 
quarter of an hour every anchor was weighed, every yard- 
arm spread with canvas, and the whole fleet steered for that 
island to protect their homes. They had nearly reached it, 
when a caique came off with the gratifying intelligence that, 
on the 1st of June, the hostile fleet had been met in the 
channel of Cavo Doro by the fire-ships of the second Greek 
squadron under Saktouri, when a line of battle-ship, (the 
Capitan Pacha's, who escaped by sailing in a smaller ship,) a 
corvette, and a frigate, were destroyed, and the Capitan Aga 
perished in the flames. Five transports also were taken, la- 
den with stores and ammunition, which were safely conveyed 
to Spezzia. The remainder of the fleet dispersed in all di- 
rections : one corvette was driven to Syra, where she was 
burned by the crew, after feigning to surrender, but 150 of 
the men were made prisoners. The larger body succeeded 
in reaching Rhodes ; but it was some time ere they could be 
re-assembled. This brilliant success, besides relieving Hy- 
dra, had a powerful effect in raising the spirits of the Greeks. 
The vessels contained a large proportion of the stores in- 
tended for the siege of Missolonghi." 

Miaulis now steering southward, was joined by Saktouri's 
squadron, making their united force amount to about seven- 
ty sail ; and it was resolved that the whole fleet, after com- 
pleting their provisioning at Milo, should proceed to Suda, 
where the Turkish and Egyptian fleets were now collected. 
It was not before the evening of the 12th that they reached 
the harbour, owing in part to stormy weather, and partly to 



326 HISTORY OF THE 

delays arising from the insubordination of the seamen. On 
the 14th, a light breeze springing up, enabled them to attack 
a division of the Ottoman fleet in the outer harbour ; and at 
the expense of three fire-ships and ten men killed, they de- 
stroyed a corvette with its equipage. They were prevent- 
ed from further success chiefly by the dropping of the wind, 
and by the unwonted precaution of the Turks, who in conse- 
quence of information given by a French schooner, had sepa- 
rated into four divisions. On the 17th, a severe gale separa- 
ted the Greek fleet, and they retired to Hydra, leaving the 
Turkish admiral to proceed unmolested to Navarino, where 
he landed a reinforcement of 5000 men. Thence he pursued 
his course with seven frigates and several smaller vessels to 
Missolonghi, where he arrived on the 10th of July. 

On the 23d of May, Mr. Emerson went on board of Mi- 
aulis' ship, where he remained a considerable time, and con- 
sequently had an opportunity of becoming acquainted with 
that celebrated Admiral, and of observing the state of naval 
tactics among the Greeks. We copy his observations on 
these important subjects. 

"Miaulis," says he, "is a man of from fifty to sixty years old, 
his figure somewhat clumsy, but with a countenance pecu- 
liarly expressive of intelligence, humanity, and good nature. 
His family have been long established at Hydra, and he has 
himself been accustomed to the sea from a child. Being 
intrusted at nineteen by his father with the management of a 
small brig which traded in the Archipelago, his successes in 
trade were equal to any of his countrymen, and about fifteen 
years ago he was amongst the richest of the islanders ; but 
the unfortunate loss of a vessel on the coast of Spain, which, 
together with her cargo, was his own property, and worth 
about 160,000 piastres, reduced his circumstances to medi- 
ocrity. A few years however in some degree recruited his 
fortunes, so far as, at the opening of the war, to enable him 
to contribute three brigs to the navy of Greece. He had at 
one time been captured, with two other Spezziot vessels, by 
Lord Nelson; his companions after a strict investigation, still 
maintaining that their cargo was not French property, were 
condemned : whilst his frankness in admitting the justness 
of the capture, notwithstanding that circumstance evidently 
convicted him, induced the British Admiral to give him his 
liberty. I never met with any man of more unaffected and 
friendly manners. He seems totally above any vaunting or 
affectation, and only anxious to achieve his own grand object 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 327 

— the liberation of his country, alike unmoved by the malice 
and envy of his enemies, or the lavish praise of his country- 
unen. The bravery of his associates is mingled with a con- 
siderable portion of ambition ; but with him there seems but 
one unbiassed spring, of steady sterling patriotism. 

The number of vessels at present employed in the Greek 
fleet does not exceed sixty-five ; of these forty are Hydriots, 
sixteen belong to Spezzia, and the remainder are the rem- 
nants of the Ipsariot squadron. The number of brulots is, 
of course, constantly varying, but seldom exceed fifteen, 
and is frequently so low as one or two. Of the vessels of 
war, about six or seven carry three masts, and are of three 
or four hundred tons burthen ; the remainder are all brigs 
and single-masted schooners, of from one hundred to two 
hundred and fifty tons ; the greatest number of guns carried 
by any vessel is eighteen, and these are almost always of 
different calibre, in consequence of having been brought 
from different forts, or purchased at various times. The 
weightiest are a few eighteen pounders in Miaulis and Soki- 
ni's brigs ; the remainder, in general, twelve cannonades, 
or a few long guns of the same weight of metal. The en- 
tire Greek fleet is as yet the property of individuals ; and, 
though the sailors are paid by the Government, as well as an 
allowance made for the disbursements of the vessels, the 
owners are, in general, subject to a main part of the ex- 
penses of those vessels. Conduriotti and his brother have 
furnished ten, Tombazi three, Miaulis three. The rest are, 
in general, fitted out by individuals, or are the joint property 
of the captain and his family. The beauty of their models, 
and the taste displayed in the cutting of their sails, have 
rendered the Hydriot vessels peculiar favourites with fo- 
reign seamen ; and it is remarkable, that this symmetry is 
merely the result of imitation ; the Hydriot builders con- 
structing their vessels solely from custom, and by the eye, 
having no regular system or mathematical guide for their di- 
rection, and this, too, with most imperfect tools ; — two sheep 
skins, for instance, worked by the hands, supplying the place 
of bellows. Seven only of the fleet have been built in 
Toulon and Leghorn, and the other ports of the Mediterra- 
nean ; and these are more remarkable for carrying a weighty 
cargo, than for the grace of their models. 

The number of seamen employed in each ship varies from 
100 to 60, and their pay from 70 to 40 piastres a month. 
Their activity and alertness, as sailors, are already well 



328 HISTORY OF THE 

known ; but, from the narrow circle in which they have been 
accustomed to trade, very few having passed the Straits of 
Gibraltar, they are not what may be called experienced sea- 
men ; and the number, even of captains, who have studied 
navigation, is so small, that they have frequently been enu- 
merated to me, and do not, I think, exceed ten or a dozen ; 
the necessity of this branch of education, being obviated by 
their coast voyages and short seas. 

As to the discipline or government of their ships, such a 
thing scarcely exists. There is, however, a kind of system 
which is observed in a few ships ; and which, it is under- 
stood, should be adopted in all. Under the captain, who 
has of course the internal management of the ship entirely 
at his disposal, and is subject to no orders save the admiral's, 
there is another officer to whom is entrusted the navigation 
of the vessel ; and who, in some degree, answers to the sail- 
ing-master in our navy. Next to him in rank, is the cap- 
tain's secretary ; who, besides writing his dispatches, keeps 
likewise a purser's account ; and to him succeeds the steward, 
who has the serving out of the ship's provisions to each mess ; 
and as a remnant of Turkish discipline, the cook closes the list 
of officers. Petty officers, gunners, or captains of quarters, 
there are none : and^in, fact, as I have said, it is in very few 
ships that even those mentioned above exist ; for, even here 
the same insubordination and want of union, which has been 
so widely prejudicial to "the best interests of Greece, reign 
as universally as on shore. 

The principal seat of discord is with the Spezziots, who, 
jealcus of the superior power and means which have qualified 
the Hydriots to take the lead in the affairs of Greece, have 
never ceased to express their discontent, and find fault with 
the actions of these fellows ; nor ever yet consented to co- 
operate with full spirit and unanimity, even in measures 
where a consolidation of forces was needful to ensure suc- 
cess. With their own admiral, their own system of disci- 
pline, and even their own code of signals, their squadron 
always sailing in a body, and aloof from the rest, they seem 
rather an appendage than a part of the fleet ; and have never 
failed to disobey any orders, or rather, refuse any requests 
of the Hydriot commander, which have not coincided with 
their own views of interests, advantage, or convenience. The 
unfortunate Ipsariots, on the contrary, with no longer any 
native land to fight for, no national superiority to support, 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 329 

deprived of kindred and connection, and, in fact, isolated 
beings, cast upon the world and their own exertions, with no 
spot of earth which they claim as their own ; only struggling 
to liberate a land where they can again place the remnants 
of their families and fortunes, in some spot which they may 
yet be able to call by the endearing name of home ; aloof 
from all faction, and swayed by no contending interests — 
these men have ever displayed the most undaunted bravery, 
and gladly coalesced in every measure proposed for the com- 
mon advantage ; and consequently uniting themselves with 
the most efficient body, the Hydriots, have, in common with 
them, shared the envy and ill-offices of their countrymen in 
Spezzia. 

An unfortunate spirit of jealousy has thus had influence 
enough over individuals to separate the feelings of the navy 
in general ; and private motives of envy and ambition have 
created similar factions amongst the capitani of each particu- 
lar island — places of favour, interest, ambition, and even 
pay, giving rise to constant dissentions, bickerings, and in- 
subordination. Amongst the commanders, however, the most 
frequent cause of disunion is vanity. I have never met any- 
body of men so greedy of applause as the Hydriot captains ; 
and the prospect of being the subject of an ode, or even an 
elegy, of being eulogized in the Hydriot Journal, or mention- 
ed in English newspapers, would be sufficient to stimulate 
numbers of them to attempt any enterprise, however hazard- 
ous ; consequently, the successes or advancement of one, in 
proportion as it casts the fame of his fellows into the shade, 
excites a spirit of envy and discontent ; and whilst this cre- 
ates one faction of those whose minds are irritated by disap- 
pointed ambition, a worse feeling has produced a second and 
a most dishonourable class. 

After the surprising exploits and well-earned fame of the 
Greek fleet, it may perhaps appear strange to assert, that 
those actions have been accomplished solely by the brulot- 
tiers, with the assistance of not more than 12 or 14 ships out 
of all the fleet ; and that the remaining 45 or 50 have ren- 
dered no other service to the cause of their country, than by 
their show adding to the apparent force of her navy, and tend- 
ing to augment the terror of the enemy by a display of num- 
bers. Yet such is actually the fact, and one which the pow- 
erless arm of the Government has, as yet, been unable to 
remedy. This circumstance arises from the ships being all 
private property ; and whilst the (ew brave fellows, whohesi- 

29 



330 HISTORY OF THE 

tate at nothing to accomplish their object, boldly face the 
most powerful force of the enemy ; others, less ambitious of 
honour, and more wary, content themselves with hanging 
aloof, and discharging a few harmless cannon beyond the 
range of the enemy's shot ; urging, as an ostensible reason, 
the folly of risking more lives than are necessary for the pro- 
tection of their brulottiers ; or, if more closely pushed, 
making no scruple to declare that they did not wish to have 
their own small ships exposed to the heavy fire of the Turk- 
ish frigates, when neither their own means, nor the allow- 
ance of the Government, are adequate to repair the damages 
they might sustain. Thus deprived by vanity or selfishness 
of the greater bulk of his fleet, Miaulis, with about a dozen 
faithful and subordinate followers, to aid the noble fellows 
who work the fire-ships, and who have never yet shrunk 
from their duty, has achieved every action which has tended 
to advance the liberty of Greece, and to bring its struggle 
towards a conclusion. 

But it is not amongst the captains alone that those deplo- 
rable feelings have been productive of unfortunate results : 
imitating the example of their commanders, and well aware 
of the inefficiency of the Government to inflict punishment 
for disobedience, the crews invariably manifest the same 
spirit of turbulence and insubordination. Proud of their 
newly acquired liberty, and impatient of any restraint, they 
will not listen to the name of subjection, or obedience to or- 
ders ; and the circumstance of every crew being composed 
of different descendants and relatives of the same family and 
name, and commanded by a person who is nearly connected 
by blood or marriage with almost every seamen on board, 
gives the captain an unwillingness to proceed to extremities, 
which must only tend to irritate the feelings of his family ; 
and, unsupported by the measures of an efficient Govern- 
ment, be finally productive of no other consequences than 
further disobedience, and more widely-spread discontent. 
In consequence of this, it is not the will of the admiral, or 
the wishes of the captain, but the consent of each crew, that 
must be obtained, previous to entering upon any important 
measure. If it meets their views of advantage or expedien- 
cy, there is little difficulty in its completion ; otherwise, there 
is no power to enforce its execution. However, as all par- 
ties are well aware of the extent of their respective influence, 
open quarrels are never heard of. If the admiral's orders 
are agreeable to the captain, and his measures appear ad- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 331 

visable to the crew, all goes on well ; if not, and it should 
happen that the demand is negatived, the affair drops, and 
some new movement is adopted, without dispute or useless 
recrimination. 

In the domestic economy of each ship there is consequent- 
ly a great deal of confusion and irregularity. No man on 
board has any regular quarters or post assigned him ; on the 
issuing of an order from the captain it is repeated by every 
mouth from end to end of the ship, and all crowd with ea- 
gerness to be the first to perform the most trifling service. 
This is of course productive of extreme bustle and confu- 
sion, especially in the eyes and ears of a stranger, and fre- 
quently occasioned me no little alarm ; as from the shouts 
and trampling over head I have often deemed the ship in 
danger, but on hurrying upon deck found it was merely some 
trivial duty, about which all were contending, such as setting 
a studding-sail, or hoisting up the jolly-boat. 

The only regular duty on board seems to be the discipline 
at dinner hour. The provisions of the sailors are not of the 
best description, consisting principally of salt and dried. fish, 
sardellas, and Newfoundland cod ; but to make amends for 
this, they have excellent biscuit, (sliced bread, leaven baked, 
being the real biscuit,) and the best Grecian wine. Mid- 
day and sunset are the hours of dinner and supper, and be- 
fore that time every mess, consisting of six persons, has its 
little table prepared between two of the guns. As soon as 
the signal is given, each table is served by the steward with 
its allowance of fish, bread, oil, wine, and vinegar, the eld- 
est man of the mess acting as dispenser, the youngest boy 
as cup-bearer. During the dinner hour the steward conti- 
nues walking round from mess to mess, to see that each table 
has its regular allowance of wine and bread, and during the 
whole ceremony the utmost silence and decorum is preser- 
ved. The tables of the captains, and particularly that of 
the admiral, are, however, much better served, as at even- 
Grecian port which they put into, the inhabitants vie with 
each other who shall send to the fleet the most acceptable 
presents of fresh provisions, vegetables, fruit, wine, cheese,, 
and sweetmeats, and these, together with the stock of Euro- 
pean stores and French wines, render their living rather 
luxurious."* 

* Picture of Greece, vol. i. p. 120—128. 



332 HISTORY OF THE 

But to return again to our main subject. The siege of 
Missolonghi had been carried on by the Pacha for two 
months, without making any impression. On the 27th of 
April, the first division of 5000 men had made their appear- 
ance, and they were soon followed by other parties ; but their 
whole artillery consisted of only two pieces of small cannon , 
arid they were already in want of provisions. On being joined, 
however, by Isouf Pacha, of Patras, their numbers amounted 
to 14,000 men, and they had five cannon and one mortar ; 
others were subsequently obtained from Lepanto, and Pa- 
tras. Several smart skirmishes took place. On the 6 th of 
May, a body of 200 Roumeliots attacked the enemy's position 
at the village of Pappadia, which was defended by 2000 men, 
under Banousa Cebrano, and succeeded in dislodging him, 
with a slight loss on the part of the Greeks. The Turks lost 
sixty killed and a number of prisoners. They then took up a 
new position, and were again obliged to retire before the 
Greeks with considerable loss, and to send to the camp for 
succours. At Anatolico, similar success attended the efforts 
of the Greeks in repelling an assault. On the 10th of May, 
the Turks, having completed their preparations for attack, 
commenced throwing bombs and shot into Missolonghi,which 
the garrison returned with equal vigour. A constant dis- 
charge of shot and shells was now kept up by the besiegers, 
who gradually advanced their lines and position nearer to the 
walls ; but very little mischief was done by the artillery, and 
the spirit of the garrison and inhabitants remained unbroken. 
Their provisions and ammunition, however, became nearly 
exhausted, and both parties were looking with anxiety for 
their respective fleets. 

On the arrival of the Capitan Pacha in July, the Seraskier 
was enabled to press the siege with increased vigour. The 
boats of the Ottoman fleet entered the lagoons, and the non- 
arrival of the Hydriote squadron rendered the situation of the 
besieged very critical. The garrison of Patras were able 
with impunity to ravage the country in the neighbourhood of 
Clarenza and Gastouni ; and about the middle of July, the 
latter town was almost totally burned by a party of Turkish 
cavalry. Anatolico surrendered on the 21st of July, the gar- 
rison of 300 men being make prisoners of war ; and on the 
1st of August, the Turkish commander, apprehensive of the 
approach of the Greek fleet, ordered a general attack upon 
Missolonghi. The works on the land-side were assailed in 
four places, while thirty boats occupied the lake. The Ot- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 333 

tomans were, however, every where repulsed, with the loss 
of part of their artillery ; and two days after (Aug. 3,) the 
Greek fleet, consisting of about twenty-five brigs, made its 
appearance. So critical was the moment of their arrival, 
that the town is stated to have been on the point of capitu- 
lating, their ammunition and provisions being exhausted, and 
their supply of water being cut off, when a dark night and a 
favourable wind enabled the Greek squadron securely to pass 
the Turkish line, and to take up a position between them and 
the town. On the 4th and 5th of the month, they succeeded 
in destroying two small ships of war, as well as all the boats 
on the lagoon, and throwing sufficient stores into the town. 
About mid-day, the Turkish fleet, without firing a shot, with- 
drew, part of it retiring behind the castles of the Gulf of Co- 
rinth, and the greater part making sail for the JEgian sea, in 
the direction of Durazzo. This appears to have been a feint, 
for they soon afterwards steered southwards for Rhodes, fol- 
lowed by the Greek squadron. 

The Seraskier was still sufficiently strong to maintain his 
position without much interruption ; and he continued the 
siege, though with scarcely any other result except that of 
loss to his own troops, in expectation of reinforcements from 
the Egyptian fleet fitting out at Alexandria. A bold but un- 
successful attempt had been made, on the 10th of August, to 
destroy this fleet. Three fire-ships succeeded in penetrating 
into the harbour undiscovered, but a sudden change of wind 
defeated the project, and though the brulots were burned, 
they did no mischief. Had this attempt succeeded, it would 
have greatly altered the aspect of affairs ; but in November, 
the Turco-Egyptian fleet appeared in the iEgian sea. 

In the Morea, the campaign had proved the most disas- 
trous that the Greeks had hitherto experienced. After the 
surrender of Navarino and Neo-castro, Ibrahim Pacha re- 
mained there only a few days, for the purpose of directing 
the repair of the fortifications and the erection of a new bat- 
tery on the island, and then dividing his forces, advanced on 
Arcadia and Calamato. The latter place, which possessed 
neither forces nor defence, he gained possession of after a 
well-maintained fight with a body of Greeks. But at Aghia, 
a strong position on the mountain which overhangs the town 
of Arcadia, a desperate conflict took place between the other 
detachment of Ibrahim's army and the Greeks under Pappa 
Flescia, supported by a few German officers. That valorous 
priest had taken post at the head of 800 men, but 150 only 

29* 



334 HISTORY OF THE 

remained with him, the others having fled ; and the whole 
of this valiant band perished sword in hand, overpowered by 
numbers. Pappa Flescia fell, after performing prodigies of 
valour.* Ibrahim Pacha admitted a loss, on his part, of 250 
men. After this victory, the Egyptians, in advancing on 
Arcadia, received a check from General Cohopulo, and fell 
back several miles ; and on crossing the mountain called 
Makriplaghi, which separates the plain of Messenia from the 
valley of the Upper Alpheus, he sustained the loss of 150 
men from the troops of Colocotroni, who was now advancing 
to occupy the passes ; but at length, after various skirmishes, 
in which the Greeks were, generally worsted, Ibrahim Pacha 
succeeded in reaching Leondari. 

It was now in vain to think of saving Tripoli tza, which 
contained no garrison : and orders were therefore sent to the 
inhabitants to burn the town. Collecting whatever portion 
of their property they were able to remove, they surrendered 
their houses and their standing crops to the flames, and re- 
treated towards Argos and Napoli di Romania. On the 20th 
of June, the Egyptians entered the abandoned and half-de- 
molished capital ; and three days after, hastening to profit by 
his advantage, Ibrahim Pacha advanced on Napoli. Coloco- 
troni, it seems, imagining that the Pacha's object would be 
to open a communication with Patras, had drawn off all his 
troops to occupy the passes in that quarter, thus leaving the 
route to Napoli undefended. When news arrived of his ap- 
proach, Demetrius Ipsilanti, " good at need," with about 
250 men, hastened to occupy the village of Mylos (the 
Mills.)f 

* Pappa Flessa, or Flescia, alias Gregorius Dikaios, at this time mi- 
nister of the interior, was one of the most zealous apostles of the revo- 
lution, to which cause, however, he did credit only by his bravery. A 
priest by profession, he lived surrounded with a numerous harem. A 
patriot par excellence, he enriched himself amid the miseries of his coun- 
try. It is some proof of virtuous feeling in the Greeks, that though his 
military talents and courage, and his valuable services, procured him offi- 
cial employment, his immoralities gave general umbrage, and he was 
contemned by all parties. Count Pecchio met him on the road between 
Argos and Tripolitza, preceded by his harem and two pipe-bearers, in 
the oriental style, and with all the pomp of a Pacha. He was hand- 
some, and his countenance had even an expression of majesty, adapted 
to command the homage of the people ; yet he was far from popular. — 
See Picture of Greece, vol. i. p. 89 ; vol. ii. p. 136. 

t Modern Traveller, Part ii. pp. 219, 238. i 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 335 

" Early on Saturday morning, the Egyptian line was seen 
descending the hills which lead to the rear of the village. — 
About eleven o'clock they had gained the plain ; but, instead 
of making any attempt on Mylos, they seemed to be only in- 
tent on pursuing their course towards Argos, and, for this 
purpose passed down a narrow plain lying between the vil- 
lage and the surrounding hills. Just, however, as the rear 
of their line had passed Mylos, a volley of musketry was dis- 
charged by the Greeks, a ball from which wounded Colonel 
Seve, a French renegade, who, under the name of Soliman 
Bey, has long been the chief military assistant ofthe Pacha, 
and the agent for the organization of the Egyptian troops. — 
Immediately the line halted, and, after some little delay, the 
main body passed on towards Argos, whilst about 2000 of the 
rear-guard remained behind, and advanced to the attack oi" 
the village. 

" Fortunately, the nature of the ground was such as to 
render the assistance of the cavalry impossible. They were 
obliged, after some useless manoeuvres in front of the Greek 
intrenchment, to retire with the loss of a few men. The 
main body, however, charged the garrison so closely, that, 
driven from every post, they were obliged to retire behind the 
fence of an orchard on the sea-shore, where they had a de- 
fence of three tambours, or low walls between them and the 
enemy. The two first of these were quickly forced, and, 
driven behind the third, with no possibility of further retreat, 
and nearly surrounded by the overpowering numbers of the 
enemy, their case now seemed desperate. The Egyptians, 
at length, advanced almost close to the third wall. ' Now, 
my brothers,' exclaimed a Greek capitano, ' is the moment 
to draw our swords.' With those words, he flung away his 
musket, and, springing over the fence, followed by the greater 
body of his men, attacked the enemy with his ataghan. A 
desperate conflict ensued for some moments, till the Egyp- 
tians, terrified by the sudden enthusiasm of their foes, at 
iength gave way, and commenced retreating towards the 
plain, whither they were pursued, for some distance, by the 
victorious Greeks.* Here they again rallied, and formed in 
order : but, instead of again renewing the attack, they left 
the Greeks in possession of the village, and continued their 

* It appears from other accounts, that several misticos, which lay 
close to the shore, opened a destructive fire upon the Egyptians, and 
f-oatributed not a little to their defeat. 



336 HISTORY OF THE 

march to rejoin their comrades, who about mid-day encamp- 
ed within three or four miles of Argos. 

" The inhabitants of that town, on the »first notice of the 
enemy's approach, had fled to Napoli di Romania, with what 
little of their property they were able to carry off, leaving 
their houses and homes to the mercy of the enemy. On 
Sunday morning, the flames, which were clearly visible at 
Napoli in that direction, told that the Pacha's troops were in 
motion : they had advanced to the town, and, finding it to- 
tally deserted, set fire to it in various quarters, and reduced 
the whole to ruins. The remainder of the day, all was quiet ; 
but early on Monday morning a party of cavalry were disco- 
vered on their march towards Napoli di Romania. All was 
instantly in bustle and confusion on their approach ; however, 
as they proved to be only about 700 in number, the panic 
soon subsided; and a party of mounted Greeks, about eighty, 
who sallied out to meet them, succeeded in putting them to 
flight, with the loss of one man. They then retired towards 
their encampment, and the same evening, having struck his 
tents, the Pacha set out on his return towards Tripolizza. 
Colocotroni, who had been advertised of his march towards 
Napoli, had, with all haste, returned from Karitena, to occu- 
py the Parthenian passes in his rear, and by that means cut 
off his return towards Modon ; he was now stationed with a 
large body of troops on the Bey's Causeway, where the slight- 
est opposition must have proved fatal to the Pacha's army. — 
Such, however, was his superior knowledge of the country 
and the movements of the Greeks, that dividing his line into 
two columns, he passed on each side of the Moreotes, 
and uniting again in the rear, had reached Tripolizza in 
safety ere Colocotroni was aware of his departure from My- 
los. Here he had again established his head quarters."* 

Napoli di Romania presented at this moment a scene of 
confusion, perplexity, and disorder, not easily to be describ- 
ed. Mr. Emerson, who arrived there on the 30th of June, 
when the consternation was at its height, says, that nothing 
could exceed the melancholy and filthy scene. " On every 
side, around the walls, were pitched the tents of the unfortu- 
nate refugees from Tripolizza and Argos, who had not been 
permitted to enter the city, for fear of increasing the contagi- 
ous fever ; and within the walls the streets were thronged with 
soldiers, who had assembled from all quarters for the defence 

* Picture of Greece. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 337 

of the town, or their own protection. Every shop was clo- 
sed, and it was with difficulty that we could procure a few- 
biscuits, some olives, and a little cloying sweet wine for sup- 
per ; the peasantry in the vicinity having all fled on the ap- 
pearance of the Egyptians, and no longer bringing in the ne- 
cessary supplies of provisions for the inhabitants of Napoli. 
All the houses were filled with soldiers ; my own lodgings 
were occupied by eighteen. The streets were every where 
in confusion with the quarrels of the new comers and the in- 
habitants, and the utmost efforts of the regular corps were 
scarcely sufficient to keep down the turbulence of the undis- 
ciplined soldiery. During the night the whole body conti- 
nued under arms, in the public square, awaiting every moment 
a general insurrection, threatened by the irregular troops, to 
plunder the town and make up their deficiency of pay. — 
This, however, did not occur ; and after a sleepless night of 
alarm and anxiety, morning broke, and found all in a state 
of comparative quiet. Every Greek whom I met, appeared 
at the acme of perplexity ; and their gratitude for their pre- 
sent escape was almost overcome by their anxiety for future 
events. 

" The Government seemed paralized at the successes of 
the enemy, and at thus seeing a formerly despised foe ad- 
vance openly beneath their very walls, and again return un- 
molested through the heart of their country. Neither were 
their hopes by any means raised on the receipt of a letter 
from Colcfccotroni, who was in the vicinity of Tripolizza, in 
which he loudly complained of the conduct of his troops, of 
their pusillanimity in formerly retreating, and leaving every 
pass undisputed to the enemy ; adding, that now, though his 
numbers were by no means deficient, and a spirited attack 
on Tripolizza might be attended with glorious results, he 
found it impossible to induce a single soldier to follow him." 

But they had still another source of perplexity in those in- 
ternal factions and foreign intrigues to which the failure of the 
cause has hitherto been chiefly attributable. About this 
time, a French faction started up, headed by a General 
Roche, who had in April arrived at Napoli, furnished with 
credentials from the Greek Committee at Paris. This gen- 
tleman professed himself a warm and disinterested Philhel- 
lenist, whose sole object was to obtain a thorough knowledge 
of the state of the country for the information of his col- 
leagues, and he soon insinuated himself into the good gra- 
ces of the Executive. A short time only had elapsed be- 



338 HISTORY OF THE 

fore he began to develope further views by reprobating the 
idea of a republican Government, and declaring his opinion 
to be in favour of a monarchy : he even went so far as to 
propose as sovereign the second son of the Duke of Orleans. 
This was merely thrown out, however, in conversation, till 
after the fall of Navarino, when he openly offered his plan to 
Government, promising in case it should be accepted, the 
aid of twelve thousand disciplined French troops. Although 
he met with no encouragement, the intrigues of the General 
and the French Commodore De Rigney, still continued, and 
every new disaster gave a fresh opening to their efforts ; 
its expediency was urged in the public cafes, and a party 
was even formed in its favour among the members of Go- 
vernment. Mavrocordato, Tricoupi, and the Hydriote 
party, however, strongly opposed it, declaring that, were the 
protection or interference of any foreign power found re- 
quisite, that of Great Britain would be the most efficient. In 
fact, while Capt. Hamilton* " was at Napoli, a deputation 
from the Islands had solicited him to take them under British 
protection, — a request with which he, of course, explained 
to them that he had not authority to comply. The clamours 
and complaints of the French and English parties becoming 
daily more annoying, Mavrocordato repaired to Hydra, to 
unite with the primates in urging the fleet again to put to sea, 
in order, by some favourable diversion, to allay the tumult 
of faction ; but the sailors taking advantage of the alarming- 
crisis, refused to embark unless their pay (already amounting 
to six or seven dollars a month) were doubled, and two 
months paid in advance. This conduct was the more dis- 
graceful, as their wages had always been regularly paid, even 
when the pay of the army had been allowed to run in ar- 
rears. On the 20th of July, another instalment of the loan 
fortunately arrived to rekindle the patriotism of the Hydriote 
seamen ; and they consented to sail in pursuit of the Capi- 
tan Pacha's fleet, which had been suffered, as already men- 
tioned, to proceed to Missolonghi. 

* This distinguished officer has the rare good fortune of being 
nearly as much respected by the Turks as by the Greeks ; and the 
influence of his name in the Levant is as great as that of Sir Sidney 
Smith oace was in Syria, or that of Nelson all over the Mediterra- 
nean. By the Greeks, the Chaplain to H. M. ship Cambrian as- 
sures us, " Captain Hamilton is regarded as a sort of guardian angel, 
whose benevolence is as unbounded as his power ; yet, he has never 
once favoured them at the expense of justice, or when it interfered 
with the course of duty."— Swan's Journal, vol. ii. p. 155. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 339 

Whether it was owing to the loan or to the exigencies of 
the country, does not appear, but towards the end of July 
the French faction was so fast giving way, and the majority 
of the populace, as well as of the Government, so strongly 
and openly declared themselves in favour of British protec- 
tion, that General Roche drew up a protest against their de- 
cision, in which, strange to say, he was joined by a young 
American officer of the name of Washington, who had ar- 
rived in Greece in June, furnished with credentials from the 
American Greek Committee at Boston. In this imbecile docu- 
ment, the French Realist and the American Republican, 
united by a common hatred of England, affect to consider 
the wish for British interference as an insult to their respect- 
ive nations. The paper was of course treated by all parties 
with merited contempt ; and Mr. Washington, the soi-disant 
Representative of America, shortly afterwards left Greece, 
under rather awkward circumstances.* In the meantime, 
it was determined at Hydra, that fresh deputies should be 
sent to London, while Signor Tricoupi was to proceed to 
Corfu, to consult the Lord High Commissioner of the Ionian 
Isles. Accordingly, the eldest son of Miaulis, and one of 
the Hydriote primates, embarked for England at the end of 

* Emerson, pp. 201, 2. In the reply of the Greek Government, it is 
remarked, that " Mr. Washington is not the deputy of any committee ; 
he is nothing more than a private gentleman." Thus, he would seem 
to have been a mere adventurer. They go on to say, that the document 
by which they place their national independence under the protection 
of his Britannic Majesty, is not the act of a few individuals, but of all 
'the deputies, primates, the army, and the navy of Greece; that they 
complain of no government, but that they do complain of certain agents 
of some European powers, who, in disregard of the neutrality proclaim- 
ed on the part of tjieir governments at the congress of Verona and at 
Laybach, have pursued a conduct hostile to the dearest interests of 
Greece, and have endeavoured to change the form of their government ; 
" Nobody knows this better than General Roche." — Swan, vol. ii. p. 1G0. 
Ridiculous and arrogant as appears the conduct of these foreigners, it 
is but just to add, that they have not gone much farther than certain 
English Philhellenists, respecting whom Prince Mavrocordato is com- 
pelfed to say, in a letter to Mr. Blaquiere : — " The conduct on the part 
of these gentlemen is well worthy of the liberty of which they wish to 
boast. Can there be a more cruel despotism, than that of a foreigner, 
who, without any right, wishes to command, without paying the least 
regard to the existing laws ? Does the first comer think that he can 
tread us under his feet, or are we thought capable of being led by the 
nose by the first intriguer ?" — Blaquiere 's second Visit, p. 84. 



340 HISTORY OF THE 

August, and General Roche soon after left Greece for his 
own country.* 

The Russian party appears to have now become quite ex- 
tinct. Its death-blow was a semi-official note, put forth in 
the preceding year by the Russian cabinet, in which the idea 
was thrown out of forming Greece into principalities, on the 
same plan as the Dacian provinces ; one principality to con- 
sist of Eastern Greece, (Thessaly, Bceotia, and Attica ;) a se- 
cond of Western Greece, (Epirus and Acarnania,) from the 
Austrian boundary to the Gulf of Corinth ; the third of the 
Morea and Candia ; and the islands to remain under a mu- 
nicipal government nearly in their former state. This mid- 
dle course, it seems to have been thought, afforded the best 
basis for a treaty of peace between the belligerent parties, 
under the mediation of the Emperor. To the Greeks, how- . 
ever, the proposal appeared both insidious and degrading ; 
and it had been the occasion of a spirited letter addressed by 
M. Rodios, secretary of the Greek Executive, to the British 
Government, bearing date August 12, 1824, but which did 
not reach this country till the following November. The 
letter contains the following remarkable declaration : " The 
Greek nation, as well as its Government, whose organ I have 
the honour to be, in offering their homage to his Britannic 
Majesty through your Excellency, solemnly declare, that 
they prefer a glorious death to the disgraceful lot intended to 
be imposed upon them." Mr. Canning's reply (dated Dec. 1, 
1824,) assured the Greek Government, that Great Britain 
would " take no part in any attempt to impose upon Greece 
by force a plan for the re-establishment of peace contrary to 
its wishes ;" and that it might depend on our continuing to 
observe a strict neutrality ; but this was all, it was added, 
that could reasonably be required of the British ministers. "f 
It was at least all that, under existing circumstances, the 
unhappy Greeks were warranted to expect, or that the poli- 
cy of England enabled it to concede. The object of the 
deputation sent to England in 1825, was, therefore, to 

* Modem Traveller, Part II. 

t " Connected as we are with the Porte," Mr. Canning goes onto 
say, " by the existing friendly relations, and by ancient treaties which 
the Porte has not violated, it can certainly not be expected that England 
should commence hostilities which that power has not provoked, and take 
part in a contest which is not ours." Both the Letter of M. Rodios and 
Mr. Canning's Reply, will be found in the Annual Register for 1835, pp. 
56*— 60*. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 341 

consult the friends of the cause in England on the most ex- 
peditious and advantageous means of terminating the war, 
and to obtain the succour and support of certain well-known 
individuals, rather than to make a renewed application to the 
British Government.* 

1 82 *5 *^ avo ^ an unnecessary interruption of our narrative . 
the state of affairs in Eastern Greece during the year 
1825 has not been distinctly adverted to, as they had little in- 
fluence on the course of events; but the death of Ulysses, 
which took place in June, and the circumstances which led 
to it, are of too interesting a nature to be passed over. This 
distinguished capitanos, the son of a Thessalian klepht, but 
a native of Ithaca, had been brought up by Ali Pacha of 
loannina ; a bad school, in which he is said to have learned 
how to play the tyrant. He was among the first to join the 
insurgents ; and from his favourite haunts among the caves 
of Parnassus, he harassed the Turkish armies by cutting oft* 
their supplies. | In September, 1822, at the head of about 
•200 palikars, he presented himself to the Athenians, who, 
" thinking that they had an entire right to dispose as they 
liked of their own citadel, re-conquered by their own exer- 
tions, resigned it, together with themselves and their pro- 
perty, to the ambiguous protection of Ulysses." The Go- 
vernment had the prudence immediately to confirm their 
choice, and appointed him captain-general of Eastern 
Greece. J The whole power, civil and military, legislative 
and executive, was thus placed in his hands, and he is said 
not greatly to have abused it. In imitation of his old master, 
he established an excellent police ,* and the Athenians were 
at least the gainers by the change which gave them a Greek, 
instead of a Turkish master. 

Such was the man whom Col. Stanhope, mistaking the 
crafty robber for a philanthropic liberal, — the despot for a 
republican, was anxious to see placed at the head of the 

* The assistance of Lord Cochrane was more especially pressed by 
young Miaulis. 

t Hence his heroic cognomen, Ulysses. 

i Waddington, p. 76. Demetrius Ipsilanti and Niketas had been 
commissioned by the Executive to take possession of Athens ; but 
they found themselves possessed of only a nominal authority. Ulys- 
ses had been captain of Livadia, and he had acquired popularity by his 
military exploits. 

30 



342 . HISTORY OF THE 

Greek nation, and to whose malignant hatred of Mavroeor- 
dato he so imprudently lent himself.* Considering the Pre- 
sident as the greatest obstacle to his ambitious designs, 

* See Stanhope's Greece, pp. 125, 134, 197. " 1 have been con- 
stantly with Ulysses. He has a very strong mind, a good heart, and 
is brave as his sword ; he governs with a strong arm, and is the 
only man in Greece that can preserve order. He is for a strong 
government, for constitutional rights, and for vigorous efforts against 
the enemy.". . . "The chief Ulysses has been a mountain robber — 
has refused to give up Athens to a weak government, and has late- 
ly sympathised with the people, and taken the liberal course in 
politics. He is a brave soldier, has great power, and promotes pub- 
lic liberty. Just such a man Greece requires. . . He is shrewd and 
ambitious, and has played the tyrant, but is now persuaded that the 
road to fame and wealth, is by pursuing good government. He 
therefore follows this course, and supports the people and the re- 
public. Negris, who once signed his sentence of death, is now (May, 
1824) his minister." " The fact is," remarks Mr. Waddington, in 
commenting upon these panegyrical expressions, " that Ulysses, to 
gain any end, will profess any principles ; and as the Colonel was 
believed to be the dispenser of the good things collected at Misso- 
longhi, and to possess influence over the future distribution of the 
loan, he was obviously a person to be gained. Behold, then, the robber, 
Ulysses, the descendant from a race of robbers, the favourite pupil of 
Ali Pacha, the soldier whose only law through life had been his sword, 
suddenly transformed into a liberal, philanthropic republican ! It is true, 
indeed, that in 1821 Ulysses signed his name to a constitution dictated at 
Salona by Theodore Negris, in which there is one article expressly spe- 
cifying a wish for a. foreign constitutional monarch ; but circumstances, 
I suppose, and principles, are now changed. However, it is not at last 
impossible, that Ulysses may be sincere in his desire that Greece should 
be left to govern herself. The little kingdom of Eastern Hellas suits 
him very well ; and in the probable anarchy of the ' Hellenic Republic,' 
he may foresee the means of securing that independence which, in fact 
he possesses at present. The Central Government, probably dreading 
some such intention on his part, are now elevating Goura in opposition 
to his master. Their hopes indeed, of establishing any degree of legal 
authority in that province, rest a good deal on thedisunion of these two 
chiefs." — Waddington, p. 82. Colonel Stanhope writes to Mavrocor- 
dato, on one occasion : " Among these bad men, the most odious and 
black-hearted are those who are intriguing in the dark to saddle on 
the Greek people a foreign king.'' Whether the Colonel meant to 
pun on the Prince's name, or not, we learn from Mr. Blaquiere, that he 
meant Mavrocordato to take it to himself; for he had accused him of in- 
triguing in concert with the metropolitan Ignatius for that purpose. — 
This cool insult, the Prince rebuts with equal dignity and temper. " I 
have nothing to appropriate to myself of all that he writes. If he is at- 
tached to our constitution, I think that he whose boast it is to have con- 
tributed to its formation ought to be much more so than any other. I 
know (and have even aD the documents in my hand) that M. Negris ad- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 343 

Ulysses, in common with Colocotroni, always singled him 
out as the especial object of his jealousy and hatred, never 
speaking of him without contempt; and in their English 
friends, they found persons too willing to assist in propa- 
gating their calumnies both in Greece and in England. — 
The breach which might possibly have been healed between 
the contending parties, was thus irremediably widened. The 
fall of Mavrocordato was the favourite object of the military 
party ; and on their accession to power, it has been seen he 
was compelled to take refuge in Hydra. Ulysses is repre- 
sented as having, in 1824, offered to mediate between the 
Colocotroni party and the Constitutional Government at Ar- 
gos ; and the surrender of Napoli is ascribed by Capt. Hum- 
phreys to his interference.* It seems to have been his ob- 
ject at that time, to secure his share of the loan, his soldiers 
being, according to his own account, in long arrears of pay. 
By Conduriotti, then President, he was well received ; but 
by the other members of the Government, he was viewed 
with a distrust which was not lessened by his requiring a 
body-guard of ten followers. This was very properly ob- 

dressed, more than eighteen months ago, circulars in favour of a mo- 
narchical government, of which the ex-king of Westphalia, Jerome, was 
to be the head ; and I also know that I was the first to combat his" 
opinion. Can this M. Negris be the bad man of Col. Stanhope ? I know 
positively also, that under the shadow of the constitution, several cap- 
tains do that which the greatest despots in the world would not, per- 
haps, do ; that they break legs and arms, and leave in this state of dread- 
ful torture, innocent men to perish ; that they kill, that they hang, that 
they destroy men without previous trial ; that they revolt ; that they 
even betray their country. Can these be the Colonel's good men? 
These latter I have always opposed, even at the peril of my life." — 
Bluquicre's Second Visit, p. 83. That this is no libel on Ulysses, may 
be inferred from Mr. Waddington's brief description. " Ulysses is in 
no respect distinguished from his meanest soldier, otherwise than by 
the symmetry of his form, and the expressive animation of a countenance 
which, though handsome, is far from prepossessing; for an habitual 
frown, and a keen and restless eye, betoken cruelty, suspiciousness, and 
inconstancy; and those who have derived their opinion of his character 
from the observation of his exterior, and the rumour of his most notori- 
ous actions, pronounce him to be violent, avaricious, vindictive, distrust- 
ful, inexorable. Those, on the other hand, who believe themselves to 
have penetrated more deeply into his feelings and principles, consider 
him to be under the exclusive guidance of policy and interest.'' 

* Humphreys, p. 322. This gentleman represents Coletti to have- 
been the implacable enemy of his friend Ulysses, who is stated to have 
been nevertheless at this time determined to support the Government. 



344 HISTORY OF THE 

jected to, but no open rupture took place. There was even 
a talk of nominating him to the command of the forces op- 
posed to Dervish Pacha ; but this nomination being delayed, 
and his demands refused, he took offence, and, accompanied 
by the Englishman Trelawney, who had married his sister, 
and by General Karaiskaki, quitted Napoii in disgust.* — 
Soon after, learning that Goura, formerly his lieutenant, ha<] 
been nominated to replace him in the command of Athens, 
he disbanded his soldiers, and retired to his fortified cave at 
Parnassus. This strong hold he had lately prepared, in case 
of being reduced to extremities. It was a natural excava- 
tion, capable of accommodating 2000 persons, and contain- 
ing a spring of fresh water. It could be reached only by 
ascending a perpendicular cliff a hundred feet in height, 
which was accomplished by means of three ladders, succes- 
sively drawn up after passing them ; a number of descent? 
and windings then conducted from the small platform to the 
interior. Here Ulysses had placed a few pieces of cannon, 
a supply of small arms, and ammunition and provisions suffi- 
cient for a ten years' siege ; and hither he removed his fami- 
ly and his treasures, determining to separate himself entirely 
from the Greeks and their cause, and to make his own terms 
with their enemies. The sequel, we give in the words of 
Mr. Emerson :f 

" The Pacha of Negropont had been one of his early 
friends, and he now renewed the acquaintance for the pur- 
pose of answering his own views : what those were have 
never been understood clearly ; but his means of accomplish- 
ing them were, at least, extremely liable to suspicion. Fre- 
quent letters, and, at length, frequent conferences, of all 
which the Government had due notice, passed between him 
and the Pacha. The object of Ulysses is stated to have 
been the possession of Negropont ; it is at least evident, as 
well from his former conduct, as from his treating with an in- 

* Humphreys, pp. 260 — 262. Capt. Humphreys states, that Ulysses 
was offered a command at Hydra, and refused it, as placing him too much 
in the power or at the disposal of the Government. The distrust was 
therefore mutual. Previously to his leaving Napoii, he is said to have 
been shot at when sitting at a window in the house of Niketas. This 
circumstance, if authenticated, would amply justify his " disgust," but 
it requires to be substantiated. Negris, whom he left behind at Napoii , 
died there after a short illness. 

f Modern Traveller. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 345 

lerior, that he had no intention of attaching himself to the 
party of the Sultan. Be it as it may, he was now declared 
a traitor by the Government. Unable, or perhaps too haugh- 
ty to give an explanation of his motives to his personal ene- 
mies, he prepared to meet force by force. Goura, his own 
captain, and a wretch who had owed his fortune to Ulysses, 
was placed at the head of the forces in Attica, to blockade 
the cave, and reduce him to allegiance. Ulysses immedi- 
ately assembled his followers, but never on any occasion 
accepted of the assistance of the Turks. Some slight skir- 
mishes had already taken place ; but as the soldiers of Ulys- 
ses were daily deserting, as well from an unwillingness to 
tight against their countrymen and government, as from be- 
ing allured by the threats and promises of Goura, he was 
beginning to feel himself somewhat straitened ; and gradu- 
ally retreating towards the country north of Eubcpa, he con- 
tinued to hold out against his pursuers, whilst the cave was 
left in charge of his family and a proper garrison." 

u This was in March, 1825. Towards the close of April, 
deserted by his followers, Ulysses had retreated, with a very 
few attendants, to a monastery in the vicinity of Talanda, 
which Goura proceeded to blockade. Suddenly, it is said, 
on condition of being brought to trial, he came unattended, 
and surrendered himself to Goura, by whom he was sent pri- 
soner to the Acropolis at Athens, the scene of his former 
power. Here he was confined in the lofty Venetian tower, 
where he lay, till the 5th of June, when his death took place 
under somewhat mysterious circumstances. The story cir- 
culated was, that in attempting to make his escape, the rope 
by which he was lowering himself broke, and he was dashed 
to pieces on the pavement at the base of the tower. Mr. 
Emerson inclines to believe that he was secretly put to death 
by order of the Government, but he gives no valid reason 
for fastening so black a charge on the Executive. If he fell 
by unfair means, the character of Goura would not be 
wronged by the supposition that his jealousy and his fears 
might conspire to prompt him to an act by which he would 
get rid of the man he had treated with such ingratitude and 
baseness. And Mr. Swan states, that it was reported to 
be the case ; that Goura let down the rope before the win- 
dow of his prison, and that Ulysses supposing it to have been 
furnished by his friends without, fell into the snare.* 

• The official account, which is perfectly distinct and consistent, 
30* 



346 APPENDIX. 

fi9fl In the mean time, the cave of Ulysses in mount Parnas* 
sus, which was left under command of Trelawney, was 
closely blockaded, and every attempt was made to gain 
possession. Ulysses had been himself escorted to the spot, 
and forced to sign a summons to Trelawney to surrender, 
which was not complied with.* Among the inmates of the 
cavern was a Captain Fenton, a native of Scotland', who had 
arrived a mere adventurer in Greece the preceding winter, 
and during his intercourse with the European residents in 
the Morea, had proved himself to be divested of every 
principle or fueling of a gentleman. He had even stooped 
so low, Mr. Emerson states, as to orTer his services to a 
person in power as the assassin of Ulysses, for the remune- 
ration of a few dollars. This proposal, so far from being- 
accepted, led to his being ordered to leave Napoli,j*on which 

is given by Mr. Swan (vol. ii. p. 95,) together with the affidavit oi 
the physician. Mr. Emerson supposes the story to have been 
" feigned by the government, to cover their own imbecility, in not, 
daring openly to condemn or bring to trial a man whom they still 
dreaded, and of whose guilt they were unable to produce convicting 
proofs." What other proofs could be requisite than his having ad- 
vanced on Athens, at the head of a body of Turkish cavalry, and 
openly warred against the Government ? — See Humphrey's Journal ', 
p. 292. 

* Trelawney, Capt. Humphreys says, " had greatly determined Ulys- 
ses to leave the Turks, and proposed to him to quit Greece entirely for 
a time, and go to America ; he could not, therefore, in honour, betray the 
trust reposed in him." 

| Mr. Emerson does not name the person ; he asserts, however, 
" that the proposal was accepted, but a disagreement in the terms, or 
some other circumstance, had prevented its execution." From whom 
did he learn this ? From Fenton or from Jarvis ? — Capt. Humphreys' 
attempts to fasten the atrocious calumny on Mavrocordato. "-Whoe* 
ver," he says, " first made this infamous proposal, an argument used by 
Mavrocordato, was, that Trelawney, as a native of Great Britain, being 
in the service of the Greeks, was out of the pale of his country's laws ; 
and an American of the name of Jarvis, now a Greek lieutenant-ge- 
neral, was Mavrocordato's agent in the affair, and negotiated between 
them." This Jarvis (or Gervase,) who is the same that headed the gar- 
rison at Neo-castro, has admitted that he was the person who intro- 
duced Fenton to the Prince, but states, that " he discontinued his ac- 
quaintance on Fenton's intimating a design to murder his friend, the man 
upon whom he was dependant, and with whom he lived on the strictest 
terms of intimacy." ;i He regrets,'' adds Mr. Swan, " as well he may, 
having had the least acquaintance with him." — Journal, vol. ii. p. 102.— 
, Here is not a word of any proposal made to Mavrocordato ; nor is 
it credible that Fenton should have been expelled from Napoli by 
the Government, if such a proposal had been for a moment listened 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 347 

he determined on joining the party of the man he had 
offered to assassinate, and to whom his quarrel with the Go- 
vernment was a sufficient recommendation. He was accord- 
ingly received among the inmates of the cave, where he re- 
mained after the surrender of Ulysses, as the dependant 
rather than the companion of Trelawney ; till on the death 
of the chieftain, he formed the atrocious resolution of ma- 
king himself master of the cave and its contents, which, by 
previous contract, were now the property of his benefactor. 
A (c\v days before he made the attempt, the cave was visit- 
ed by a young English gentleman named Whitcombe, whom 
Fenton succeeded in persuading to become his accomplice. 
The plan was, that they should fire at a target, while their 
host and benefactor stood umpire ; and while Trelawney, 
unsuspectingly advanced to examine the first shots, the con- 
spirators both made the attempt at the same moment. Fen- 
ton's pistol missed fire ; but Whitcombe's took effect with 
two balls, and Trelawney fell, desperately, though not fatally 
wounded. His attendants, rushing forward, poinarded Fen- 
ton on the spot, while his confederate was secured in irons. 
Trelawney's recovery was long doubtful, but at length he 
was able to leave the cave, together with his wife, Goura 
having consented to grant them an escort, and in September, 
they embarked for the Ionian Isles. Before his departure, 
he generously gave Whitcombe his liberty, letting him loose 
again on society, in consideration of his youth (scarcely 
nineteen) and the respectability of his family.* The cave 
remained in possession of the widow of Ulysses and her ad- 
herents. We now resume the events of the war. 

to. Whitcombe, however, in an intercepted letter to this same Capt. 
Humphreys, after accusing him of deserting one whom he called his 
friend, charges him in the plainest terms with being himself accessory 
to the intended murder of Trelawney. Possibly, he had been told this 
by Fenton, who perhaps told Humphreys that h6 was engaged by Mav- 
rocordato. Humphreys, however, by his own confession, knew, while 
he was with Ulysses, that Fenton was carrying on the intrigue, — ' ; un- 
der the pretence to us," he says, " whether true or false, of entrapping 
Mavrocordato." This privity must certainly tend to vitiate his evi- 
dence. Yet, before he left Greece, he had the temerity to write a vi- 
rulent letter to Mavrocordato, accusing him of keeping in pay assassins. 
— Humphreys, p. 330. Swan, vol. ii. p. 100. 

* Mr. Whitcombe has returned to Hydra, very little sensible, as if, 
seems, of the heinousnessof his conduct. He is said to be an extreme- 
ly weak young fellow, full of daring and romance, and desirous of aping 
the extravagant conduct of Hope's Anastasius. — Swan t vol. ii. p. 187. 



34$ HISTORY OF THE 



The military events in Eastern Greece were of slight im 
portance, the Seraskier having found it necessary to recall 
into Thessaly the troops that had entered Boeotia, for the 
purpose of supporting the operation of the Pacha of Egripo. 
in order to direct all his means to the protection of his posi- 
tion before Missolonghi. 

To return to the Morea. Having failed in surprising Na- 
poli, the object next in importance, to which Ibrahim Pacha 
turned his attention, was to open a passage to Patras ; but 
the mountainous districts of Arcadia and Achaia, which in- 
tervene between that city and the plains of Mantinea and Ar- 
gos, are exactly suited to such troops as the Armatoli, and 
Demetrius Ipsiianti was able effectually to bar his further 
progress in that direction. On the 10th of August, an en- 
gagement took place between a body of Egyptian troops ad- 
vancing from Megalopolis and the Greeks posted near Phiga- 
Jia, in which the former were repulsed with the loss of 250 
killed and thirty prisoners, among whom was Deri Bey, their 
captain, who died of his wounds ; the Greeks, firing from be- 
hind their tambours, had only three killed and five wounded. 
In a subsequent engagement, Ibrahim Pacha is stated to have 
been defeated in person, by the united forces of Ipsiianti, 
Colocotroni, and Coliopulo ; his Moorish regulars having fled 
before the well-aimed fire of the Greeks, threw the whole 
army into disorder, and 300 were left dead on the field. At 
length, Tripolizza became an insecure position, and after 
the retreat of the Ottoman fleet from before Missolonghi, 
Ibrahim Pacha retreated with all his forces to Calamata. 
there to await reinforcements and supplies. Symptoms of 
the plague at Modon prevented his retiring on that place. 

By a show of clemency at the qpening of the campaign, 
and the merciful observance of his treaties at Navarino and 
Neo-castro, Ibrahim had expected to carry all before him. 
Proclamations of mercy and conciliation were made in his 
march to Tripolizza, at every village ; but the inhabitants, too 
well instructed by experience, invariably fled to the moun- 
tains at his approach. 

Disappointment and rage now led him to throw off the 
mask. Every deserted village was reduced to ashes as he 
passed, every unfortunate straggler that fell into his hands 
was unrelentingly butchered : and he openly declared that 






GREEK REVOLUTION. 349 

he would burn and lay waste the whole Morea.* " Thus," 
remarks Colonel Leake, " was annihilated in a few weeks, 
that slight improvement which had been produced by a three 
year's exemption from the blighting presence of the Mussul- 
mans ; during which an increase of inhabitants, seeking re- 
fuge from other parts of Greece, together with the confi- 
dence inspired by a government which, however imperfect, 

* The Rev. Mr. Swan in September (1825,) accompanied Captain 
Hamilton in a visit to Ibrahim Pacha, at Mistra, for the purpose of 
negotiating a change of prisoners. His person is thus described : " The 
Pacha is a stout, broad, brown faced, vulgar-looking man, thirty-five or 
forty years of age, strongly marked with the small-pox; his counte- 
nance possesses little to engage, but, when he speaks, which he does 
with considerable ease and fluency, it becomes animated and rather 
striking. He frequently accompanies his words with a long drawling 
cry, which to European ears sounds ridiculously enough. His manner 
carries with it a sort of decision which is the common appendage of 
despotism. Deprived of this, he would resemble an uneducated, hard- 
favoured seaman of our own country. He was plainly clothed for a 
Turk ; and his camp establishment altogether, had none of that 
parade and luxury which we are accustomed to attach to eastern war- 
fare." The Pacha professed his high regard for the English nation, 
and was at once most polite, wily, and evasive. " Speaking of the 
Morea," continues Mr Swan, " although he regretted the necessity 
of his present proceedings, yet it was his intention to pursue them to 
the utmost. He would burn and destroy the whole Morea ; so that 
it should neither be profitable to the Greeks, nor to him, nor to any 
one. What would these infatuated men, the dupes of their own imbe- 
cile government, do for provisions in the winter ? He knew that his 
own soldiers would alsc suffer — that they too must perish. But his 
father Mehemet Ali was training forty thousand men, and he was in 
daily expectation of a reinforcement of twelve thousand. If these were 
cut off, he would have more, and he would persevere till the Greeks 
returned to their former state. One of the castles on the plain, he said, 
had just been carried by assault, and the garrison all put to the sword ; 
the other was expected to fall immediately. He repeated, ' I will not. 
cease till the Morea be a ruin.' The Sultan has already conferred upon 
him the title and insignia of a Pacha of this unhappy land ; and, said his 
highness, ' If the good people of England, who are so fond of sending 
money to the Greeks, would send it directly to me, it would save them 
considerable trouble : eventually, it all comes to iny treasury.' " Sulie- 
man Bey is thus described : " He looks exactly like an ostler turned 
bandit : a striking vulgar face, marked with the small-pox, (as if in 
sympathy with his master !) is set off by small light-blue eyes, light 
hair, and a flat nose. This person was raised from the ranks by Bona- 
parte, and became aid-de-camp to General Ney, for attempting to 
effect whose escape he was outlawed He then served in the corps of 
the Mamelukes, which he organized ; and, finally, abandoning his reli- 
gion for the polluted and degrading faith of the Crescent, he became Sulie 
man Bey, the associate, friend, and general of Ibrahim Pacha. "- 
Swan's Journal, vol. ii. pp. 237, 246. 



350 HISTORY OF THE 

had been sufficiently composed of right materials to produce 
some beneficial reforms, promised in a short time to effect a 
favourable change in the whole peninsula. Schools of mu- 
tual instruction and other places of education had been es- 
tablished in several towns ; and no sooner had the govern- 
ment obtained the power of taking the collection of the reve- 
nue out of the hands of the old primates and captains of 
Armatoli, than the national domains, formed of the confisca- 
ted Turkish property, were let for double the sum that had 
been given for them the preceding year."* 

From September to November, Ibrahim Pacha remained 
quite inactive, but continued his station at Modon. On the 
10th of November the long expected fleet from Alexandria 
reached Modon and Navarino in safety, and began immedi- 
ately to disembark troops, stores, ammunition, and provisions. 
This formidable armament was composed of the Egyptian 
and Turkish fleets combined, and consisted of one hundred 
and thirty sail of vessels, of which ninety hoisted pendants. 
In this number are included ten fire-ships and one steam ves- 
sel ; the rest were transports, among which were a few Eu- 
ropean vessels. The steam vessel was purchased by the 
Viceroy of Egypt, and was formerly the London Engineer, 
Margate Packet. This is the fifth time, remarks Mr. Green, 
that the Egyptian fleet has safely disembarked troops in the 
Morea, since February of this year. 

After the landing was effected at Modon and Navarino, the 
Capudan Pacha, commander of the Turkish fleet, proceeded 
with 60 sail of vessels to Patras, where he was joined by the 
Egyptian squadron towards the end of November. Here the 
remainder of the troops and stores were landed. The whole 
number of troops brought by the Egyptian fleet was 12,000 
infantry, and about 1200 cavalry, chiefly disciplined Arabs. 

On the 22d instant the Greek fleet was seen steering to- 
wards Patras, and on the 25th, the Turkish squadron stood 
out of the Gulf of Lepanto, and attacked the Greeks. But it 
being almost an entire calm, little damage was done on either 
side. On the 27th another partial engagement took place, 
but the Turks being largely reinforced, the Greeks thought 
it most prudent to retire. 

Meanwhile, Ibrahim Pacha having completed his arrange- 
ments at Navarino, set out from that place with 4000 men, 
and arrived in the vicinity of Gastouni on the 27th, having 

* Modern Traveller, Part ii. p. 228—256 



f * 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 351 

burned the villages, killed the inhabitants, and devastated thr 
country through which he passed. About the same time 
Isouf Pacha arrived in the neighbourhood of the same place 
from Patras, having under his command a body of cavalry. 
The town being unfortified, could offer no resistance, and was 
accordingly taken possession of by the Turks and Arabs. 
Most of the inhabitants had made their escape when these 
infidels arrived, but such as were found were as usual cut in 
pieces. 

The garrison at Missolonghi continued to hold out at this 
time, although the place was nearly untenable from the depth 
of mud and filth. It was still invested by the forces of the 
Seraskier, but they had of late made no assault, owing pro- 
bably to the heroic defence which had been made on former 
occasions. 

The Greek squadron, after the partial engagement men- 
tioned above, having received neither reinforcements, nor 
supplies, returned to the Archipelago in the beginning of 
December. Meanwhile, the Turkish vessels were constant- 
ly cruising between Zante and Missolonghi, keeping a strict 
blockade on the latter place. 

The division under Ibrahim Pacha proceeded from Gas- 
touni to Patras, from which place he sent the Lalliots, who 
were without a home, to Gastouni, which town they now oc- 
cupy as their own. Ibrahim, it was understood, at this time, 
had the most positive orders to proceed against Missolonghi, 
and as a preparatory measure had transported his army to 
Crio Nero, a plain situated between two mountains about 
twelve miles from the former place. Here he formed his 
camp, and landed guns and ammunition, and provisions for 
the intended siege. The Seraskier still maintained his posi- 
tion before Missolonghi, with only 3000 men, his Albanians 
having most of them deserted him.* 

Great preparations were made, particularly on the side of 
the Turks, for the next campaign. The army of disciplined 
Arabs, while they are expected to give great efficiency to the 
Turkish forces, are calculated, by their hardihood, courage, 
and cruelty, to intimidate the Greeks. By sea, it is certain 
that the infidels have not yet obtained any signal advantage 
over the Greeks — and by land, it is also true that at the time 
of which we are writing the Greek troops are fully equal, 
man to man, to their enemies. 

* Green's Sketches, pp. 126—133. 



352 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. XXII. 

Commerce of Greece, and its productions — The Morea, its 
currants, figs, wine, silk-worms and forests — Population of 
Greece — Character of its inhabitants — Albanians, their 
bravery — Messenians, their debasement, sloth and indolence. 
Lalliois and Mainotes — The latter, descendants of the Spar- 
tans — Anecdote of two Mainotes — Their want of faith. — 
Hydriots and Spezziots, their character and superstition — 
Roumeliotes — -Albanian dress — Names of the Greeks — La- 
dies ; their costume, appearance, manners and treatment — 
Religion — Greek priests, many of them became Military 
Chiefs — Greeks want a reform in their servants of religion. 
Lent, the manner in which it is kept — Education ; Common 
Schools — Greek Literature — Periodical Papers — Army, 
how furnished and equipped — Mode of warfare — Want of 
a competent military Commander — Ultimate success of the 
Revolution — Fleet, and fire-ships — Want of reform in the 
Navy. 

The following observations on the commerce, situation and 
1825 population of Greece, together with remarks on the 
manners and customs of her inhabitants, was written 
by Mr. Emerson towards the close of the fifth campaign, in 
which order of time, they are here inserted. The thread of 
history will again be assumed at the commencement of the 
sixth campaign. 

"With respect to the commerce of Greece," says Mr. 
Emerson, " its exports, and foreign trade, little can be stated 
at present; the extreme confusion attendant on so general an 
overthrow of the lately existing Government having, in fact, 
almost totally suspended it. The destruction of agricultural 
industry has put an end to the former exportation of grain, 
and the repeated levies for the army necessarily curtail the 
number of artizans employed in the cultivation and care of 
silkworms and cotton. Taking each portion individually, 
indeed, Greece can never be said to have possessed any ex- 
tensive commerce, north of the Isthmus ; the inhabitants be- 
ing of too martial a cast to attend much to agriculture or in- 
dustry. The exports of Livadia and Western Greece were 
consequently only a few raw hides, wool, cotton goods, and 
a small quantity of corn ; whilst in Attica the pastoral traffic 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 353 

only consisted in wine, oil, and honey. But since the open- 
ing of the insurrection, the distinguished share which Misso- 
longhi has taken in the revolution, has completely destroyed 
what little share of commerce Livadia possessed ; whilst in 
Attica the convulsions of war have so much engaged the at- 
tention of the peasantry, that little more wine is manufactured 
than is sufficient for the consumption of Athens and the ad- 
joining districts. Its olive-groves and vineyards have been 
injured by the frequent incursions of the enemy, so as to cur- 
tail the quantity of oil, and the honey, being no longer brought 
down from Hymettus by the Calogeis, the exports of the Pi- 
raeus consists almost solely of the fruit and vegetables which 
are shipped for Hydra, Spezzia,and the neighbouring districts 
of the Morea. In point of commerce, however, the Pelo- 
ponnesus has always taken the lead of the northern provinces, 
perhaps from the greater number of commodious harbours 
which lie around its coasts. The more peaceable character 
of its inhabitants has likewise given them a stronger bias for 
industry and agriculture ; and the various productions which 
constitute the riches of Northern Greece, have found an 
equally congenial soil in the Morea ; though here too, the 
influence of war has driven off the peaceful followers of com- 
merce, and her operations are for the moment suspended. 
ilt may, perhaps, be interesting to know the particular pro- 
duce of the Peninsula, which will, I trust, one day, be more 
i fully, and more advantageously cultivated than heretofore. 

The wheat of the Morea has long been highly prized in the 
I adjoining islands, and its culture in consequence is propor- 
tionally extensive. Its barley, however, is not so much es- 
teemed, and its growth of Indian corn has never been ex- 
ported. The Peninsula is by no means a country for wine, 
'the greater portion of its consumption being imported from 
I the Archipelago ; two species, however, are admired by the 
Greeks, — the wine of Mistra, and that of Saint George, in 
Corinth, though both are of only a light body, and possess a 
| disagreeable flavour, from the turpentine with which they 
I are purified. The grapes are neither large nor finely flavour- 
(ed ; the best being produced at Gastouni ; one species, how- 
lever, the " raisin de Corinthe," is extensively cultivated of 
late, along the shores of the gulfs of Lepanto and Salamis ; 
! where it has usurped the fields formerly employed in the 
raising of tobacco. Of its dried fruit, immense quantities 
were formerly exported under the name of Zante currants ; 
and a remnant of this may be said to be the only trade at pre- 

31 



354 HISTORY OF THE 

sent remaining in Greece. At the time I left Zante, an En- 
glish vessel, the Levant Star, of Liverpool, was loading cur- 
rants at Vostizza, where agents are annually sent from the 
Ionian Islands to purchase the fruit from the Greeks, it being 
delivered to foreign vessels with no other restriction than a 
small tribute paid by each ship which enters the Gulf to the 
Pacha of Patras. 

Other fruits are likewise produced in abundance ; lemons, 
though not large, nor peculiarly line ; oranges, the best of 
which are found at Calamata ; peaches, pomegranates, apri- 
cots, almonds, and a variety of shell-fruit. The figs, es- 
pecially those of Maina, are remarkable for their sweetness, 
owing to the attention paid here, as well as throughout the 
Archipelago in general, to the process of caprification. — 
Household vegetables are produced in abundance ; the 
markets of Napoli di Romania, being plentifully supplied 
with cucumbers, pommes d? amour, spinnage, asparagus, and 
every other species in the season. Olives are found in the 
greatest abundance in every district, but especially in Maina 
and Argolis ; and though very little care is taken of them, 
the quantity of oil produced was formerly immense. Almost 
every quarter, even the wildest and most uncultivated, is 
covered with beds of thyme, fennel, and mint, so that mate- 
rials for honey are exhaustless. Neither in quantity or quali- 
ty, however, is it so good as that of Attica ; in fact, the 
honey of the Morea is medicinal in its properties, and re- 
quires to be used with caution. Of the wax, large quantities 
are still exported from Napoli di Romania to Syra, but al- 
ways in an unbleached state. Manna, likewise, and indigo, 
were formerly cultivated ; but they are now neglected, as 
well as the gathering of galls, which used to be found in 
astonishing perfection in every forest. The tending of silk- 
worms, though practised extensively, was not attended with 
the usual success. A mortality being incident to the worms 
during the spring, the Greeks, instead of ascertaining a reme- 
dy for it, attributed it to witchcraft, and left it to take its 
course ; so that the produce of 100 lbs. of cocoons, seldom 
averaged more than 8 lbs. of silk. Cotton was never grown 
in large quantities, but its quality was remarkably white and 
delicate ; and the culture of flax was but little known. The 
immense flocks of Argolis, Messenia, and the valleys of Ar- 
cadia, furnish a proportionate quantity of wool ; the expor- 
tation of which to the Ionian Islands, together with the sheep 
themselves, and a little wine, constitutes the only remaining 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 355 

remnant of the once extensive trade of Pyrgos. The forests 
of the Morea are, in some districts, extremely extensive, es- 
pecially on the coast of Ellis, and the western shores of the 
Morea ; which have long furnished oak and pines for the 
construction of the Hydriote vessels, and large quantities of 
vallonia for exportation to Zante and Malta. 

Such is the chief part of the produce of this rich and ro- 
mantic country, which even during the most prosperous days 
of fallen Greece, during the reign of the Venetians, was not 
by any means cultivated to its full extent ; and which, even 
in the later days of her slavery, has proved mines of wealth 
to her Ottoman lords. If, in addition to these, we add, that 
neither her mines nor minerals have ever yet been even at- 
tempted to be explored, though every rock and mountain- 
stream bears ample testimony to their presence, and that her 
climate is one of the purest in Europe, there is, surely, no 
spot, that at present, holds out greater inducements for enter- 
prise or commercial speculation. In fact, several English 
merchants have already determined on opening houses of 
trade in the Morea, as soon as the cessation of the war, and 
the establishment of the Government, give a security to com- 
merce. Patras, from its vicinity to the Ionian Islands, and 
Livadia, as well as to the currant district, holds out numer- 
ous inducements to European settlers. Navarino, from its 
superior harbour, is talked of, as the future residence of the 
enterprising Hydriots. Napoli di Romania, as the seat of 
government, will always attract a share of foreign notice, 
and the Piraeus is to be assigned to the ill-fated Ipsariots, 
where the management of the commerce and exports of At- 
tica may again enrich them. So that, should the war ter^ 
minate favourably; which there is yet reason to hope, in spite 
of the misfortunes of the present campaign, there is every 
prospect of wealth keeping pace with the progress of liberty 
and intellectual improvement, and of Greece again resuming 
her seat amongst the nations of Europe, their peer in internal 
resources, freedom and refinement. 

Of the exact amount of the population, no accurate state- 
ment has ever, I believe, been made. It has been estimated 
at different times, from 2,000,000 to 3,000,000 ; but whe- 
ther this be corrector whether it do not include the supposed 
Greek population in the Crimea, Palestine, Russia, and other 
parts of Europe, I cannot tell. Of the national character 
so much has already been written, that little remains to be 
told. The general impression is undoubtedly bad, and seems 



356 HISTORY OF THE 

to be countenanced by the circumstance of their most violent 
detractors being those who have lived longest in close con- 
nection with them in Greece, the Ionian Republic, and 
Smyrna. For my part, I speak as I have found them ; dur- 
ing my residence amongst them, I never met with an insult 
or an injury from a Greek. I have travelled' unmolested,, 
through the wildest parts of their country, without a guard ; 
and with a quantity of luggage, which in Southern Italy, or 
even in more civilized states, could scarcely have escaped 
pillage. I have never asked a favour of a Greek that has not 
been obligingly granted : in numerous instances I have met 
with extreme civility, kindness, and hospitality. Others, it is 
true, may have been less fortunate ; but when they state the 
Greeks to be constitutionally unmindful of kindnesses, I ask 
for what have they been taught to be grateful ? If they are 
eager for gain, it is a necessary attendant on poverty ; if they 
are cunning, their duplicity must be the offspring of a long 
slavery, under which every pretext was necessary for the pro- 
tection of their property from the ravages of their despots ; ii 
they are depraved and savage, it is the effect of a barbarous 
education; if cruel and ferocious in their warfare, it is only 
against their enemies and tyrants, and merely the natural 
yearnings of the heart after vengeance, for a series of crimes, 
Injuries, and oppressions. Let us only calmly contemplate 
for a moment, the long course of slavery from which they are 
just emerging ; where under the most galling despotism, their 
lives and properties seemed but held in tenure for their ty- 
rants, before whose nod every virtue was made to bend ; and 
where their families and children seem merely born as sub- 
jects for the lust of their barbarous masters. Let us com- 
pare all that has been urged to the disadvantages of the mi- 
serable Greeks, with the causes that have produced their 
degradation ; and the result must be, not hatred and abuse, 
but pity, mingled with astonishment that they are not a thou- 
sand-fold more perverted than we find them. Far, however, 
from coinciding with this sweeping condemnation of the race,' 
en masse, I will maintain that, on the examination of the traits 
of character peculiar to each district, we shall find the seeds 
of numerous virtues, however slightly developed, still discern- 
able under the mass of vices ; and which, when properly cul- 
tivated, under an equitable government, cannot fail to raise 
the Greeks high in the scale of nations. 

By their Southern neighbours, the Albanians have long 
ceased to be considered either Mussulmans or Greeks : their 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 357 

mission to Mahomet the Second, and subsequent embracing 
of Islamism, would naturally stamp them the former, whilst 
their country and warlike habits bear no resemblance to the 
luxurious, sedentary habits of the Turk. They may, in fact, 
be considered as the connecting link of the two religions, 
embued with all the treachery and duplicity of the follow- 
ers of Mahomet, but still retaining the spirit of hospitality, 
bravery, and minor virtues of the Greeks. To those succeed 
the Roumeliots, the inhabitants of what is now termed East- 
ern and Western Greece, comprising Attica, Livadia, and 
the territory South of Epirus and Thessaly : still mindful of 
their contests for freedom and religion, under their immortal 
Scanderbeg, they cling closely to that faith for which their 
fathers bled. And, though subject to the galling yoke of the 
Ottoman, they have still enjoyed a comparative freedom, 
amidst their rocks and mountains ; nor have they ever sub- 
mitted to enslave their souls, by a base concession to his creed. 
Brave, open-hearted, and sincere, their valour is the slighest 
recommendation ; and the traveller who has claimed their 
hospitality, or the wretch who has thrown himself on their 
protection, has ever met with succour and security beneath 
the arm of the Roumeliot Klefti. 

In the Morea, a closer connection with the Turks, and va- 
rious minor causes, have produced a character less amiable 
and exalted. The greater weight of their chains has ren^ 
dered them crouching and servile ; and no where are the 
traces of slavery more visible, or more disgusting, than in the 
cringing, treacherous, low-spirited Moreot ; who is, never- 
theless, not totally divested of affection, gratitude, and a hos- 
pitable wish to share his mat and humble meal with the 
stranger. In the Messenians, or natives of the South-west- 
ern coast, the traits of debasement are peculiarly percepti- 
ble. It would appear that, from the earliest period, these 
unfortunate people had been doomed to be the scape-goats 
of the Peloponnesus, formerly ravaged by the Lacedaemoni- 
ans. They have, in later times, fled to the mountains of 
Sparta, for protection from the Turks. Slothful and indolent 
by nature, they treat their wives with a want of feeling un- 
equalled in Greece : and whilst the sluggish master squats 
at his ease, to smoke his pipe and sip his coffee, the unfortu- 
nate females perform all the drudgery of agriculture, and 
all the weightier domestic duties. Two singular excep- 
tions are, however, to be found in the Morea ; the inhabi- 
tants of the district of Lalla, in Elis, and those of Maina, 

31* 



358 HISTORY OF THE 

in the South-eastern promontory. The former are a colony 
of the Schypetan, or bandit of peasantry, of Albania ; who, 
for many ages, have been settled in this spot, and, during the 
reign of the Venetians, rendered them important service 
against the Turks : but in general were as prejudicial to the 
Greeks as the Mussulmans. After the failure of the Rus- 
sian expedition in 1770, they were joined by a fresh party of 
their countrymen, who had likewise abjured Mahomedan- 
ism ; and, though they turned their attention, in some de- 
gree to agriculture, were principally maintained by their 
ravages on the properties and crops of their neighbours ; 
with whom, they never mingled, either in marriage, or even 
common interest. Thus, to the present hour, they have 
lived a pure Albanian colony in the very heart of the Morea ; 
retaining all the ferocity and predatory habits of their fore- 
fathers, and a valour, which has been often conspicuously 
proved in the scenes of the present revolution. 

Of the Mainotes, the descendants of the ancient Spartans, 
much has been written, and yet but little is known ; the diffi- 
culty of penetrating into a country inhabited by a bandit 
peasantry, pirates by profession, has opposed an insuperable 
bar to the investigation of the travellers. Those, however, 
who have succeeded in becoming acquainted with their ha- 
bits, represent them as possessed of the common virtue of 
barbarians — hospitality, and an unconquered bravery ; but 
disgraced by numerous vices, and all, without exception, 
robbers by sea or land. The portrait drawn of them by 
Mons. Poqueville, represents them in the very worst point 
of view ; not even giving them full credit for their courage : 
but it is most likely overcharged, and more the estimate of re- 
ports than the fruits of experience. Of their piracies, and the 
bravery displayed in the pursuits of plunder, every one has 
heard ; but in this, their duplicity equalled their courage. 
All were engaged alike, in every expedition ; even the wo 
men bore their share of the toil, and every boat received the 
benediction, or was honoured by the presence of a priest. 
Yet, even here, their faith was not honourably preserv- 
ed ;* and, it was no unusual thing to force the absolu- 

* Of their internal disputes, the following story is still related in 
the islands. — Two Mainotes, who had long shared, in common, the 
produce of their plunderings, chanced at length to quarrel about 
the division of the booty of a Venetian brig. Burning with resent- 
ment, both dreamed but of mutual vengeance ; and one, (Theodore) 
seizing on the wife of his companion, (Anapleottis,) carried her on 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 359 



tion of their priests, after sacking and dividing the plunder 
of their monasteries. The piracies of the Mainotes have 
not, however, always passed with impunity ; and the events 
of the two expeditions of the celebrated Hassan Pacha against 
them, in 1779 and the subsequent year, are well known. 
Even his conquests, however, though aided by internal 
treachery, did not extend over the entire district of Maina : 
and its inhabitants, to this day, are fond of boasting that their 
territory has never fallen beneath the arms of any conqueror. 
Among the higher orders of Hydriots and Spezziots, I 
have always found much to admire and esteem ; but of the 
lower classes I have formed by no means so favourable 
an opinion. The other inhabitants of the Archipelago present 
different traits of character in almost every island, as they 
have come more or less in contact with the Turks or Euro- 
peans ; but in general they present the same peculiarities 
which every where form the leading features of the Greek 
character — lightness, versatility, great natural talent, many 
virtues, and all the numerous vices inseparably attendant on 
despotism and oppression. Like the inhabitants of other 
mountainous countries, they are strongly imbued with su- 
perstition, which the lapse of time seems rather to have aug- 
mented than diminished : they believe in the appearance of 
disembodied spirits, the influence of good and evil genii, 
the protection of saints, the existence of sacrifices, the 
power of sorcery, and the predictions of dreams. Every dis- 
ease in their opinion has its origin in some incantation or 
malign influence, and consequently, its corresponding charm 



board a Maltese corsair, stationed in the bay, for the purpose of selling 
her, to make up his defective share of the plunder. The Maltese, after 
long intreaty on the part of the Greek, refused to purchase her at so 
high a price ; as, he said, that he had just procured another at a much 
cheaper rate ; whom, at the request of Theodore, he produced for his 
inspection. She was brought forward, and, to the confusion of the Mai- 
note, proved to be his own wife, his accomplice having anticipated him, 
and disposed of his spouse two hours before. He, however, concealed 
his chagrin, and gave Anapleottis' wife for the proffered price of the 
Maltese, and returned on shore ; where he met his quondam ally, ap- 
prised him of his loss, and thirsting for vengeance. The worthy friends 
were not long, however, in coming to an understanding. Without 
arousing suspicion, they went together on board the Maltese, and, with- 
out much ceremony, forced him to restore the wives of both. This 
complied with, and, satisfied with their mutual revenge, which had 
proved a mutual gain, they again returned ; and as firmly united as, 
ever, continued, in common their former desperate calling. 



360 HISTORY OF THE 

and efficacious ceremony ; though in the meantime, of the 
usual deference paid to physicians throughout the East, the 
Greeks are by no means deficient. A few of them, natives 
of the country, have received their education in France and 
Italy ; but far the greater number are practitioners from ex- 
perience. One of the latter, a Cretan, who resided in high 
estimation at Hydra, being asked where he had studied, re- 
plied, that in fact he had always been too poor to study ; that 
what he knew, he had acquired by practice, and that, by the 
help of the Virgin, he was in general pretty fortunate in his 
cases. In the dress, manners, and conversation of the 
Greeks, perhaps the strongest feature is ostentation and a 
pride of their descent. Lord Byron instances the boatmen 
at Salamis, who spoke of " our fleet being anchored in the 
gulf," in pointing out the scene of the Persian overthrow. 
I have frequently been reminded by Mainotes and M esseni- 
ans, that they were the children of Leonidas and Nestor ; and 
the sister of a schoolmaster at Hydra, who had lost her hus- 
band in the present war, in speaking of his birth-place being 
in Macedonia, could not refrain from mentioning that she 
was a countrywoman of Alexander. The appearance of the 
male portion of the population is interesting and striking, but 
varies in the different districts. The Roumeliots are tall, 
athletic, and well-formed, with rather a Roman cast of coun- 
tenance ; the Moreotes, low, clumsy, and ill-proportioned ; 
the Hydriots in general inherit the characteristic of their 
forefathers ; and the islanders are always smart, active, and 
lightly formed : all have sparkling eyes; remarkably white 
teeth, and jetty black and curling hair. In the islands their 
dress is in general either the Frank or Hydriot ; and on the 
continent it is always, with little variation, the Albanian. A 
red cloth scalpae or skullcap, ornamented with a blue tassel, 
and sometimes girt with a turban, forms their head-dress, 
-from under which their long hair falls over their neck and 
shoulders ; a vest and jacket of cloth or velvet, richly em- 
broidered, and cut so as to leave the neck bare ; a white kilt 
or juctanella, reaching to the knee, beneath which they wear 
a pair of cotton trowsers, of the same fashion and materials 
as the jacket ; shoes of red leather, and a belt containing a 
pair of superbly embossed pistols, and an ataghan (a crooked 
weapon, serving at once for a sabre and dagger,) completes 
the costume : over this they throw the white, shaggy capote of 
the Albanians, which likewise serves them for a bed during 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 361 

the night. The strictness of the Turkish law forbade the 
Greeks to wear gold or gaudy colours in their dress ; and 
this long fast from finery must needs account for the extra- 
ordinary richness of their present costume ; on which the 
lacing and ornaments, in many instances, like Peter's coat, 
concealed the colour of the cloth. A dress of the first quali- 
ty, without the arms, cannot cost less than 2,500 piastres :* 
and, with all its costly appurtenances, frequently doubles that 
sum. The expense to which they go in the purchasing ot" 
pistols and ataghans, is at once ridiculous and hurtful ; the 
sight of a richly dressed Greek being necessarily a strong 
stimulus to the courage of an impoverished Mussulman. All 
this profusion, too, is practised whilst the Greeks are ex- 
claiming against their poverty, and complaining that they 
have not means to prosecute the war ; and yet the worst 
armed soldiers must pay, at least, two or three hundred pias- 
tres for his outfit; and the more extravagant, at least, as many 
thousands, — not for the excellence of the pistol, but the rich- 
ness of its handle. The names of the Greeks are various, 
according to the taste or superstition of their parents : the 
greater part bear those of their most distinguished ancestors ; 
Epaminondas, Leonidas, Themistocles, Pelopidas, Achilles. 
and one member of the legislative body is called Lycurgus. 
Those which are peculiarly modern Greek, are retained most 
commonly, as Constantine, Spiridon, Anastatius, Demetrius, 
Anagnosti, &c. The names of the most popular saints have 
been conferred upon many ; and, by a curious coincidence, 
I had two Moreotes in my service at Napoli di Romania 
called Christo and Salvatore. 

In the beauty of the Grecian females, I must confess thai 
I have been disappointed ; they have beautiful black hair, 
sparkling eyes, and ivory teeth, but they seem to have lost 
the graceful cast of countenance which we denominate Gre- 
cian ; and their figures are peculiarly clumsy, occasioned by 
their sedentary habits and slight attention to dress : a deli- 
cate and even sickly air, and an inanimate expression, seem 
their most striking characteristics ; these, however, differ in 
various districts. The Moreote ladies are far inferior in per- 
sonal attractions to the Roumeliots ; who again yield the palm 
to the Hydriots and Spezziots : these are in turn excelled by 
the Sciots ; and the Smyrniots, by their more civilized man- 
ners and graceful dress, are much more beautiful than all the 

* A piastre is about 10 cents, or rather more. 



362 HISTORY OF THE 

others. Their costume varies in point of richness and fashion 
in every island, but is always tastelessly large, and by no 
means calculated to display a good figure. With the excep- 
tion of Hydra and the Ionian Isles, their husbands have no- 
thing swerved from the barbarous customs of the Turks in 
the treatment of their women. Secluded in their own apart- 
ments, occupied in embroidery, or other mechanical employ- 
ment, they are never allowed to cross their thresholds except 
on festivals, or some other particular occasion; and even then 
as if it were by stealth, and closely veiled. Under these cir- 
cumstances, however, the buoyancy and lightness of their 
spirits are displayed to peculiar advantage ; continually gay 
and never repining, their days pass in a round of trifles ; 
singing, music, and a few amusements, in which the male 
part of the family have no share, serving to while away the 
tedious hours of their monotonous existence. Like the men, 
they are strongly influenced by superstition, and no under- 
taking, either before or after marriage, is entered on without 
consulting a charm or a fortune-teller. Dreams and their in- 
terpretations are rigidly attended to, and faithfully followed. 
For the purpose of ascertaining the quality of their future 
husbands, the young girls are accustomed to perform nume- 
rous ceremonies ; one is to eat, just before retiring to rest, a 
supper composed of certain herbs, collected at a particular 
season, and under the direction of a skilful diviner ; then, on 
laying down, to attach to their necks a bag containing three 
flowers, a white, a red, and a yellow. In the morning, which 
ever of these flowers is first drawn from the bag, denominates 
the age of the destined husband. If white, he is of course 
young ; if red, middle-aged ; and if yellow, old ; whilst at the 
same time the dreams procured by the herbs, declared whether 
their days, during marriage, shall be happy or the reverse. 
In both sexes, the total want of personal cleanliness is pecu- 
liarly remarkable ; a clean shirt on a Greek, being only to be 
met with on a festival ; and his junctanella, instead of being 
the " snowy camise" of Childe Harold, is in general any thing 
but snowy. Of the ladies, too, a French traveller has re- 
marked, with some justice, that their linen, which is so fre- 
quently sprinkled with otto of rose, and other costly per- 
fumes, would be much more benefitted by an aspersion of 
clean water. Vermin, of the most nauseous description, are 
found in myriads on their persons, especially on those of the 
soldiers ; and make but a sorry figure amongst the embroidery 
of their laced jackets. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 363 

The degraded state into which we find religion sunk 
amongst the Greeks, is solely attributable to the infamous 
conduct and characters of the priesthood ; for the population, 
though they but too closely imitate the practice of their pas- 
tors, still retain their veneration for their creed untainted. — 
Before the revolution, the Morea alone contained upwards of 
two thousand pappas, under the government of four arch- 
bishops and bishops, whose annual support amounted to one 
million of piastres. This number, however, was composed 
of the lowest dregs of Greece, little preparatory study being 
required, and a few piastres sufficient to pay the fees for ad- 
mission into holy orders : their characters are degraded by 
every vice ; and the laws of the church permitting them to 
hold secular employments, besides their tithes, they are occu- 
pied in the exercise of various trades and handicrafts, through- 
out the country. Still, however, a lingering veneration for 
their holy calling has given them a hold on the minds of the 
Greeks ; indeed so much so, that on many movements of na- 
tional importance, they have been the principal means of 
awakening the spirit of the nation ; as well on the occasion of 
the insurrection in 1770, as in the present revolution, where 
in many instances they have embraced active military employ- 
ments. In Ali Pacha's war against Mustapha, Pacha of Del- 
vino, they took an active part in inducing and assisting the 
Greeks to drag the tyrant's cannon and mortars to the fron- 
tiers of the devoted Pachalic. The late minister of the inte- 
rior, at Napoli di Romania, Gregorius Flescia, obtained his 
office, after gallantly distinguishing himself in the field. The 
present Eparch of Spezzia is a priest ; the archbishop of Mo- 
don has taken a decided lead in many important actions ; an 
Archimandryte of Cyprus at this moment commands a large 
body of men in the army of Colocotroni : and numbers of pap- 
pas are to be found in the ranks, and minor commands of the 
troops ; others, however, have chosen a less manly line of 
deviation ; and numbers are to be found among the baker*, 
tailors, tradesmen, and cofTee-house keepers of Napoli di Ro- 
mania. Still, however, a few have not so far degraded their 
character as to become a stain on the profession, and these 
are of course rewarded by the esteem and reverence of their 
flocks. During the present war several have suffered death 
under the most exquisite tortures, rather than disclose the 
spot where the property of their churches had been placed 
for security ; and, in fact, so well aware are the Turks of 
their influence in keeping alive the enthusiasm of the sol- 



364 HISTORY OF THE 

diery,that wherever a priest is made prisoner, he is sure to be 
put to death with greater refinements of cruelty than his com- 
panions. The Greeks, perfectly convinced of the fallen state 
of their church, are anxious for a reform among its servants; 
with whom, though they are thoroughly disgusted, they still 
retain a high veneration for the rules and tenets of their faith. 
For this reason the exhorbitant exactions of the priests are 
always complied with, because demanded in the name, and 
for the service of the church ; and the fasts ordained by its 
orders, are observed with the utmost rigour. Frequently, in 
crossing the Morea, when we have offered a share of our 
provisions to our hungry conductors, no intreaties could pre- 
vail on them to partake with us. During those frequent 
Lents, the food is of the lowest description, bread, olives, and 
snails ; fish being too dear or too difficult to procure for the 
lower orders to purchase in the interior : dispensations, how- 
ever, are to be purchased, but at such a high rate as to place 
them out of the reach of the inferior ranks. Among all 
classes the most happy ignorance of the tenets of their creed 
prevails ; and though some tracts and testaments lately dis- 
tributed among them, were eagerly perused, it was more as 
a matter of curious novelty than of eternal interest. 

Education is, as may be supposed, at a very low ebb ; the 
number of the lower orders who can read, being very small 
indeed : schools, it is true, are established in many of the 
villages, but their system is not much to be approved, though 
somewhat approaching to that of mutual instruction. All the 
scholars, as they come in, seat themselves on the floor, leav- 
ing their shoes outside the door, and commence reading 
aloud at the same moment from different books ; whilst one 
placed in the centre to observe their eyes and tongues, applies 
a cane to the soles of their feet, as often as either are un- 
employed. In the meantime, the office of the master, who 
occupies one corner of the room, is merely to see that the noise 
is sustained loudly, and without intermission ; to second the 
duties of the monitor, and to keep the attention of a few ad- 
vanced pupils steady, whilst performing their office, in in- 
structing the beginners in the alphabet. As to the language 
of the modern Greeks, it has certainly suffered considerable 
alterations ; but principally in the accents, and the pronun- 
ciation of the diphthongs and consonants, as well as by a slight 
admission of the Turkish and Italian words: nevertheless, one 
who is acquainted with the ancient Greek, will find no diffi- 
culty, after a slight attention to the modern pronunciation, in 
speaking the language with fluency in a few months. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 365 

Modern Greek literature is neither extensive nor interest- 
ing, but after the specimens and details already given by 
Lord Byron and Captain Leake, it would be needless to dwell 
on it here. Their prose consists of a vast quantity of theolo- 
gy, a few works on geography, grammar, rhetoric, and phi- 
lology, and a number of late translations from European au- 
thors in various departments ; their poetry is neither spirited 
nor musical, consisting of some translations of Homer, a few 
dramatic pieces, and some satires. Their songs are of two 
kinds, kleftic and erotic ; of the former, the most admired 
are those of Riga, and a few Cretan Ballads ; and of the 
erotic, or amatory, the most popular are the songs of Chris- 
topuolo, who has been denominated the modern Anacreon ; 
but his lines, though extremely pretty in their measures, are, 
in general, almost untranslateable, as containing little point 
or striking ideas. 

As to the periodical press, three Journals are at present 
published in Greece ; one at Missolonghi, another at Athens, 
and a third at Hydra ; but though of growing and important 
advantages, their usefulness is at the present moment neces- 
sarily curtailed ; the details of the war occupying the greater 
portion of their pages : and even these, owing to the total 
want of active communication from different quarters of the 
country, are seldom either collected or disseminated by the 
press, till already circulated by verbal report. The estab- 
lishment of a post, and the extensive influence of schools and 
education, must first be accomplished, before the blessings of 
the press can be fully felt ; at present, the greater portion of 
the impressions of the " Hydriot Journal," are circulated in 
the Ionian Islands and Europe ; verv few of the number of 
this, or the other journals, being read in the country. Active 
measures must also be taken by the friends of a free press, to 
ensure its liberty ; even in Greece, at this moment, its privi- 
leges are infringed. The editor of the " Athenian Gazette" 
has been already cautioned by the Government, for the free- 
dom of his censure in some articles : and the editor of 
the " Hydriot Friend of the Law," is at present obliged 
to read over, and submit to the corrections of Lazzaro Con- 
duriotti, the president of the Hydriot senate, every number 
previous to its being put to press. Fortunately, however, the 
editor is fully apprized of the extent of the president's erudi- 
tion, and when desirous to introduce a few sentiments more 
liberal than usual, has only to insert a number of Hellenic 
words; rather than betray his ignorance of which, Lazzaro 
32 



366 HISTORY OF THE 

allows the article to pass. As to the Grecian army, the habits 
of the body who compose it, and the system by which it is 
regulated, are equally singular. Its commanders or capitani 
are such landholders, or others, as possess a sufficient sum to 
maintain from 10 to 150 soldiers, and adequate interest to 
procure a commission for embodying them. These leaders, 
however, are in general the most despicable and the worst 
enemies of their country ; making their rank and interest 
merely the instruments of their avarice. The number of 
troops in the Morea, for whom the Government issue pay and 
rations, is stated to be, in general, about 25,000 ; but I do 
not believe, from all that I can learn, that in any instance 
they have equalled the half of that number ; the capitani 
making their returns to the extent of their credit, and in 
general pocketing one half of the demanded sum. So that a 
man who claims pay for 150 soldiers, cannot perhaps bring 
eighty into the field. Of this system of fraud the Govern- 
ment are well aware ; but, in the present state of affairs, they 
are so much in the power of the capitani, that no compulsive 
measures dare be taken to produce a reform. Each soldier, 
or palikari, on joining his capitan,is expected to come furnish- 
ed with his arms and capote : the former usually consist of a 
pair of pistols, an ataghan, a tophaic, or long gun, and some- 
times a sabre. They are, however, bound by no laws or mili- 
tary regulations, and merely follow or obey a leader, as long 
as well paid or comfortable in his service ; he having no pow- 
er to enforce obedience during his almost nominal command, 
or to compel his soldiers, beyond the limit, of their pleasure, 
to remain under his orders. It is no unusual thing for the 
company of a capitan to assemble round his quarters, for the 
purpose of tumultuously demanding, and enforcing by the 
bastinado, an increase or arrears of pay ; or, on the eve of an 
important movement, to find that his soldiers have gone off 
during the night, to attend to the safety of their families, or 
the celebration of a festival. As to their conduct in the field, 
they will never oppose an enemy, unless obliged by necessity, 
without the shelter of their tambours or low trenches ; or 
without crouching behind a rock, from whence they can have 
protected aim at their foe. The Turks too, have something 
of the same system in their irregular warfare ; and before 
the introductton of regular troops into the Morea, a battle 
must have presented a novel spectacle, where not a soul of 
either army was distinctly visible. Thus, screened behind a 
Stone, they lie in wait to catch the first moment when an 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 367 

enemy shall expose himself, or placing their scalpae, or skull- 
cap, on an adjoining rock to decoy the Turk, take an advan- 
tageous aim at him whilst he is wasting his powder on the 
empty head-dress of his enemy. When the Greek has thus 
thinned all within his range, and wishes to change his posi- 
tion, he watches for the favourable movement, when, snatching 
up his gun, he nimbly skips to the adjoining rock, flashing 
his shining ataghan before him in the sun-beams, to dazzle 
the aim of his surrounding enemies ; and here crouching on 
the ground and placing his cap as usual, he recommences his 
operations. Amongst the Turks who resided in the Morea, 
all were not so desperately bad as are supposed, and some 
f^ew have even gained the affections of the Greeks. It not 
unfrequently occurs that two old neighbours meet in one of 
those singular encounters, when, rising from their screens, 
they hold a parley on their own affairs : and again part to re- 
sume, at their posts, their mutual slaughter of their friend's 
companions. Such scenes serve to keep in countenance 
Homer's description of the dialogues of his contending heroes; 
but, in fact, instances of ancient manners are to be met with 
every hour, and at every step something occurs to remind us 
that we are in Greece. The language, the customs, the ver- 
satility, the turbulence, the superstition, are all the same as in 
the days of Demosthenes. Even the dress seems to have 
undergone scarcely any alteration ; they have still the long 
flowing hair ; the junctanella, the machaira or short knife, 
and the embroidered greaves. But, in fact, as a comparison, 
I know none more lively or more true than the picture drawn 
by Mr. Hope ; and I may be pardoned for summing up this 
hasty sketch with an extract from the well-known, and equal- 
ly admired ** Anastasius." 

" Manoyeni looked thoughtful. After a little pause, ' You 
mistake, Anastasius,' replied he, ' in thinking the Greek of 
Constantinople different from the Greek of Chios : our nation 
is every where the same ; the same at Petersburgh as at 
Cairo ; the same now as it was 20 centuries ago.' I stared 
in my turn. ' What I say,' continued my master, * is per- 
fectly true. The complexion of the modern Greek may re- 
ceive a different cast from different surrounding objects ; the 
core still is the same as in the days of Pericles. Credulity, 
versatility, and thirst of distinctions, from the earliest period 
formed, and still form, and ever will continue to form, the basis 
of the Greek character ; and the dissimilarity in the external 
appearance of the nation arises, not from any radical change 



368 HISTORY OF THE 

in its temper and disposition, but only in the incidental varia- 
tion in the means through which the same propensities are to 
be gratified. The ancient Greeks worshipped an hundred 
gods ; the modern Greeks adore as many saints. The an- 
cient Greeks believed in oracles and prodigies, in incantations 
and spells ; the modern Greeks have faith in amulets and 
divinations. The ancient Greeks brought rich offerings and 
gifts to the shrines of their deities, for the purpose of obtain- 
ing success in war, and pre-eminence in peace ; the modern 
Greeks hangup dirty rags round the sanctuaries of their saints, 
to shake off an ague, or propitiate a mistress. The former 
were staunch patriots at home, and subtle courtiers in Per- 
sia; the latter defy the Turks in Maina, and fawn upon 
them in the Fanar. Besides, was not every commonwealth 
of ancient Greece as much a prey to cabals and factions as 
every community of modern Greece? Does not every modern 
Greek preserve the same desire for supremacy, the same 
readiness to undermine, by every means, fair or foul, his 
competitors, which was displayed by his ancestors 1 Do not 
the Turks of the present day resemble the Romans of past 
ages in their respect for the ingenuity, and, at the same time, 
in their contempt for the character, of their Greek subjects ? 
And does the Greek of the Fanar show the least inferiority to 
the Greek of the Piraeus in quickness of perception, in fluency 
of tongue, and in fondness for quibbles, for disputation, and 
for sophistry ? Believe me, the very difference between the 
Greeks of times past, and the present day, arises from their 
thorough resemblance, and from that pliability of temper and 
of faculties in both, which has ever made them receive, with 
equal readiness, the impression of every mould, and the im- 
pulse of every agent. When patriotism, public spirit, and 
pre-eminence in arts, science, literature, and warfare, were 
the road to distinction, the Greeks shone the first of patriots, 
of heroes, of painters, of poets, and of philosophers ; now tha t 
craft and subtil ty, adulation and intrigue, are the only path 
to greatness, these same Greeks are — what you see them.' " 
Perhaps the most singular feature in the Greek revolution 
k, that during the five years which it has now been proceed- 
ing, it has produced no one man of sufficient talent to take 
either a civil or a military lead in its affairs. In consequence 
of this, the councils of its armies and its legislature are com- 
posed of men of mediocre talent, and are filled with intrigue, 
with faction, and disunion ; whence, of course, the most dis- 
astrous consequences have ensued. To go no farther back 






GREEK REVOLUTION. 369 

than the present year, those quarrels, and their results, have 
been the cause that the fortress of Patras is still in the hands 
of the enemy. The necessity of retaining all their forces for 
its reduction, in the beginning of the campaign, after the 
rebellion of the Moreots had prevented its capture during the 
winter, was the cause of the absence of the fleet, at the mo- 
ment when the Egyptians made their unmolested debarkations 
at Navarino. Late in the summer, the discussion of the Rou- 
meliots and Moreots occasioned the departure of the former 
from Navarino, at a moment when their presence was of ma- 
terial service in crippling the attempts of the enemy on the 
fortress ; and was, doubtless, instrumental in hastening its 
fall.' Add to this, the lives lost and the resources expended 
in quelling the insurrection in the winter, the confusion and 
disunion occasioned by the late factions of the French party 
in the Government, and the spirit of animosity which such 
scenes must ever foment, — and we have imagined but a part 
of its effects during one year. 

In this scene of envious emulation, every one endeavouring 
to curtail the usefulness of his fellows, and raise himself to 
the head of the legislature, the eagerness with which the 
members of the Government have sought after popularity, 
has necessarily obliged them to compromise their own impor- 
tance ; and thus, what each has gained by intrigues with the 
populace, all have lost in dignity and in the respect of the 
nation. The failings of the characters of each have been 
mutually displayed by his rival ; and the people, thus taught 
to despise their leaders, neither respect their persons, nor 
make themselves submissive to their orders. Hence, with 
no command over the capitani, or tie on the allegiance or af- 
fections of the soldiery, their efforts and orders have been all 
unavailing to amass an army, or induce them to remain by 
their respective leaders, in any attempt to thwart the late 
alarming progress of the triumphing enemy. Slaves, in spite 
of the decree of Epidaurus for their abolition, are still openly 
kept, and even offered for sale at Napoli di Romania and 
Hydra, where the consequence of this contempt of law has 
lately been the destruction of Kreisi's vessel, crew, and fa- 
mily, and the subsequent disgraceful massacre on the Island. 
But these, though prominent, are not solitary instances : 
every day is productive of some glaring and important in- 
fringement of order or contempt for the imbecile govern- 
ment, on the part of the navy, the army, or the populace, to 
^restrain or prevent which the nominal power of the Govern- 

32* 



$70 HISTORY OF THE 

ment is unavailing. Occupied in these internal broils, the 
affairs of the nation are but partially attended to, and the 
greatest indolence or apathy in their councils is evinced by 
innumerable acts of omission and neglect. Though perfectly 
impressed with the importance of a post or method of com- 
munication across the country, the facility and means of ac- 
complishing which were so clearly pointed out by Colonel 
Stanhope, it has never yet been put in execution, though fre- 
quently talked of; and the only existing means of forwarding 
despatches is by couriers, whose progress through the moun- 
tains is at once irregular and extremely tedious. Letters 
from Missolonghi seldom arrive in less than nine or ten 
days ; from Navarino in four or five ; and of the destruction 
of the Turkish vessels at Modon, though one of the most im- 
portant occurrences in this campaign, no official news reach- 
ed Napoli di Romania for eight days. Another reprehensible 
particular, is their remissness in garrisoning or provisioning 
even their most important positions and fortresses ; witness 
the fall of the Island of Sphacteria and Navarino, and the 
narrow escape of Missolonghi. Napoli di Romania is said to 
be provisioned at present, but neither Corinth nor Monemva- 
sia are in any situation for defence, though the latter has been 
«o recently threatened by the approach of the Pacha. ■ 

Their promises are never observed with that rigid faith 
which should exist in their performance ; in consequence of 
which, their officers and servants are eternally murmuring 
against breaches of contract, and the dishonouring of their 
drafts and promises for pay and service-money. But here, 
as in every thing else, the effects of their follies recoil on 
their own heads ; and their faithless detention of the late 
Pacha of Napoli di Romania was a fair precedent to Ibra- 
him Pacha for retaining as prisoners Iatracco and the other 
commanders of Navarino, in defiance of his treaty to the con- 
trary at the time of its capitulation. Thus, factious and dis- 
contented amongst themselves, and despised and disregarded 
by those placed under their command, their administration 
has been, during the last year, a scene of anarchy and imbe- 
cility ; and in consequence a curse, instead of a benefit, to 
their struggling country. 

Of the ultimate success of the Greek Revolution, be it 
soon or late, I see no reason to doubt. In fact, such is the 
inherent and implacable hatred which subsists between the 
Greeks and their enemies, that it is an utter impossibility that 
they should ever again coalesce with their oppressors ; and 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 371 

the mountains of the Morea afford passes and defences for 
the population, which, when driven to extremity, they can 
maintain against any force. But, for its immediate accom- 
plishment, many things are yet wanting, and many and impor- 
tant alterations in their affairs must yet be made. Of these, 
the first must be, the dismissal of the factious and intriguing 
horde who at present form the executive body, and fill many 
of the confidential situations under them ; a perfect consoli- 
dation of interest under a new Government, to form which, a 
(e\v men of principle, activity, and patriotism, are still to be 
found in Greece ; and the acquisition of a man of acknow- 
ledged talent, and unshaken integrity, to take the direction 
of their military operations, whose abilities and character 
must give him a natural command over the inferior leaders : 
whilst the payment of the troops being taken from the infa- 
mous capitani, and placed under his direction, will at once 
secure the interest and affection of the army, and confirm his 
tie upon their exertions and allegiance. Such a man by his 
successes, and importance in the field, must hold a check over 
the disunion or clashing interests of the civil Government : 
whilst he cannot fail, by securing the affections of the soldiery, 
to keep the turbulence of the capitani in proper subjection. 
Where, and on what terms, to find such a man, the Governr 
ment are well aware; and, perhaps, there is no more con- 
vincing proof of their inclination to self-aggrandizement, than 
that they have never taken any steps to secure his services. 

Unless by this or an equivalent measure, and the immediate 
overthrow of the present system of anarchy and insubordi- 
nation, there exists no power in Greece to remedy the abuses 
and deficiencies which at present disgrace their naval and 
land forces, which are gradually increasing, and which are 
daily productive of more alarming consequences. The ad- 
vances which their enemies are making in improvement, are 
constantly warning them of the immediate expediency of 
such measures. The state to which their army is reduced is 
such, that without an instant reform it must prove destruc- 
tive to the hopes of the approaching campaign ; their panic, 
if it were not deplorable, is truly ridiculous. A capitano, in 
speaking lately to a gentleman at Napoli di Romania, of the 
state of depression under which the soldiery at present labour, 
observed, that for his part he was not astonished at it. — 
" These Arabs," said he, " make war in a manner which 
no one has seen before ; they advance in regular squares, 
and, standing upright, as if a bullet could not harm them, 



372 HISTORY OF THE 

they then rush upon the Greeks with bayonets stuck on their 
Tophaics, so long, (stretching out his arms to th« full ex- 
tent;) and what soldiers in the world could be supposed to 
endure that ]'? Such speeches, whilst they show the igno- 
rance of the nature of discipline which reigns amongst the 
troops, at the same time manifest an incipient conviction of 
their importance. Since the commencement of the misfor- 
tunes of this campaign, the ranks of the regular troops are 
fast filling up, whereas only a chance addition or two were 
dropping in at the beginning of the year. The corps at Na- 
poli now amount to 1200, and are rapidly increasing: in fact, 
the unbecoming and inefficient conduct of the late colonel, 
Rhodios, was by no means calculated to give the soldiers a 
fair idea of military discipline, or induce them to join the 
ranks with spirit. Under M. Favier's management, how- 
ever, things have taken a different turn. The same men who 
were formerly quarrelsome, ill-disciplined, dirty, and despised, 
now have their appointments and uniform (blue and white) 
always perfectly clean, and their arms in capital order : their 
discipline likewise is extremely good, and their behaviour 
on all occasions orderly and becoming. This improvement 
is working a rapid alteration in the feelings of the guerillas, 
and there is no doubt, that the approaching winter may make 
a vast change in the members of the one, and the habits of 
the other body. Much, indeed, remains to be done ; and un- 
fortunately, its agents, the present Government, ar^e but badly 
fitted for the task. 

From the few remarks which I have been enabled to make 
on the fleet, it is evident that here likewise, immediate re- 
formation is loudly called for. The hopes of Greece may be 
said to rest principally on her naval force. Their successes 
hitherto have been brilliant, but they have been achieved 
almost solely by a means which must eventually prove ineffi- 
cient ; — I mean the fire-ships, whose repeated failures, this 
year, prove their efficacy to be on the decline. In fact, bad 
as the Turks are as seamen, they must at length come to 
some means of frustrating their attacks, at least in part : and, 
what is rather alarming, every attempt made by them against 
the Egyptians by sea has this year failed : they have not 
been able to prevent one debarkation of troops, nor intercept 
one expedition ; though, in the attempt, numerous fire-ships 
have been ineffectually burned. It needs no demonstration 
to show, that with only their small brigs and shipping they 
are an undermatch for their enemies ; they must, therefore^ 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 373 

quickly think of putting themselves on a par with them in 
the size and efficiency of their vessels. The fitting out of 
frigates has long been talked of, but none have as yet arrived. 
If they can once bring into action two or three frigates, with 
the assistance of a steam-boat to work the brulots during a 
calm, there cannot remain a possibility of the enemy any 
longer keeping the sea against them. But before even these 
can render efficient service, those unbounded licenses grant- 
ed by the captains, and abused by their sailors, which now 
render most of the ships scenes of uproar and disgust, must 
be totally done away with : such a system could never exist 
among the immense crews of frigates. The same contempt 
of rule, so reprehensible in the seamen, must meet an equal 
check in their commanders, -and the dissensions of different 
Islands must be swallowed up in a spirit of general interest 
and mutual co-operation. The abuse of their right of search, 
of which every merchant vessel in the Levant so loudly com- 
plains, must be vigorously punished, and a portion of the ship- 
ping ought to be detained for the suppression of that system 
of piracy, which is at present so alarmingly gaining head 
among the Islands, and in the vicinity of Hydra ; for unless 
this be attended to, it cannot be supposed that foreign powers 
will long tamely submit to those insults and aggressions on 
their flags. A greater spirit of activity must be diffused into 
their exertions, and a more regular system of provisioning 
and storing their ships. 

During the short time which I remained on board Miaulis' 
brig, which was not quite four weeks, the fleet retired three 
times for provisions, once to Mylo, and twice to Vathico, 
north of Cythera. Though extremely active sailors, acci- 
I dents are constantly occurring, either from carelessness, or 
I from an empty spirit of vanity and display ; thus, by his sail- 
I ors allowing Canaris's fire-ship to run foul of Miaulis' brig, 
his vessel was lost, and his exertions subsequently rendered 
unavailing to the Greeks during all this year. Pepino's bru- 
lot was almost irreparably damaged by the same means : 
and, in daily occurrences of the like kind, the ships are re- 
ceiving frequent injuries. Their incautious manner of keep- 
ing their gunpowder is another alarming defect ; the maga- 
, zine is the lazaretto under the cabin, to which every sailor 
has access, and which is no otherwise protected than by a 
trap-door, in which the captain and his friends sit smoking 
almost constantly, when a spark from their pipes, falling 
through the chink, must inevitably blow up the ship. Many 



374 HISTORY OF THE 

have been killed, and numbers wounded, by the explosion of 
ignorantly loaded cannon. In such a state of affairs, and 
without material improvements, it would be madness to con- 
fide a frigate to the care of a captain and a crew, in propor- 
tion to whose numbers she must be more exposed to injury or 
destruction, from carelessness, confusion, or ignorance. I 
have not here mentioned any thing of the deplorable state of 
the administration of justice ; it, however, presents the same 
tincture of corruption, neglect, and confusion, with every 
other department. In fact, at this moment, Greece seems to 
have reached an acme of disorder and weakness, beneath 
which she is already beginning to sink ; and, without a se- 
ries of reforms and improvements, of which this is but a spe- 
cimen, she can proceed no farther towards her liberation. 
Fortunately the means of doing so, if proper steps be taken, 
are still in her own power. In the hands of such a body of 
men as her present governors, it cannot well be expected that 
her funds have been managed either advantageously or hon- 
ourably ; in fact, the first emotion of any one coming to 
Greece and knowing the amount of the sums she has received, 
must be that of surprise as to what can have become of it, or 
how it has been expended ; the army constantly murmuring 
for arrears of pay : the fleet refusing to put to sea without 
higher wages ; the population pictures of poverty and wretch- 
edness ; not a fortification that is not half in ruins ; not a bat- 
tery built,* and not a cannon mounted by the Government ; 
in fact, no one trace of so many thousands having done any 
visible good ! Let her now, however, without, delay, adopt 
reasonable measures for her amelioration, reform her legisla- 
ture, correct the abuses of her navy and army 4 and, with the 
means placed in her hands, under the guidance of talented 
and faithful counsellors, she cannot fail, even without foreign 
interference, to realize the hopes of her most enthusiastic 
well-wishers, "f 

* At Athens some alterations have been made in the Acropolis, but 
their whole expense could not exceed 100?. 
j Picture of Greece, p. 211—246. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 375 



CHAP. XXII. 

Campaign of 1826. — Preparations to invest Missolonghi. — 
Transportation of the munitions of tear from Crio Nero. — 
Erection of batteries before Missolonghi. — Arabs. — Bom- 
bardment of the Town. — Expedition of the Turks against 
Vasiladi. — Attempt against Monasteri. — Prosecution of 
the Siege. — Capt. Abbot offers terms to the besieged, in the 
name of the Turks. — These terms refused. — Arrival of Sir 
Frederick Adam. — Great suffering of the Garrison. — Wo- 
men and Children die of hunger. — The people go to the 
Church and receive absolution. — Attempt to escape by fight. 
— Dreadful carnage attending it. — Turkish account of the 
taking of Missolonghi. — Mr. Green' 's account of the same. — 
Mr. JWyer's Letter. — Col. Favier's expedition to Negroponf. 
— Meeting of the third Congress at Epidaurus. — Declara- 
tion of the Representatives. — Return of the Turkish fleet to 
the Dardanelles. — Condition of Athens. — That City taken 
by the Turks. — The Citadel remaining in the hands of the, 
Greeks. — The Capitan Pacha embarks his troops, and sails 
up the Archipelago. — The Viceroy of Egypt lands another 
army of Arabs at Modon. — Greek Funds. 

,o 9fi During the months of January and February of 
this year, the infidel army made preparations to 
invest Missolonghi. The Egyptian troops, assisted by the 
Albanians, had been employed in forming batteries, trans- 
porting shot and shells from the Turkish camp at Crio Nero, 
and in cutting fascines and brushwood to fill the ditches. 
For this laborious service the Arabs proved themselves to 
be far superior to the Albanians. The former were so hardy, 
as to continue up to the middle in water the whole day, during 
the winter, without suffering from such hardships. Most of the 
shot and shells were transported from the Turkish camp to 
Missolonghi, a distance of three leagues, or four hours, on 
the heads of the Arabs, which alone seemed sufficient to 
have killed more hardy looking men.* Up to the middle of 

" The following description of these barbarians is extracted from 
Green's Sketches, who was an eye witness to what he writes. 

" Each regiment," says he, " consisted originally of 4000 Arabs, 
clothed in a uniform composed of a red cloth jacket, trowsers, and 
skull-cap, and armed with a musket, bayonet, and cartouche-box 



376 HISTORY OF THE 

February the Turkish army were busy in forming batteries, 
and cutting fascines. The batteries, when finished, mount- 
ed twenty heavy guns, eighteen and thirty-two pounders, and 
a number of mortars, and howitzers. These works were so 
near the town, that if the cannon were pointed towards it, 
their shot could hardly avoid taking effect in one part or 
another. 

The officers are Asiatic, and other Turks, but the sergeants, corpo- 
rals, and drummers, are Arabs. In appearance they are certainly 
the most despicable troops imaginable, there being scarcely a fine- 
looking man amongst them ; added to which, they have almost uni- 
versally suffered from the ophthalmia, and have either lost an eye. 
squint very much, or are short-sighted. Since their arrival in the 
Morea the uniform of many has given place to all kinds of grotesque 
clothing, acquired by pillage, such as women's petticoats, Albanian 
kilts, &c. They make up, however, for their appearance by their i 
behaviour, being exceedingly obedient, and apt at learning military 
evolutions, the old regiments going through the exercise very well ; 
added to which, they never by any chance complain, and stand fa- 
tigue remarkably well. Indeed, from the time of their landing in 
the Morea, their privations have been very great, continually march- 
ing and counter-marching over mountains, and fording rivers. — 
At Patras the tents were not pitched, the men were exposed day 
and night to the weather, and to protect themselves from its incle- 
mency, dug holes in the ground, into which they thrust their heads, 
leaving the rest of their bodies exposed. They are constantly drill- 
ed, and sometimes are exercised six or seven times a-day. When 
off duty, one of their occupations is the cleaning of their muskets, 
which they keep remarkably bright and in good order. There are 
no regular cavalry attached to Ibrahim Pacha's army, but all the of- 
ficers, medical staff, and commissariat department, are mounted, 
besides the baggage horses and mules. Of the European officers, of 
whom so much has been said, there are few of any consequence with 
Ibrahim. Of the French, the generality are surgeons, young stu- 
dents from the hospitals : Colonel Seves, known as Solimon Bey, is 
now at Tripolizza, and has not been here. The Italians are chiefly 
Instructori, or Drill officers, but they have merely the name, at 
least while they remained here ; it is said however, that they were 
of use in Egypt. The number of Europeans now here and at Mis- 
solonghi with the army does not exceed thirty ; and I am informed 
that there are not more than double that number altogether in the 
Morea. Ibrahim Pacha is said to pay little attention to them, and 
in no instance I believe followed their advice, not even of his chief 
engineer, Lieutenant-Colonel Romey, a Neapolitan. Their pay 
varies from seven hundred to two thousand piastres a month, with 
rations for a horse and servant, which undoubtedly is their chief in- 
ducement to enter the service of the Pacha of Egypt. Some of 
these same Europeans in the first instance joined the Greeks, but 
getting no pay, and receiving ill-treatment and abuse, quitted their 
service in disgust. Since they have joined the Egyptians they have 
been regularly paid, and never go into battle.''— [Sketches, p. 239.] 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 377 

Every thing being finished, the bombardment began about 
the middle of February, and continued three days and nights 
without intermission, and afterwards for fifteen days at in- 
tervals. By this tremendous cannonade, with such heavy 
ordnance, those parts of the town which had escaped pre- 
vious attacks, were nearly battered down, but the garrison 
were still by no means disposed to listen to any terms their 
enemies chose to offer, though in great want of provisions, 
which the Turkish blockade had prevented their receiving. 
On the 6th of March, several flat bottomed boats, which 
had been fitted out at Patras, left that place to attack the 
island of Vasiladi, situated at the entrance of the shallows 
before Missolonghi, and about two miles distant from that 
town. This expedition was commanded by Husseim Bey, 
Ibrahim's brother-in-law, chief officer and commander of 
the Condian and Albanian forces. Vasiladi is a small, bar- 
ren island, defended by a fort which was garrisoned by a 
i few Greeks, and made but a feeble resistance. A few days 
after this, Antolico, a small town situated on a rocky island 
near Missolonghi, surrendered to the Turks after firing a few 
shot. The inhabitants, about 3000 in number, were suffered 
to depart, and retire to Arta, taking with them their per- 
sonal property, and such effects as they could carry. After 
these reverses, the Greeks were so fortunate, on the next oc- 
casion which offered, as to gain a signal triumph over their 
enemies. The Turks mad*- an attack on a small island call- 
ed Monasteri, situated about half a mile from Missolonghi. — 
This island possessed a small fortified tower, which was gar- 
risoned by 75 Greeks. The approach was very difficult, the 
Turks being obliged to wade up to the middle in water before 
they could arrive at the island. When they reached the vi- 
cinity of the tower they found no entrance, and here were 
exposed to the direct fire of the whole garrison. This small 
number of Greeks who thus opposed a whole Turkish ar- 
my, and defied its power, scarcely suffered any loss, while 
this very circumstance irritated the infidel commanders, anil 
was the cause of great obstinacy, which ended in the de- 
struction of an immense number of their men. It is report- 
ed that no less than 1500 Turks and Arabs perished on this 
occasion, and among them Husseim Bey, without exception 
ihe best officer in Ibrahim's army.* 

* Green's Sketches, p. 138—143. 
33 



378 HISTORY OF THE 

From this time the 6iege was prosecuted with vigours- 
Various incidents are related, which would deserve to be 
here recorded, if we could place sufficient confidence in the 
authenticity of the various narratives. The besieged defend- 
ed themselves with the most heroic bravery, suffering in the 
meantime most severely from want of provisions and from a 
scarcity of the munitions of war. It was confidently stated 
on the authority of letters from Constantinople, that in con- 
sequence of the representations of the foreign Ambassadors, 
the Porte was induced to send negotiators to the head quar- 
ters of Ibrahim Pacha, with authority to treat with the Greek 
chiefs for a cessation of hostilities. Other accounts stated 
that this measure had been taken in consequence of the re- 
presentations of Ibrahim and his father. It was affirmed that 
the proposition which was to be made to the Greek chiefs 
was, that Ibrahim should remain in the military government 
of Greece with the command of the fortresses, but that each 
place should have a Lieutenant Governor, chosen by the 
Greeks from among themselves. It was stated that Husseim 
Bey, formerly inspector of the arsenal, and Nedib Effendi, 
agent to the viceroy of Egypt, were charged with this mission. 
Whether any such proposition was ever meditated by the 
Turkish government is matter of doubt ; it is very certain that 
it produced no useful result. The two agents above named 
arrived at the head quarters of Ibrahim, but the object of their 
mission remains involved in doubt. There was no suspen- 
sion of hostilities, but, on the contrary, a more vigorous pro- 
secution of the siege. Several vessels laden with supplies 
for the place were captured by the Turkish fleet. The 
Turks succeeded in getting possession of a battery, but it was 
attacked with great bravery by the Greeks, and retaken at 
the point of the bayonet. About the first of January a squa- 
dron of about fifty Hydriote and Spezziote vessels, under Mi- 
aulis and Saktouris, sailed for Missolonghi for the purpose 
of throwing supplies into the city. This expedition was par- 
tially successful, though the relief afforded was inadequate 
to the wants of the place. There appear to have been some 
skirmishes between the hostile fleets, but amidst the contra- 
dictory accounts, it is difficult to determine which party gain- 
ed the greatest advantage. 

On the 27th of January, Captain Abbot, of the British cor- 

* See Boston edition of the Modern Traveller, p. 482, and onwards. 



• 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 379 

vette Rose, anchored off Vasiladi, and proposed a confer- 
ence with the authorities of Missolonghi on matters of im- 
portance. Persons were appointed to meet him. He ex- 
plained the purpose of their meeting, by presenting the fol- 
lowing note : — 

{< In the Waters of Missolonghi, from on board his Britannic Majesty's 
corvette Rose, Jan. 27. 

" Gentlemen — The Capitan Pacha has requested me to in- 
form the Greek authorities of Missolonghi, that in the space 
of eight days from this, all the preparations will be ready to 
give the assault to that place ; but as the Capitan Pacha de- 
sires to avoid the effusion of blood, which must be the con- 
sequence of the town's being taken by assault, he wishes 
therefore to know if the garrison of Missolonghi will capitu- 
late, and, in that case, on what conditions. 

" The answer given me by you, I will send to the Capitan 
Pacha; but I think it my duty clearly to inform the Greek au- 
thorities of Missolonghi, that. I am not authorized to be the 
guarantee of the conditions which may be entered into, nor 
will I give my opinion on the expediency of accepting or re- 
fusing the above proposition of the Capitan Pacha. 

" I have the honour to be, gentlemen, your most obedient 
servant, C. ABBOTT, Commander. 

" To the Greek authorities of Missolonghi." 

The Greek envoys on receiving this letter, returned to the 
city greatly disappointed and displeased, and immediately 
sent the following answer : — 



o 



•' Sir — We have the honour to reply to your letter of the 
27th inst. in which you lay before us the proposition which 
you were charged by the Capitan Pacha to communicate to 
us. And this is our answer to that proposition which has 
for its object a conclusion of a peace between us. 

u . The Capitan Pacha is well aware that the Greeks have 
suffered unheard of misfortunes, shed streams of blood, and 
seen their towns made deserts ; and for all this nothing can 
compensate, nothing can indemnify them, but liberty and in- 
dependence. And as for the attack with which he threat- 
ens this fortress in eight days' time, we are ready for it, and 
we trust with the help of God, that we shall be able to op- 
pose it, as we did that of Redschid Pacha last July. The 
Capitan Pacha is also aware that we have a Government, In 
compliance with whose decree we are bound to fight and die. 



380 HISTORY OF THE 

To that Government let him, therefore, address himself, and 
negotiate peace or war. 

" We have the honour to subscribe ourselves with respect 
(for the Provisional Commissioners of the affairs of Western 
Greece, and for all the Military and Civil Chiefs,) 

" D. THEMELIS, 

M In absence of the Secretary General. 
i " N. PAPADOPOULOS. 

Missolonghi, loth (27th) Jan. 1826. 
" To Capt. Abott, Commander of the English corvette Rose." 

The editor of the Greek Chronicle, which was still print- 
ed in Missolonghi, expressed great indignation, that an En- 
glish officer should be instrumental in making this proposal. 
A similar one had been made in July preceding, from the 
Capitan Pacha, through the commander of an Austrian fri- 
gate, " but that," remarked the Greek editor," did not aston- 
ish us, for we knew that Capt. Bouratovitch was an Austrian. 
But we were overcome with grief, and wept on reflecting 
that an Englishman could offer himself as an agent to the 
Capitan Pacha, and present with his own signature, such 
propositions to the Greeks." 

The assault threatened in the foregoing letter, if made, did 
not prove successful. The possession of Vasilidi enabled 
the Turkish commander to cutoff more successfully the sup- 
plies which the Greeks were constantly attempting to throw 
into the place, and of which the inhabitants were in great 
want. The garrison, however, persisted in refusing to listen 
to any proposals of surrender. On the 17th of March, Sir 
Frederick Adam, Lord High Commissioner of the Ionian 
Islands, proceeded in the Naiad, Capt. Spencer, to the camp 
before Missolonghi, and had a conference of two hours with 
Ibrahim Pacha in his tent, in the presence of the Seraskier 
and the two commissioners from the Porte. In this confer- 
ence he solicited Ibrahim to permit the women, children, and 
old men, to leave Missolonghi unmolested. Ibrahim declared 
himself ready to do this if the place would surrender, and the 
garrison lay down their arms, in which case they should be 
permitted to retire unhurt, as well as the garrison of Anatoli- 
co. The proposal was rejected by the besieged, on which 
Gen. Adam re-embarked and left Missolonghi to its fate. — 
This transaction is related on the authority of the Austrian 
Observer. Sir Frederick Adam was shortly afterwards in 
Paris, where he spoke with enthusiasm of the brave defence 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 381 

of Missolonghi, and expressed strong hopes that the garrison 
would hold out to the end. 

Besides the extreme difficulty of conveying provisions to 
the relief of the besieged, the Greeks suffered severely from 
the distressing scarcity of provisions in the country. So large 
a portion of the country had been devastated by the enemy, 
and so many people were compelled to rely for subsistence 
on the charity of those among whom they took refuge, that 
the soil did not afford adequate means of subsistence.* This 
state of things being made known to some of the active friends 
of Greece in Europe, funds were immediately raised for pro- 
curing supplies. Mr. Eynard of Geneva, who had before 
contributed personally 50,000 francs in aid of the Greek 
cause, made a further liberal contribution ; the Greek Com- 
mittee of Paris, on his representation, voted 60,000, and that 
of Amsterdam added 30,000. Vessels w r ere sent successively 
from ports on the Adriatic, with provisious for the relief of 
Alissolonghi, and of the Greeks generally. Repeated at- 
tempts were made from Zante to introduce these supplies in- 
solonghi, some of which were successful, and others 
foiled. An agent of the Paris Committee, in writing from 

* The following letter from an European paper affords one of the many 
evidences of the extreme privations of the Greeks, in consequence of 
the ravaging of the country by the enemy. 

" LEGHORN, April 12. 
" A vessel from the Levant reports having seen, on the islands 
De la Sapience, or the Strophades, more than twenty thousand wo- 
men, children, and old men, all escaped from the Peloponnesus. These 
unfortunate people, who fled in the month of December last, when Ibra- 
him Pacha crossed Tryphylia and Elis to go towards Patras, have pass- 
ed the winter living upon grains and other articles of food that they 
brought with them. These resources are exhausted ; since the month 
of March, they have lived upon roots and boiled leaves, which they 
sometimes mix with a handful of meal. This unhealthy and scanty 
nourishment has produced among them disorders which have destroyed 
more than five thousand ; for, at first, there were more than twenty-five 
thousand refugees. A dreadful typhus also threatens to carry off the 
remains of this wretched people. Recommend to the public charity 
these poor Christians, who have crowded about a cross, to which they 
have attached their supreme and last hope. There are some thousand 
others who have retired to the island of Prodano. Take pity on their 
miseries. To give them any efficacious assistance in provisions, and to 
know how they should be distributed, communications must be address- 
ed to Count Mercati, at Zante, who will afford the means necessary to 
their arriving at the proposed destination." 

Boston Daily AdvtrUstr. June 16., 
33* 



382 HISTORY OF THE 

Zante, April 4, said, " Every day I succeeded in throwing 
provisions into Missolonghi. There are many difficulties, 
but the zeal of our seamen know how to surmount them. 
All our news is favourable." Another letter from the same 
agent, April 6, said, " Up to the present time every thing is 
in/ favour of the besieged; Ibrahim attacks every day with 
perseverance, and every day is beaten. His loss must be 
more than 8000 men. His camp has been burnt, and his 
men are discouraged. At this moment a strong cannonade 
is heard, but we feel no uneasiness. The garrison is all re- 
mounted, and has received provisions." 

These hopes were too confident. It was not in the power 
of the friends of Greece much longer to convey to the 
heroic defenders of Missolonghi the means of subsistence. 
The Greek fleet under Miaulis, however, made one further 
attempt to afford supplies. It sailed from Hydra in April, 
and on the 12th arrived in sight of Missolonghi. On the 
15th an engagement took place, in which the Greek fleet 
gained some advantages, but not of so decisive a character 
as to enable them to throw provisions into the city. Ibrahim 
from this time directed all his attention to prevent the intro- 
duction of supplies, by means of small vessels from Zante, 
and on the following day flat-bottomed boats and rafts, armed 
with heavy artillery, were stationed in such manner as to cut 
off all communication. The besieged, who had for a long 
time been sustained by the scanty supplies daily received 
from Petala and Porto Soro, were now reduced to the most 
deplorable situation. On the 17th and 18th, several women, 
children, and old men, died of hunger. On the four succeed- 
ing days the horror of their situation increased every hour. 
No one, however, thought of surrendering, but mines were 
prepared, in various parts of he city, as the engines of self- 
destruction. On the 21st and 22d Miaulis again attacked 
the Turkish fleet. But what could his squadron of little ves- 
sels do, against six ships of the line, eight or ten frigates, and 
ninety other vessels ? All their efforts were fruitless, and not 
a single vessel laden with provisions could enter the town. 
With the failure of these attempts, the besieged saw their last 
hopes vanish. On the 22d they went to the church, where 
they received absolution, which was granted to them by Jo- 
seph, Bishop of Rogous, amidst the tears of the women and 
children. At ten in the morning this ceremony was finished. 
They shared what remained of the boiled roots, fish, and 
food in the city, and each held himself ready to go forward 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 383 

and die. A few minutes after midnight, about two thousand 
men, accompanied by a number of women, and several chil- 
dren, who had previously resolved on making a sortie, ad- 
vanced in silence towards the batteries of the enemy. They 
did not find them off their guard, but were met with deter- 
mined bravery, and a dreadful carnage ensued. Of the 
Greeks, who fell with impetuosity upon the Turkish lines, 
about 500 lost their lives on the spot, and the rest of the 
party escaped to the mountains. Of those who remained in 
the city, consisting principally of the infirm, and of women 
and children, to the number of more than 1000, some blew 
themselves up by the mines placed for the purpose, some 
drowned themselves, many were slaughtered by the enemy, 
who at break of day entered the city, and 130 who shut them- 
selves up in a strong house, defended themselves through the 
whole of the next day, making a great carnage of the attack- 
ing Egyptians, and at length, when exhausted by fatigue and 
want of food, blew themselves up, at the moment when they 
ivere about to fall into the power of the enemy. About a 
hundred and fifty men, and three thousand women and chil- 
dren, were returned as prisoners. These were mostly car- 
ried to Prevesa and Arta, where they were sold, at a low 
price, like cattle. The loss of the Turks was severe, but the 
number has not been ascertained. Among the killed was 
Husseim Bey,* one of the most efficient of Ibrahim's officers. 
The Greeks who escaped in the sortie, retired by the way of 
the Isthmus of Corinth, and finally reached Napoli, worn 
down with fatigue, robbed of their homes and their families, 
and destitute of every thing.f 

* This officer, according to Mr. Green, was killed some time before, 
as has been already stated. 

fThis narrative is extracted from a great variety of accounts, which 
differ from each other considerably in many of the details of this disas- 
trous event. Some of them represent the carnage of that awful nighf. 
a3 still more dreadful than is here related. The account published in 
the Oriental Spectator, says, that the old men, the wounded, and the 
women and children, who remained in the city, had retired to avast 
building, where, seeing themselves surrounded by their conquerors, 
they set fire to a mine which had been dug under them, and they were 
no more. Another account, as it differs still more from those which we 
have followed in the text, we here subjoin. It was published at Malta. 
a3 translated from an account written by an officer in the suite of one oV 
the Turkish commanders, dated April 23. 

" Yesterday, Saturday, the 22d April, about six o'clock in the even- 
ing, Caraiscachi having reached the tops of the mountains Carasora, 



384 HISTORY OF THE 

In addition to the above particulars, which are extracted 
from the Boston edition of the " Modern Traveller," we 
here give Mr. Green's account of this awful tragedy, which 
he collected on the spot. 

" The garrison of Missolonghi, reduced to a state of 
starvation, and perceiving that their hopes of receiving as- 

with about five hundred of his men, they fired a volley, as a signal to the 
rebels of Missolonghi of having come to their assistance. The garrison 
of Missolonghi having decided to retire from that place, they made the 
necessary preparations, and hoped to succeed without being perceived 
by our troops; and about three hours after dark, they directed the two 
chieftains, Macri and Becacello, to make a sortie with eight hundred 
men, and to attempt to gain possession of one of our batteries, situated 
on the sea-shore leading towards the Convent, which was manned by 
the Arabs. They did this in the view, that after having taken posses- 
sion of the battery, they might open the way to the remainder of the 
garrison and their families, and escape unperceived. More than a 
thousand women and children, who were unwilling longer to remain in 
the town, followed these two chieftains, armed and dressed as males, 
with the hope of being able to make good their flight. Having reached 
the battery, they were notable to stand against the continued fire of the 
Arabs, and attempted by flight to reach the mountains without being 
discovered by our commanders; but in this they were disappointed, for 
Rumley Valesy, and his brother Morea Valesy, Pacha, had taken every 
precaution when they saw the flashes of the musketry discharged by 
the men under Caraiscachi, feeling convinced from the reports of the 
prisoners respecting the want of provisions in the town, that a flight 
would be attempted, and had not failed to reinforce our troops at the 
different forts, and to line all the country at the foot of the mountains 
with regular and irregular troops, infantry and cavalry. 

" The above mentioned chieftains in their flight to the mountains 
were thus met by our troops, and in the hopes of relieving themselves 
of their superfluous loads, and escape, they put to death eight hundred 
women and children, (as unable to keep company with them,) and fled 
up the mountains, crying out to each other to save themselves as well 
as they could. 

" The remainder of the Greeks, who waited in Missolonghi until the 
Capture of our battery, observed that their two chieftains had taken 
flight, and got so alarmed and confused that they abandoned their posts. 
Four hundred of them shut themselves up in the wind-mill, and above 
five hundred others took refuge in their different batteries on the shore ; 
the rest dispersed themselves in parties of tens and twenties, and were 
all put to death by the continued firing which was kept up. 

" Our troops observing the confusion of the rebels, rushed in, part by 
sea, and part by land, and took possession of the fortifications, and, as 
a signal of their success, set fire to them in different places. At this 
time, many women and children, who were without protection, in order 
to escape being taken by our people who were coming up to them; ran 
to the ditches and drowned themselves. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 385 

sistancc by the means of the Greek fleet were not realized, 
at last determined to abandon the place, and if possible, to 
escape through the Turkish camp. Unfortunately for them, 
however, Ibrahim Pacha was advised of all their proceedings 
and intentions, by deserters from the town ; and in conse- 
quence, the most effectual means were taken to prevent a 
surprise. On Friday, the 21st April, Ibrahim Pacha offered 
a capitulation to the Greeks, on condition of laying down 
their arms : which was refused in consequence of the ob- 
stinacy of the Souliots. It is stated that the understanding, 
on the part of the Greeks, was, that an armed force should 
appear on the heights in the rear of the Turkish camp, and, 
on their giving a signal, the sortie was to be made. This, in 
fact, took place, although the Greeks never came down from 
the mountains to the assistance of the garrison ; indeed, it 
is asserted by some, that it was a party of Ibrahim's troops, 
who appeared on the mountains, and by giving the concerted 
signal, deceived the besieged. Be this as it may, the sortie 
was made about nine o'clock on Saturday night, 22d ultimo, 
in great confusion, the women and children being in ad- 
vance, in consequence of which great numbers of them 
were killed by the fire of the besiegers as well as by their 
falling into the ditches : the others continued to advance ; 
but being opposed on every side by the Turks, a dreadful 

" Our troops having received orders to subdue the town that 
night, and to put to the sword all they might meet with, rushed into 
the town of Missolonghi, and either took prisoners or destroyed all 
whom they found. Many women and children were taken prison- 
ers. The 500 Greeks who were above mentioned as having shut, 
themselves up in the batteries on the shore, were then attacked, and 
after considerable firing, in the space of two hours were all de- 
stroyed. 

" After this none were left, except the 300 who were shut up in tho 
wind-mill. These were then assaulted by our people, and the rebels 
(most of them officers) observing their imminent danger, set fire to 
their gunpowder and blew themselves up. 

" The destruction of the rebels has been unexampled — their numbers 

killed in the town are reckoned at - 2100 

Killed at the foot of the mountain, - 500 

Taken alive in different parts, (men,) 150 

Women killed, 1300 

Women and children drowned, - ... . 800 

Women and children taken prisoners, - ... 3400 

Total, 8250 
Sec Boston Daily Advertiser, Aug. 15, 1826, 



386 HISTORY OF THE 

massacre ensued. I have been assured by persons who were* 
present, and by others who visited the camp soon after the 
catastrophe, that the plain between Missolonghi and the 
mountains was covered with dead bodies. On these occa- 
sions it is impossible to ascertain accurately the number of 
those who fell, and therefore no reliance ought to be placed 
on the reports which have been circulated on the subject. — 
It is stated, and I believe correctly, that the principal part of 
the Souliots (who formed the chief defence of Missolonghi) 
escaped to the mountains ; and, some days afterwards, seve- 
ral of the Greeks who escaped at the same time, came into 
Lepanto, and surrendered to the Turks, as they had wan- 
dered about the neighbourhood without being able to procure 
the means of subsistence. Above three thousand pair of 
ears were cut off from the dead bodies, and sent to Con- 
stantinople ; while about five thousand women and children 
were made slaves. Among the dead bodies those of Papa- 
diamandopulo, Eparch of Missolonghi (formerly Primate of 
Patras,) and Meyer, Editor of the Greek Chronicle, were 
recognized. The loss of the Turks was trifling, as the 
Greeks scarcely offered any resistance, seeming only desi- 
rous of effecting their escape. Ibrahim Pacha gave up the 
town to be sacked by his Arab troops ; and, upon the Alba- 
nians attempting to participate in the spoils, they were pre- 
vented doing so by the Arabs, who actually formed, and 
fired on the Albanians, by which about a hundred and fifty 
of the latter are said to have been killed, when the others 
desisted from their purpose, and were only permitted to en- 
ter the place three days afterwards. The truth is, that from 
the commencement of the Egyptian army's appearance be- 
fore Missolonghi, the greatest jealousy existed between the 
Albanians serving the Seraskier, and the Arabs, which led 
to endless disputes; and, in consequence, the Egyptian 
camp was formed at the distance of about a mile from that 
of the Albanians. The latter were not permitted to take 
any part in the operations of the siege ; but were employed 
at the out-posts. Ibrahim Pacha had reason to believe, from 
the general conduct of the Albanians, as well as from se- 
cret information, that some of their chiefs favoured the 
Greeks in Missolonghi ; and, after the fall of that place, such 
proved to be the case, as letters were found from Albanian 
Chiefs, addressed to some of the besieged, informing them 
of Ibrahim's operations. When it is recollected that the for- 
mer assaults on Missolonghi were made by Albanian mer- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 387 

<!cnaries, under the command of these same chiefs, the prin- 
cipal cause of their failure has thus become sufficiently 
evident. 

" Missolonghi having been completely sacked by the 
Arabs, orders were given to collect the bodies of the slain, 
and which having been placed in heaps, were burnt, in order 
to prevent infection. 

" Upon taking a review of the various attacks made upon 
Missolonghi by the Turks, and the brave defences of its gar- 
rison, it is impossible not to render a tribute of admiration to 
the memory of those who, compelled by famine to abandon 
its walls, have perished in the attempt. That such a dread- 
ful catastrophe might have been avoided there can be no 
doubt, as Ibrahim Pacha offered the garrison and inhabitants 
a capitulation on the same terms as he granted at Anatolico, 
which they knew he had fulfilled ; and therefore, under the 
circumstances of the case, might have been honourably agreed 
to by them. 

" Being naturally anxious to visit a place which had made 
so many brave defences, and had cost the Turks so much, t 
proceeded to Missolonghi a few days since. I must confess 
that its appearance caused me much surprise : its fortifica* 
tions are scarcely worthy the name, and of fifteen guns mount- 
ed on the bastions, consisting of three to twelve-pounders, 
the greater part were unfit for service. There can be no 
doubt that the natural position of Missolonghi, it being built 
in a marsh below the level of the sea, was its greatest securi* 
ty, and formed its real defence ; but I certainly am of opinion 
that the Turks might have taken the place by storm any 
night, without losing half the number of men they did at 
Monasteri. The Greeks succeeded by boasting in frighten- 
ing the Turks into a belief that the place was impregnable. 
The effect of the cannonading from the Turkish batteries 
was not what might have been expected ; and there really 
was no practicable breach made, although the wall might 
have been easily escaladed. The shells, however, caused 
great devastation, as with the exception of about twenty 
houses, all was a heap of ruins. The house which had been 
inhabited by Lord Byron escaped unhurt. An Albanian 
offered to point out to me the tomb of Marco Bozzaris ; and, 
upon reaching the spot, I was shocked to find that the grave 
of this brave chief had not been respected by his enemies, 
who had dug up his remains, as well as those of General 
Normann, in the expectation that they had been buried with 



388 HISTORY OF THE 

their arms. The skeleton of Marco Bozzaris lay exposed 
to view ; the skull was separated from the body, and my first 
wish was to rescue at least the former from further sacrilege ; 
but, as I could not conceal it on my person, and did not deem 
it prudent to carry it through the Turkish camp exposed to 
view, I was reluctantly compelled to abandon my design, 
and merely preserved some of the teeth. 

" I then proceeded to the Egyptian camp outside the 
walls, and had an interview with Ibrahim Pacha. He is of 
middling stature, rather fat, marked with the small pox, has 
a reddish beard, and is on the whole not a good-looking man : 
he evidently has an excellent opinion of himself, the natural 
consequence of being surrounded by flatterers and slaves. 
He is, however, an active man compared with other Turks, 
and certainly manages, one way or other, to carry his plans 
into effect. While marching from place to place in the Mo- 
rea, his manner of living was not at all splendid or luxurious ; 
but at Missolonghi he lived in great state. His tent was a 
most magnificent one, and combined elegance with comfort. 
It covered a large extent of ground, and was divided into 
several apartments. The outside was composed of green 
canvas, rendered impervious to the weather by a second 
covering; the outside was completely lined with pieces of 
different coloured silk. The tents of the officers were green; 
those of the men white. A tent allotted to every twelve 
men, and these were placed in regular rows. Ovens were 
built outside of each tent, which served for cooking the rations 
and baking the bread. 

" Thus* terminated this memorable siege, after a resolute 
and persevering defence, which has few parallels in history. 
The steadiness with which the garrison and inhabitants re- 
sisted all attempts to induce them to make a voluntary surren- 
der, may be considered an additional proof to the many which 
the war has afforded, that the Greeks, although they may be 
in time exterminated by a vastly superior power, cannot be 
brought to submission under the most appalling circumstances 
to the Ottoman yoke. Of the sufferings endured by the in- 
habitants of this rich and populous city, the world knows lit- 
tle, as no satisfactory account of the incidents of the siege 
has been published. The following letter from M . Meyer, 
a Swiss, as one of the persons who perished in the last de- 
fence of Missolonghi, written a few days before his death , 
will serve to show the spirit which animated the inhabitants. 
* Boston edition of the Modern Traveller. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 389 

11 The labours which we have undergone, and a wound 
which I have received in the shoulder, while I am in expec- 
tation of one which will be my passport to eternity, have pre- 
vented me till now from bidding you my last adieu. We are re- 
duced to feed upon the most disgusting animals — we are suf- 
fering horribly with hunger and thirst. Sickness adds much to 
the calamities which overwhelm us. Seventeen hundred and 
forty of our brothers are dead. More than a hundred thou- 
sand bombs and balls, thrown by the enemy, have destroyed 
our bastions and our houses. We have been terribly distress- 
ed by the cold, for we have suffered great want of wood. — 
Notwithstanding so many privations, it is a great and noble 
spectacle to witness the ardour and devotedness of the gar- 
rison. A few days more, and these brave men will be an- 
gelic spirits, who will accuse before God the indifference of 
Christendom for a cause which is that of religion. All the 
Albanians who had deserted from the standard of Reschid 
Pacha, have now rallied under that of Ibrahim. In the 
name of all our brave men, among whom are Notha Bozzaris; 
Tzavellas, Papadia-Mautopolas, and myself, whom the gov- 
ernment has appointed general to a body of its troops, I an- 
nounce to you the resolution sworn to before heaven, to de- 
fend foot by foot the land of Missolonghi, and to bury our- 
selves, without listening to any capitulation, under the ruins 
of this city. We are drawing near our final hour. History 
will render us justice — posterity will weep over our misfoi* 
tunes. I am proud to think that the blood of a Swiss, of a 
child of William Tell, is about to mingle with that of the he- 
roes of Greece. May the relation of the siege of Missolon- 
ghi, which I have written, survive me. I have made several 
copies of it. Cause this letter, dear S***, to be inserted in 
some journal." 

In the mean time, the inhabitants of some other parts oi 
Greece were not idle spectators of these events, though 
their efforts were in a great degree paralyzed by a want of 
harmony, and by a dreadful scarcity of provisions. Coloco- 
troni made an attempt to get possession of Tripolizza, by a 
coup de main, but he did not succeed, and he retreated and 
established his head quarters, with about 2000 men, at Ar- 
gos. 

Col. Favier, having formed a little army of 2000 regular 
troops, cavalry, artillery and infantry, attempted an expedi- 
tion into Negropont. He marched his troops to Rapht, 
where they embarked, and shortly after landed at Stura, in 

34 



390 HISTORY OF THE 






the island of Eubcea, in front of Marathon. He then march- 
ed immediately upon Carysto, where there was a Turkish 
garrison. He took possession of the town, and ordered aw 
assault on the garrison, which was in part successful, but the 
Turks having manned a heavy battery, turned it with effect 
upon the Greeks and obliged them to retire. The Turk? 
soon received a reinforcement of 1500 men, commanded by 
Omer Pacha, Governor of Negropont, and Favier, after se 
veral engagements in which he lost a number of his officers, 
and after exhausting his ammunition, and provisions, was 
obliged to send for assistance. A number of vessels, with 
irregular troops under Grissotti and Varse, were sent to his 
aid, and he again advanced on Carysto. But it was at length 
resolved to retreat, and the troops were re-embarked, the 
cavalry and artillery for Marathon and Athens, and the in- 
fantry for the island of Andros. The cavalry in this expedi- 
tion were commanded by Renard de St. Jean d'Angely. — 
D'Angely found no other opportunity of signalizing himself, 
and in the following August he returned to Paris, accompa- 
nied by a son of Petro Bey, a Maniote chief. 

On the 18th of April, the representatives of the several 
Greek provinces met at Epidaurus, forming what was called 
the third National Assembly. They had been but a few 
days in session when they received the news of the capture of 
Missolonghi, and of the preparations of the enemy for further 
enterprises. With the hope of calling into action the ener- 
gies of the people with the greatest promptitude and efficacy, 
they resolved to concentrate all the powers of government 
in a commission, consisting of the following persons : Petro 
Mavromichalis, Andreas Zaimi, A. Delijannis,. G. Sesseni, 
Spiridion Tricoupis, Andreas Jacos, Johannes Vlachos, D. 
Tzamados, A. H. Anargynos, A. Monarchides, and E. De- 
metriacopulos. Zaimi was appointed President. The dura- 
tion of this commission was limited to the end of the follow- 
ing September, when the representatives of the people were 
to meet again. Having published this arrangement, in an 
address to the Greek nation, in which they call upon them 
to obey the government thus established, and unite their 
efforts in accomplishing the great end of their struggle, they 
dissolved the assembly, after publishing also the following 
declaration : ( 

" The Representatives of the different provinces of Greece, 
assembled at Epidaurus, and legally and regularly convened 
in the third National Assembly, having adopted plans tending 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 391 

to promote the interest of the people, and unanimously de- 
cided upon that which present circumstances demand, and 
upon the necessary mode of carrying their decisions into 
execution, previous to the prorogation of their labours, as 
ordained by the decree No. 4, offer in the first place to the 
throne of the Most High, humbly and submissively, the tri- 
bute of the most sincere and heartfelt thanks of the Greek 
nation, which devoutly trusts in Him, and which, although 
he in his wisdom has submitted it to bitter trials, he has not 
for a moment forsaken, during the course of its long and ar- 
duous struggle ; but has looked down upon it from on high, 
and evinced to it his divine power, and the glory of his sacred 
name. 

" Having, from the depths of their hearts, performed the 
duty of testifying their gratitude towards the Omnipotent 
Providence, they proclaim, in the name of the Greek nation, 
its unanimous and undivided determination to live and die 
amidst all the chances of war, in firm adherence to the holy 
precepts of the Christian religion, in defence of their country, 
and that they will unceasingly struggle to deliver Greece, 
which a long despotism has polluted and enslaved, and which 
barbarism has profaned. 

" The Greek nation hopes that its heroic devotion and its 
brilliant deeds, in the midst of most depressing trials, which 
have proved to the potentates of Christendom, that which at 
the beginning of their contest, they by discourse and invoca- 
tions never failed to express, namely — thzi the Creek nation 
did not take up arms to establish its political existence on 
revolutionary principles, which monarchical Europe cannot 
admit of, or to appropriate to itself a foreign country, or to 
subject other nations ; but to deliver itself from that which is 
by some wrongly denominated Turkish legitimacy, which the 
Greek nation never acknowledged, and which the Porte itself 
never imagined that it possessed. The Greek nation did not 
arm itself to violate its oaths, or to transgress its duty and 
obligations, for it never swore fealty to the Sultan as his cap- 
tive slave, nor did the Sultan ever exact as a master those 
oaths by force or violence : nor do the Hellenians fight to 
subvert those institutions which have social order for their 
basis ; for it is notorious that they had no institutions or laws 
but the word of the Sultan. The Greek nation, in taking up 
and retaining their arms, sought, and still seek, the glory of 
the Christian name, which was, together with its clergy, per- 
secuted and condemned. It seeks the perfect independence 



392 HISTORY OF THE 

of the land of its ancestors, of which violence and force alone 
deprived it. It seeks freedom and a political existence, of 
which it has been despoiled ; in a word, it wishes to avoid 
subjection to any nation whatever. 

" These are the objects for which the Greek nation com- 
bats ; for these alone it sees, placidly and without yielding, 
its cities and its villages deluged with blood, its country made 
a desert, thousands of its members dragged to slaughter, 
thousands into slavery and debasement; for these, alone, 
with a firm determination, it has dared to prefer the loss of 
its most valuable relations, to a relapse into the power of the 
Turkish tyranny. 

" The representatives of the Greek nation consider it 
iheir duty to proclaim these things openly to those who are 
attached to the name of Christ, and whose hearts beat re- 
sponsive to the generous sentiments and the unchangeable 
resolution of the Greek people. They entertain a fervent 
hope that the monarchs of Europe, who exercise dominion 
under Christ, convinced of the equity and justice of their 
contest, will, in this appalling hour, cast an eye of pity on 
an unfortunate nation, whose sufferings arise from its pro- 
fessing and maintaining a similar creed as themselves. 

" The representatives of Greece proclaim aloud the above 
in the face of God and man, and in relinquishing their labour 
as members of the national assembly, until next September, 
they offer up their supplication with confident hopes and 
humble prayers to the throne of the Almighty, and solicit his 
omnipotent benevolence to look with an eye of mercy on the 
dangers of his creatures, and to shed the rich effusions of his 
clemency on the Greek nation, which considers Him as its 
only hope, its sole refuge, and last resource. 

" The President of the Assembly, 
\ (L. S.) " PANUTZOS NOTARAS'. 

" The Secretary General, 
" A. PAPADOPULOS. 

" Given at Epidaurus, April 16th, (28th)." 

Soon after the destruction of Missolonghi, the fleet of the 
Oapitan Pacha returned to the Dardanelles, where it remain- 
ed inactive for more than two months. Ibrahim returned 
with the greater part of his troops to Patras, and a long pe- 
riod elapsed before he attempted any further movement. In- 
deed he accomplished nothing of any importance during the 
whole summer, and the succeeding winter. He marched a 
part of his troops upon Calavrita andTripolizza,and part upon 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 393 

Modon. His efforts appear to have been paralyzed by the 
losses sustained by him, by the plague which prevailed in 
several of the garrisons, particularly at Modon, and the want 
of provisions, for which he was entirely dependent on sup- 
plies from Egypt. He was also himself dangerously ill, for 
twenty days, at Modon, in July. So remarkable was his in- 
activity, that it was suspected to arise from indisposition on the 
part of his father the viceroy, to a further prosecution of the 
war. This supposition however has not yet been proved by 
any satisfactory evidence. On the contrary, considerable 
efforts seem to have been made to send supplies and rein- 
forcements. In July, 32 transports, escorted by 8 ships of 
war, arrived at Modon with provisions, and 4000 Arab troops, 
and immediately after, preparations were made for still fur- 
ther reinforcements. 

' Reschid Pacha was succeeded in the command by Cutay 
Pacha, as Seraskier of Roumelia. He advanced into Liva- 
dia, and after a good deal of delay took possession of The- 
bes. At length, with a large army of Turks and Albanians, 
and in conjunction with the army of the Pacha of Negropont, 
he marched into Attica. An attack upon Athens had been 
long expected, and many of the inhabitants retired to the 
neighbouring islands. In the beginning of August the Turk- 
ish army, in three bodies, nearly surrounded the city, and es- 
tablished their advanced posts within gun-shot of the walls. 
They occupied themselves in erecting batteries on the back 
of the Pnyx, where they mounted three 48 lb. cannon, with 
several of smaller dimensions, to bombard the city and the 
Acropolis. The Greeks however kept post on the hill of the 
museum, under the protection of the cannon of the Acropo- 
lis; and a strong garrison, with several Greek captains, en- 
tered that fortress. Among the captains was Mastro Casta, 
a very skilful miner. 

The Greek captains before this time had been making pre- 
parations to march against the Seraskier, and for that pur- 
pose had assembled a large number of troops at Salamis. 
While the Turks were erecting their batteries, Karaiskak-i 
with a thousand men, went from Salamis to Eleusis, where he 
maintained himself against the repeated attacks of the light 
troops despatched against him from the Ottoman camp. — 
Archondopolo, with several hundred men, landed near Me- 
gara, and threw himself into the mountains of the isthmus. 
The captains who remained were joined at Salamis on the 
10th by the Ionian phalanx of four hundred men, commanded 

34* 



394 HISTORY OF THE 

by Omarphopolo. This corps was formed two months be- 
fore, and consisted of the Greeks of Asia Minor and the Ar- 
chipelago, who were in the Morea. It was governed by a 
council of fifteen members, and a commander of their own 
choice, and had a common treasury, with a fund for the sup- 
port of the widows and orphans of the members who should fall 
in the service. On the same day, also, Col. Favier arrived 
with 1500 Tacticos as they were called, from Methana, where 
he had been encamped. On the 11th of August all these 
forces sailed for the Pireus, where they landed without oppo- 
sition. From there they advanced across the wood of Olives 
which covers the plain, directing their course towards the 
camp which was established near the academy. In the mean 
time, Karaiskaki advanced by the Eleusis road. The whole 
of this day was employed in making these movements, and 
preparing for the battle of the succeeding day. 

At day break on the 12th, Favier marched with his corps 
on the left, while Karaiskaki advanced in good order on the 
right. The Roumeliotes formed the centre, and the Ionian 
phalanx was destined to form a reserve, and to sustain the 
first of the three bodies that might fall back. At the same 
moment Goura, who was acquainted with these arrangements, 
made a sortie from the Acropolis, and attacked the battery 
of the Pnyx with great spirit. But it was defended by the 
Turks with great obstinacy, and they retained possession of 
it. Goura, prest by superior numbers, after having lost 
several men, was obliged to retire into the fortress. The 
battle was kept up with fury on both sides, for several hours, 
and with balanced success. Towards the middle of the day, 
Favier's corps, sustained by the Roumeliotes, succeeded in 
taking possession of a mound, which was for a long time dis- 
puted, with a piece of cannon and two standards. The ad- 
vantage of the day remained with the Greeks, who, however, 
found themselves reduced to a single piece of cannon, out 
of four which they had during the battle, the other three 
having burst. The next day, when the combat was about to 
be renewed with increased fury, Omer Pacha arrived with 
two thousand cavalry, and immediately began the charge. 
Favier ordered his troops to form a hollow square. ■ They 
began to execute this manoeuvre, but the charge was made 
with such impetuosity that the Tacticoes, affrighted at the 
mass that seemed about to crush them, had no time to form, 
and their ranks were broken. Favier made vain efforts to 
rally them, and was bravely supported by the Philhellenians, 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 395 

who sustained the shock, but were almost all wounded, 
The Roumeliotes also made a brave effort to sustain the 
battle, but an impulse had been given which it was impossi- 
ble to resist, and the disorder became general. The Turkish 
infantry fell upon Karaiskaki, who was obliged to retreat 
precipitately. The Turks took possession of the place where 
the Greeks had deposited the wounded of the day before, 
and they were all put to the sword. This battle was fought 
with more steady and persevering bravery on both sides than 
almost any since the commencement of the war. The Greeks 
were greatly outnumbered by the enemy, particularly in ar- 
tillery and cavalry. They had about 6000 infantry, and only 
50 cavalry. The Turks immediately became undisputed 
masters of the city and the plain of Athens. The citadel 
remained in the possession of Goura. 

The Turkish fleet remained in port at the Dardanelles 
until about the middle of July, when it sailed, to the 
number of sixty vessels, with a body of troops on board. — 
Troops were also assembled on the Asiatic coast, subject to 
the orders of the Capitan Pacha, and it was supposed that 
an attack was to be made on some one of the Grecian islands. 
His movements, however, were so indecisive that it has not 
been ascertained to this day what was bis plan of campaign. 
It is probable that an attack upon Samos was meditated. On 
the 8th of August he landed a part of his troops at Saiagik, 
and sailed for Mytilene, where he remained with his fleet 
until the 19th. On the 21st the fleet was seen under sail 
towards the channel of Scio, and on the 25th directing its 
course towards Samos. Its movements were watched by 
Santouris, who kept the sea with a fleet of 53 vessels ; Miau- 
)is in the mean time was occupied in transporting a body of 
Roumeliot troops from Napoli to Hydra, which was supposed 
to be in danger of invasion. On the 26th the Capitan 
Pacha took on board his fleet 7000 troops at Saiagik, and 
sailed towards Samos, but soon after finding that sickness 
prevailed to a great degree among the troops, he landed them 
at Scio, and proceeded with his fleet again to Mytilene, 
where he remained the greater part of the time at anchor 
until November, when he returned with his whole squadron 
to Constantinople. The Turkish and Grecian fleets were 
often near each other, and there are accounts of some con- 
flicts between them, but they are not of a sufficiently authen- 
tic character to enable us to rely with much confidence on 



396 HISTORY OF THE 

the details. The Turkish fleet sustained some losses from 
storms and accidents. 

In August, the viceroy of Egypt began to prepare another 
grand expedition, to reinforce his son Ibrahim. To supply 
the losses in the Morea, constant recruits were necessary. 
These were obtained from his Arabian subjects, with little 
uther cost than that of arming, training, and affording them 
subsistence. For the purpose of forming these recruits, and 
instructing them in the European tactics, for the subjugation 
of the Christian inhabitants of Greece, Mehemet Ali kept in 
pay a large number of European officers, principally French- 
men. At the head of these officers was General Boyer, who 
had attained some distinction in the service of Napoleon. 
Before this expedition was ready to sail, Boyer, and most of 
the other foreign officers, quitted the service of the viceroy 
and returned to France. After many unexpected delays, a 
squadron of 70 vessels sailed on the 17th of November, from 
Alexandria, and on the 1st of the following month landed 
7000 troops at Modon, of whom 600 were cavalry. This 
reinforcement made more than 50,000 men transported from 
Egypt to the Morea, none of whom have returned, and two 
thirds of whom probably have already found a grave in 
Greece. 

Although Ibrahim had effected nothing of importance since 
the capture of Missolonghi, he did not remain entirely inac- 
tive. He made many marches with a portion of his troops, 
and found some employment in repelling the various attacks 
upon him by Golocotroni and other Grecian chiefs. In 
August he marched into Laconia, and after taking posses- 
sion of Mistra, which is near the ruins of Sparta, he entered 
the territory of Mania, where he took possession of a num- 
ber of villages. He here was engaged in several conflicts, 
but whether of a very serious nature it is difficult to deter 
mine. According to the Oriental Spectator, he burnt Mara- 
thonisi, and entered Scutari and several other towns. He 
afterwards returned to Tripolizza, where, with the remnant 
©f his army, he remained for a long time in a state of inac- 
tivity. 

In the year 1825 an arrangement was made by the Greek 
deputies in London, who had the appropriation of the funds 
arising from the Greek loan, for the building and equipment 
of a number of steam vessels in England, and of two large 
frigates in the United States, to be placed under the com- 
mand of Lord Cochrane, who stipulated to enter the Greek; 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 337 

service. By various unfortunate accidents, and the gross 
misconduct and bad faith of some of the agents to whom the 
execution of these arrangements was entrusted, the equip- 
ment of the vessels was delayed far beyond all expectation, 
and the despatch of a part of them was entirely defeated. 
Lord Cochrane, and the important reinforcement of these 
powerful vessels, were impatiently expected in Greece, even 
before the fall of Missolonghi. At length, on the 4th of Sep- 
tember, 1826, the Steam Boat Perseverance, a fine vessel 
with an engine of 80 horse power, with a powerful armament 
often sixty-eight pound cannon, and commanded by Captain 
Hastings, arrived at Napoli. Her arrival was hailed with 
great joy, as affording the promise of further efficient suc- 
cours of a like kind. On the 6th December, the Hellas, 
a fine ship of 64 guns, built at New-York, arrived at Napoli, 
after a passage of 53 days, commanded by Capt. Gregory, of 
the United States, under the direction of Contastavlos the 
Greek agent, and navigated by a crew of American sailors. 
She was filled with munitions of war, much more than were 
necessary for her own armament, and was in every respect 
ready for immediate service. From Napoli she sailed to Hy- 
dra, where her American crew was discharged, and she was 
placed under the command of Admiral Miaulis, who soon 
sailed with her to Egina, where the commission of Govern- 
ment was then stationed. Little was effected by either of 
these vessels, for a considerable length of time, in conse- 
quence of the state of distraction in which the Government 
and chiefs of the country were now involved, and which pa- 
ralyzed all military efforts. The Perseverance, however, 
joined the fleet of Miaulis, and proceeded to the defence of 
Samos, where, if the expected attack had been made, she 
would probably have rendered efficient service. She after- 
wards made a short cruise, without falling in with the enemy, 
and returned to Syra on the 15th of December. 

The decree of the National Assembly of Greece, by which 
an administrative commission was established, invested with 
all the powers of Government, limited the duration of that 
commission to the end of September, when it was ordered 
that the representatives of the people should resume their 
deliberations, and fix on a settled form of government. The 
same decree of the assembly named another commission 
consisting of members of that body, to call together the As- 
sembly at the appointed time, but it does not appear that 



398 HISTORY OF THE 

any express authority was given them to fix the place of 
meeting. 

The Administration of the provisional commission does not 
appear to have been successful. No one respected their 
authority, and they were destitute of power to enforce their 
decrees. The military chiefs paid little respect to the civil 
authority, and preserved little subordination among them- 
selves. To this cause may be attributed in a great degree 
the want of efficiency, concert, and consequently success in 
most of the military movements of the campaign. Napoli, 
for some portion of the year at least, was in a state of anar- 
chy, while it was crowded with fugitives from the seat of 
war, destitute of resources, and wasting with famine and dis- 
ease. The spirit of insubordination extended to Hydra, 
where the primates of the Island lost their control over the 
populace, and for a time the greatest disorders prevailed.- — 
Piracy also increased to an alarming extent, and the govern- 
ment was unable to prevent many of the vessels of war from 
preying on the merchant vessels of other nations. Loud 
complaints arose from all the maritime nations of Europe, and 
the Greek Government acknowledging their inability to 
suppress these piracies, the English, French, and Austrian 
squadrons in the Archipelago, turned their arms against the 
Greek vessels, guilty or suspected of piracy, and destroyed a 
large number of them. Such were the miseries arising from 
the want of a stable and efficient government.* 

* The following letter from Constantine Jerostacha to Mr. Eynard, 
will show what apologies the Greeks make for these excesses ot their 
countrymen. 

" The Greeks are on all sides accused of piracy. The govern- 
ment has done every thing in its power to prevent it, and has even 
punished some fathers of families whom wretchedness had reduced 
to the necessity of becoming pirates But what can be answered to 
a whole population who cry for bread that cannot be given them P 
If you knew the wretchedness of the people of Samos, Scio and Ip« 
sara, you would shudder with horror and compassion. Are these 
unfortunate people so guilty in endeavouring to escape from being 
starved to death ? And if they be guilty in the eyes of the govern- 
ments of Europe, are not the latter a thousand times more guilty in 
the eyes of God, for suffering a whole nation of christians to perish ? 
Until the Greeks be massacred or succoured, or conquerors, it will 
be impossible to prevent piracy, for the J first law of nature is to ex- 
ist, and the Greeks, abandoned to their own means, can only exist 
by the aid of the beneficent, or by taking food where they can find 
it. They have no other resource than death or independence ; for 
to return under Turkish or Egyptian dominion is death. They know 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 39S 

At the end of September the representatives of the seve- 
ral provinces began to assemble for the purpose of re-open- 
ing the National Assembly. An unexpected difficulty arose 
respecting the place of meeting. The commission of go- 
vernment proposed that the assembly should meet at the town 
of Egina, while Colocotroni insisted that it should be held at 
Castri, the ancient Hermione, opposite to Hydra, the place 
of his residence, where he had established his head-quarters* 
He was supported in this demand by Conduriotti, the late 
President, and others of his party. Mavrocordato, for the 
purpose of reconciling the difference, proposed the island of 
Poros, an intermediate point. But the proposition was not 
acceded to. The difficulty of settling this preliminary ques- 
tion, and the influence that was apprehended, from the pre- 
sence of the army at one place, and of the navy at another, 
prevented any meeting, and an efficient organization of the 
government. About sixty members assembled at Egina, 
but the number was not sufficient to form a quorum of the 
assembly. 

In November, Coletti, a chief of considerable talents and 
of great popularity among the Roumeliots, undertook an ex- 
pedition to Euboea, hoping to find the Turks off their guard- 
He landed and made an attack upon the enemy, whom he 
found perfectly prepared to receive him. The battle ended 
by his being driven back on board his ships, and he returned 
without having accomplished the object of his enterprise. In 
the meantime the siege of Athens was going on, apd was 
prosecuted with considerable vigour by Cutay Pacha. Goura, 
who commanded the garrison, was wounded by the bursting 
of a bomb, and was afterwards killed, being shot, it was said, 
with a musket, by one of his own men. In consequence of 
this disaster, it became necessary to reinforce the garrison, 
and Col. Favier offered his services for the enterprise. On 
the 11th of December, at the head of 400 men, he entered 
the citadel without opposition, but the besiegers afterwards 



they have no quarter to hope for on that side, and that treaties will ever 
he contemned by the followers of Mahomet. Let not then the powers 
complain of the piracy of famishing nations, or let them charge it upon 
themselves alone. All our vices and defects come from the Turks and 
the christians; the former for having treated us as slaves for three cen- 
turies, and the latter for having rivetted our fetters by favouring the 
Turks. If christian powers will not succour us, let them at least open- 
ly aid the Turco-Egyptians, and our agony will be shorter.' 



400 HISTORY OF THE 

increased their vigilance, and by a strict blockade, rendered 
communication from without with the besieged extremely 
perilous. The Greek Government made all possible efforts 
for the relief of the place, but the preparations for an attack 
were not completed until the 10th of February. Favier in 
the meantime made two sorties, in one of which he lost eight 
Philhellenians. At length a considerable force was assem- 
bled, and a joint attack upon the besiegers was agreed upon. 
In assembling this force, material pecuniary aid was afforded 
by Col. Gordon. General Karaiskaki had been occupied in 
cutting off the supplies of the besieging army at a distance, 
and following the movements of Omer Pacha, whom he at- 
tacked, and after killing 800 of his men, succeeded in shut- 
ting him up in close quarters at Distomo. Among the of- 
ficers whose skilful co-operation was relied upon in the con- 
duct of this expedition, was Col. Burbaki. He was a Cepha- 
Ionian by birth. He sprung from one of the first families of 
that island, and had lately returned to his native country, to 
take a part in the struggle for its independence, after an ab- 
sence of many years. He entered when quite young into 
the military service of France. He became at 22 years oi 
age a chief of a battalion, and at 26 a Lieut. Col. He dis- 
tinguished himself in Spain, by defeating with 500 French 
troops the Empicanado, who was at the head of 5000 men, 
and by his conduct on this occasion, attracted the favourable 
notice of Napoleon. After the peace in Europe he lived for 
a long time in retirement, until at length the sufferings of his 
country called so loudly for the aid of all her sons, that he 
resolved to go to her relief. This expedition afforded him 
the first opportunity of taking an active part. The steam- 
boat Perseverance, commanded by Capt. Hastings, also co- 
operated in the enterprise, by an attack on the port of the 
Pireus. A large body of troops took possession of Phalerum, 
one of the ancient parts of Athens, and Vasso with 2 or 3000 
men took post at Lepsini, the ancient Eleusis. On the 15th, 
the steam-boat made an attack upon the Pireus, which was 
occupied by a body of Turks and Albanians. She succeed- 
ed in demolishing a part of the works occupied by the Alba- 
nians, but was at length so much injured by the cannon from 
the Monastery, that she was obliged to retire. The troops 
of Vasso, with Burbaki, and a number of Philhellenians, ad- 
vanced into the plain of Athens ; but in consequence of some 
want of co-operation on the part of the troops stationed at 
Phalerum, they were assailed by the whole force of the ene- 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 401 

ray's cavalry, and were compelled to retreat. Burbaki, un- 
fortunately, was mortally wounded, and, with two French 
officers and a German surgeon, fell into the hands of the 
Turks. The contest was kept up for several succeeding- days 
near Phalerum, but without any decided success. Favier, 
however, continued to keep possession of the citadel, the 
Turks confidently anticipating its surrender from a want of 
provisions. In February he was seriously ill, but before the 
end of the month he was so far recovered as to attempt a sor- 
tie. About this time the widow of Goura died. She was 
said to be a woman of remarkable beauty, as well as of great 
spirit. After the death of her husband she kept in pay a 
body of palarkli, under her own direction. Various accounts 
have been given of the manner of her death, one of which is 
that she was crushed by the fall of a part of the temple of 
Eryctheum, one of the columns which supported it being- 
struck by a chance shot from the enemy's battery. Accord- 
ing to another account, which seems less probable, she joined 
at the head of her troops in a sally which was made from the 
citadel, and was killed by the enemy, though her party suc- 
ceeded in the object of their enterprise, and returned laden 
with provisions, and bearing with them the dead body of this 
heroic woman. The Turkish troops appear to have been 
withdrawn from the Pireus, soon after the late attack, and 
it was occupied by the Greeks. Karaiskaki, after having 
entirely defeated Omer Pacha, and taken all his baggage and 
artillery, advanced again into Attica, and on the 17th 01 
March the attack upon the enemy was renewed, when some 
advantage was gained, and again in April, with still more de- 
cided" success. The accounts of these operations, yet re- 
ceived, are extremely defective and uncertain. 

About the middle of March, Gen. Church, a distinguished 
English officer, arrived at Castri, accompanied by Captain 
Payne, as aid-de-camp, and offered his services to the Greek 
Government. About the same time Lord Cochrane, who 
had been long and anxiously expected in Greece, arrived with 
an armed schooner and a brig of 22 guns, and was received 
with great enthusiasm by the whole population. He applied 
himself first to composing the jealousies, and effecting a re- 
conciliation between the opposing members of the Govern- 
ment. A compromise was soon effected, by wliich the Na- 
tional Assembly met at Damala, an intermediate point be- 
tween those which had been proposed by the several parties. 
They proceeded to appoint Lord Cochrane to the chief com- 



402 HISTORY OF THE 

mand of the whole naval force of the country, and General 
Church to the command of the army. On the annunciation 
of this appointment, Admiral Miaulis addressed to the Go- 
vernment a communication, which, while it shows the utmost 
confidence in the new commander, gives proof also of great 
modesty, magnanimity, and disinterestedness on his own 
part.* 

(The foregoing Chapter is extracted, with little alteration, 
from the Boston edition of the Modern Traveller, p. 48 1~- 
502.) 

*"For these seven years," says Admiral Miaulis,-" I have combat - 
ted without any interruption, along with my brethren, and with all my 
force, against the enemy of our country. Neither the consciousness of 
my incapacity, nor the greatness of the burden imposed on me by the 
country, have been able to terrify or make me hesitate. I consider it 
as the first duty of a citizen, to do the utmost for the salvation of his 
country ; and I have always endeavoured to fulfil this duty. If I have 
not always succeeded, it has not been for want of good will. 

" As well as all the nation, I have long founded my hopes on the ar- 
rival of the great man, whose preceding splendid deeds promise our 
country a happy issue out of the long and arduous struggle which it 
maintains. This man has arrived, and I congratulate the government 
and the whole nation on it. 

" The Greek marine justly expect every thing from such a leader ; 
and I am the first to declare myself ready again to combat, and with all 
my might, under his command. This task will doubtless be difficult 
for me, on account of my age and my want of experience, yet my heart 
is contented ; for it has never desired any thing but the happiness of the 
country. Begging the Supreme Government not to doubt the sinceri- 
ty of my sentiments, I remain, with the most profound respect, the 
very obedient patriot, ANDREW MIAULIS. 5 ' 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 403 



CHAP. XXV. 



LtOrd Cochrane takes command of the frigate Hellas*— -Expe- 
dition to Athens, and defeat there — Lord Cochrane sails 
for Pair as — takes a Turkish frigate — Inactivity of Ibra- 
him — Manifesto of the Porte — Observations on the mani- 
festo — Treaty for the pacification of Greece — Note of the 
Ambassadors to the Porte to the Reis Effendi — French 
fleet at Navarino — Allied fleet — Defeat of the Arabs- 
Battle of Navarino — Proclamation of the Allies to th& 
Greek people — Count Capo d'lstrias — Sketch of his life— 
Chosen President of Greece — Donations to the Greeks. 

1827 ^ N tne arr * va * °f Lord Cochrane at Greece, he took 
command of the new American frigate Hellas of 64 
guns, and an expedition was soon projected for the relief of 
the Acropolis of Athens, which as we have stated, was still 
occupied by Greeks. In addition to the Hellas, a number of 
Greek ships were equipped for this purpose, and a considera- 
ble army was raised in the vicinity of Athens, and placed 
under the command of General Church, destined to assist in 
the reduction of that important fortress. On the arrival of 
these forces, terms of capitulation were offered to a fort near 
the Pireus, and accepted ; but unfortunately, the cruelties of 
the Arabs and Egyptians, had so raised the indignation of the 
Greeks, that no sooner had the garrison surrendered, than 
they were put to the sword, to the number of 300.* Lord 
Cochrane witnessed this faithless act, but had no power to 
restrain the infuriated Greeks. He therefore thought it ex- 
pedient to publish an address to the Greek marine, disclaim- 
ing all participation in this outrage. 

Soon after this occurrence, the combined Greek forces un- 
der Church and Cochrane, made a general attack on the 
Ottoman army besieging Athens ; but after a hard fought 
and doubtful contest, in which both parties suffered great 
losses, the Greek army was forced to yield to the power of 
numbers, and the Turks were completely victorious. Lord 
Cochrane and General Church, it appears, escaped with 
difficulty, and as it were, by chance. The number of the 
ccmibined army killed, was 700, while 240, including many 

• Green's Sketches, p. 245. 



104 HISTORY OF THE 

European officers, were taken prisoners. Kiutacki, the 
Turkish commander, supposing that Cochrane and Church 
were among his European prisoners, had them, to the num- 
ber of eighteen, brought before him, closely examined, and 
then put to death in his presence. The Greek prisoners to 
the number of 222 were then all massacred.* 

The expedition for the relief of Athens, says Mr. Eynard, 
has exhausted a great part of the funds remitted by European 
benificence, and has once more disorganized the Greeks. 

After this misfortune, Lord Cochrane sailed for Patras 
with the Hellas and steam vessel, and while off Cape Papa, 
had an action with two Turkish corvettes, which lasted se- 
veral hours, but from some cause, not stated, he was again un- 
successful, as both these vessels escaped, and reached Alex- 
andria in safety. | After these failures, Lord Cochrane ap- 
pears to have returned to Napoli, and being joined by about 
twenty Greek vessels, decided on attempting the destruction 
of the Viceroy's fleet, then fitting outat Alexandria. Thither 
the expedition sailed, and having arrived off the port, on the 
I6th of June, hoisted Austrian colours ; but since the former 
similar attempt made by the Greeks, the Viceroy had adopt- 
ed strict precautions, and constantly kept a vessel of war 
cruising outside the harbour. The Egyptian cruiser recog- 
nized the Greek vessels at once, and giving the alarm by 
firing guns, attempted to make the port : failing in doing so, 
she was run on shore. A fire-ship was sent to burn her, with- 
out success : a second succeeded, and she was destroyed. — 
By this time the alarm on shore had become general. Me- 
hemet Ali immediately proceeded to the harbour, and by his 
presence and exertions got twenty-four vessels out to sea, 
which was the exact number of the Greek force. These, 
however, did not remain to fight, and were chased by the 
Egyptian fleet as far as Rhodes, when the pursuit was aban- 
doned, the latter returning to Alexandria, after being joined 
by the two corvettes attacked by Lord Cochrane off Cape 
Papa. These repeated failures, although no doubt princi- 
pally caused by Lord Cochrane's having Greeks under his 
orders, and brave and determined enemies to deal with, ap- 
pear to have made the Greeks dissatisfied with their two 
English Commanders-in-Chief, and (as it is said) Miaulis 
quitted the Hellas, and again assumed the command of his 

* See the Report of Mr. Eynard, agent for the Greeks, in London* 
f Green, p. 2o6 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 4B5 

-own brig. On the 2d of August the Greek frigate and a 
brig appeared off Zante, steering for the Bay of Patras, 
where two Turkish vessels, a corvette, and schooner, then 
lay. During that day a heavy firing was heard, and the next 
day the frigate was seen towing the corvette, which she had 
captured, and it is believed the schooner also. " The Ionians," 
says Mr. Green, " are described as having given way to the 
most extravagant joy on occasion of this first success of Lord 
Cochrane, although the great disparity in size and weight of 
metal, could hardly leave a doubt of the result."* 

It appears that after the destruction of Missolonghi, the 
Turkish army retired to the Morea, for a long time satisfied 
with this achievement. More than eighteen months after that 
period, Ibrahim remained inactive, and contented himself 
with only keeping possession of the conquests he had already 
made. During this period several of the Capitani seeing 
their country devastated, and their women and children de- 
stroyed without mercy, submitted to the Turkish power, and 
received letters of pardon from the Pacha. The Greek 
districts of Gastouni, Patras, and Vostizza, also returned to 
their former allegiance to the Porte. | 

At this period the Turks became the entire masters of At- 
tica, and all northern Greece, while Ibrahim marched un- 
controlled over every part of the Morea. Missolonghi, 
Modon, Tripolizza, Malvasia, Salona and Athens, have been 
successfully reconquered by the infidels ; and of all the fruits 
which the Greeks acquired by the battles and victories of 
their six years war, nothing remains but Napoli and the cas- 
tle of Corinth. They had not elsewhere in continental 
Greece a foot of land which they could caW their own. What 
is still worse, they had lost the confidence which insures vic- 
tory ; and their enemies had gained the complete ascendency. 
The main cause of this change may be looked for in the cir- 
cumstances of the belligerents ; the Turks have improved 
their mode of warfare by the introduction of European 
officers and western tactics, while the Greeks, though im- 
ploring; aid from the powers of Europe, and glad of the as- 
;ice of foreign military men, are still generally averse 



* It was afterwards ascertained by a letter from Dr. Howe, a well 
Rnown American Philhellene, that those Turkish vessels were a fri- 
gate of !J(i guns, and a galliot. The frigate surrendered in ten minutes} 
&rd was much cut in pieces. 

f GTreen's Sketches, p. 258. 

35* 



406 HISTORY OF THE 

to military reforms, and choose to continue in their former 
barbarous mode of warfare.* 

It was only after having seen Greece struggle for six years 
with her barbarous enemies, that the great powers of Europe 
offered to interfere. Articles for the pacification of Greece 
were signed by accredited plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, 
France, and Russia, at London, on the 6th of July, 1827. 

Rut a considerable time before the arrival of these articles 
at Constantinople, a manifesto was issued by the Ottoman 
Porte, on the subject of the Greeks, a copy of which was 
sent to the French, English, Russian, Austrian, and Prus- 
sian Ministers, then resident there. This was done on the 
9th and 10th of June, 1827. This manifesto, setting forth 
the grounds on which the Porte claims a right to reduce 
Greece to submission, is too important a state paper to be 
omitted in this place. As the reader will observe, it is drawn 
with considerable diplomatic skill, and contains the most 
plausible arguments in favour of the rights claimed by the 
Porte. It is as follows : 

" To every man endowed with intelligence and penetra- 
tion, it is clear and evident that, conformable to the de- 
crees of Divine Providence, the flourishing condition of 
this world is owing to the union of the human species in 
the social state ; and that, as on account of their diversity 
of manners, and character, this union could only be ac- 
complished by the subjection of different nations. Almighty 
wisdom, in dividing the universe into different countries, 
has assigned to each a sovereign, in whose hands the reins 
of absolute authority over the nations subject to his domin- 
ion are placed, and that it is in this wise manner the Creator 
has established and regulated the order of the universe. 

" If on the one hand, the consistency and duration of sucli 
a state of things principally depend on monarchs and sove- 
reigns, respectively abstaining from every kind of interfe- 
rence in each other's internal and private affairs, it is, on the 
other hand, not less evident that the essential object of trea- 
ties between empires is to guard against the infringement of a 
system of order so admirable, and thus to establish the secu- 
rity of people and kingdoms. In this way each independent 
power, besides the obligations which its treaties and foreign 
relations impose, possess also institutions and relations which 
coijcern only itself and its internal state, which are the off- 

s Edinburgh Scotchman. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 407 

spring of its legislation and form of government. It belongs 
then, to itself alone to judge of what befits itself, and to 
bring itself therewith exclusively. Moreover, it is matter 
of public notoriety, that all the affairs of the Sublime Ottoman 
Porte are founded on its sacred legislation, and that all its re- 
gulations, national and political, are strictly connected with 
the precepts of religion. 

" Now the Greeks, who form part of the nations inhabiting 
the countries conquered ages ago by the Ottoman arms, and 
who, from generation to generation, have been tributary sub- 
jects to the Sublime Porte, have, like the other nations that 
since the origin of Islamism remained faithfully in sub- 
mission, always enjoyed perfect repose and tranquility under 
the aegis of our legislation. It is notorious that these Greeks 
have been treated like Mussulmen in every respect, and as 
to every thing which regards their property, the mainte- 
nance of their personal security, and the defence of their hon- 
our ; that they have been, particularly under the glorious 
reign of the present sovereign, loaded with benefits far ex- 
ceeding those which their ancestors enjoyed ; but it is pre- 
cisely this great degree of favor, this height of comfort and 
tranquility, that has been the cause of the revolt, excited by* 
malignant men incapable of appreciating the value of sugIi 
marks of benevolence. Yielding to the delusions of a heated 
imagination, they have dared to raise the standard of revolt, 
not only sgainst their benefactor and legitimate sovereign, but 
also against all the Mussulman people, by committing the 
most horrible excesses, sacrificing to their vengeance women 
and innocent children with unexampled atrocity. 

" As each power has its own particular penal code and 
political ordinances, the tenor whereof forms the basis for its 
acts of sovereignty, so the Sublime Porte, in every thing rela- 
ting to its sovereignty, rests exclusively upon its holy legisla- 
tion, according to which the rebels shall be treated. But in 
afflicting necessary punishment on some with the sole view of 
amending them, the Porte has never refused to pardon those 
who implore its mercy, and to replace them as before under 
the aegis of its protection. In the same manner the Sublime 
Porte, always resolved to conform to the ordinances of its 
sacred law, notwithstanding the attention devoted to its do- 
mestic affairs, has never neglected to cultivate the relations 
of good understanding with friendly powers. The Sublime 
Porte has always been ready to comply with whatever trea- 
ties and the duties of friendship prescribe. Its most sincere 



ibQ HISTORY OF THE 

jarayers are offered up for that peace and general tranquility, 
which with the aid of the Most High, will be re-established 
in the same manner as the Sublime Porte has always extended 
its conquests — namely, by separating its faithful subjects 
from the refractory and malevolent, and by terminating the 
existing troubles by its own resources, without giving occa- 
sion to discussions with the powers who are its friends, or to 
any demands on their part. 

, " All the efforts of the Sublime Porte have but one object, 
which is the desire of the establishment of general tranquili- 
ty, while foreign interference can only tend to a prolongation 
of the rebellion. The firm and constant attention of the 
Sublime Porte to attend to its principal interests which spring 
from its sacred law, merits their approbation and respect, 
while any foreign interference must be liable to blame and ani- 
madversion. Now it is clear and evident that by adhering to 
this principle, every thing might have terminated long since, 
but for the ill-founded propositions which have been advanced 
concerning the conformity of religion, and the fatal influence 
Which this state of things has perhaps exercised throughout 
Europe, and the injury to which maritime commerce may 
have been exposed. At the same time the hopes of the ma- 
levolent have been constantly encouraged by the improper 
Conduct of giving them assistance of every kind, which, at 
any time ought to have been reproved, conformably to the 
law of nations. It is, besides, to be observed, that the rela- 
tions and treaties subsisting between the Sublime Porte, and 
the powers in friendship with it, have been entered into with 
{he monarch and ministers of these powers only ; and con- 
sidering the obligation of every independent pow T er to govern 
its subjects itself, the Sublime Porte has not failed to address 
to some friendly courts, complaints respecting the succours 
afforded the insurgents. The only answer made to these re- 
presentations has been, to give the machinations tending to 
Subvert the laws and treaties the signification of liberty ; and 
to interpret proceedings contrary to existing engagements by 
the expression of neutrality ; alleging the insufficiency of 
*means to restrain the people. 

" Setting aside the want of reciprocal security, which 
must finally result from such a state of things, to the subjects; 
Of the respective powers, the Sublime Porte cannot allow 
-such transgressions to pass silently. Accordingly the Porte 
Jtas never omitted to reply to the different pretensions ad- 
*Y2tmre:d, by appealing to the justice and the equity of the 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 409 

powers who are its friends, by often reiterating complaints 
respecting the assistance afforded to the insurgents, and by 
giving the necessary answers in the course of communications 
with its friends. In fine, a mediation has not at last been 
proposed. The fax however is, that an answer restricted to 
one single object, can neither be changed by the process of 
time, nor by the innovation of expressions. The reply 
which the Sublime Porte gave at the beginning will always 
be the same ; namely, that which it has reiterated in the face 
of the whole world, and which is in the last result its senti- 
ment on the position of affairs. 

" Those who are informed of the circumstances and the 
details of events, are not ignorant, that at the commence- 
ment of the insurrection, some ministers of friendly courts, 
resident at the Sublime Porte, offered effective assistance in 
punishing the rebels. As, however, this offer related to an 
affair which came exclusively within the resort of the Sub- 
lime Porte, in pursuance of important considerations, both 
with regard to the present and future, the Porte confined it- 
self in replying, that, though such an offer had for its object 
to give aid to the Ottoman government, it would never per- 
mit foreign interference. What is more, when an ambassa- 
dor of a friendly power, at the period of his journey to the 
Congress of Verona, entered into explanations in conferences 
with the Ottoman ministers on the proposed mediation, the 
Sublime Porte declared in the most unequivocal manner, that 
such a proposition could not be listened to, reiterating every 
time that the subject was resumed, the assurance that politi- 
cal, national, and religious considerations, rendered such re- 
fusal indispensable. 

" In yielding to this reasoning, and in admitting more than 
once that right was on the side of the Porte, the before men- 
tioned ambassador, on his return from Verona to Constanti- 
nople, again clearly and officially declared in several confer- 
ences, by order of his court, and in the name of other powers, 
that the Greek question was recognized as belonging to the 
internal affairs of the Sublime Porte ; that as such it ought 
to be brought to a termination by the Porte itself; that no 
other power was to interfere in the sequel ; and that if ever 
any one were to interfere, all the others would act according- 
ly to the principle of the law of nations. 

" The agents of one of the great, powers which has re- 
cently consolidated its relations of friendship and good un- 
derstanding with the Sublime Porte, also officially and ex* 



410 HISTORY OF THE 

plicitly declared, in their conferences with the Ottoman 
agents, that there should be no interference on this subject. 
That declaration having served as the basis for the result of 
those conferences, there cannot now be any question respect- 
ing this affair, which the Sublime Porte is entitled to consider 
as completely and radically adjusted. Nevertheless, the 
Porte still considers itself authorized to add the following 
observations in support of its antecedent assertions. 

" The measures which the Sublime Porte has adopted 
from the commencement, and which it still pursues against 
the Greek insurgents, ought not to make the war be consider- 
ed a war of religion. For those measures do not extend to 
all the people in general ; for they have for their sole object 
to repress the revolt, and to punish those subjects of the Porte, 
who, acting as true chiefs of brigands, have committed atro- 
cities equally serious and reprehensible. The Sublime Porte 
has never refused pardon to those who submit. The gates 
of clemency and mercy have always been open. This the 
Sublime Porte has proved by facts, and still proves it, by 
granting protection to tnose who return to their duty. 

" The real cause of the continuance of this revolt is to be 
found in the different propositions made to the Sublime Porte. 
The injury arising from the war too, has only been felt by 
the Porte ; for it is known to all the world that European 
navigation has never been interrupted by this state of things, 
which, far from prejudicing European merchants, has afford- 
ed them considerable advantages. 

" Moreover, the troubles of the revolt exist only in one 
single country of the Ottoman empire, and among the parti- 
sans of malevolence ; for, thanks be to God, the other pro- 
vinces of this vast empire have no way suffered, and with all 
their inhabitants enjoy the most perfect repose. It is not 
easy, therefore, to understand how these troubles are to be 
Communicated to other European countries ; suppose, how- 
ever, that this were the case, as each power is paramount 
within itself, it ought to know such of its subjects on its own 
territory as manifest seditious dispositions, and it ought to 
punish them according to its own laws, and in pursuance of 
the duties inherent in its own sovereignty. It may be su- 
perfluous to add, that the Sublime Porte will never interfere 
in such transactions. 

" Considering the points above set forth with reference tc 
Justice and equity, every one must be easily convinced that 
there remains no ground for discussion upon these affairs. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 411 

" However, though it is fit that all ulterior interference 
should cease, an offer of a mediation has been in the last re- 
sult made. 

" Now, in political language, it is understood by this ex* 
pression, that if there arise differences or hostilities be-' 
tween two independent nations, a reconciliation may be 
brought about by the interference of a third friendly power : 
it is the same in respect to armistices and treaties of peace, 
which cannot be concluded but between recognized powers. 
But the Sublime Porte being engaged in punishing in its own 
territory, and in conformity with its sacred law, such of its 
turbulent subjects as have revolted, how can this cause ever 
be made applicable to its situation ? And must not the Otto- 
man government attribute to those who advance such pro- 
positions, views tending to give consequence to a troop of 
brigands ? A Greek government is spoken of which is to be 
recognized in case the Sublime Porte does not consent to 
some arrangement ; and it has been proposed to conclude a 
treaty with the rebels. Has not the Sublime Porte reason to 
be struck with astonishment at hearing such language, from 
friendly powers, for history presents no example of a con- 
duct in all respects so opposed to the principles and duties 
of government ? 

" The Sublime Porte, therefore, can never listen to such. 
propositions — to propositions which it will neither hear nor 
understand, so long as the country inhabited by the Greeks- 
forms a part of the Ottoman dominions, and they are tribu- 
tary subjects of the Porte, which never will renounce its 
rights. If with the aid of the Almighty, the Sublime Porte 
resume full possession of that country, it will then always act 
as well for the present as for the future, in conformity with 
ordinances which its holy law prescribes with respect to its 
subjects. 

" The Sublime Porte then, finding that in respect to this 
affair, it is impossible for it to listen to any thing, except to 
the precepts of its religion and the code of its legislation, 
considers itself justified in declaring that from religious, po- 
litical, administrative and national considerations, it cannot 
give the slightest countenance to the propositions which 
have been framed and finally brought forward. Always pre- 
pared to comply with the duties imposed by the treaties con- 
cluded with the friendly powers who now render this cate- 
gorical reply necessary, the Sublime Porte hereby declares, 
far the last time, that every thing which has been stated 



412 HISTORY OF THE 

above, entirely accords with the sovereign intentions of his 
highness, of his ministers, and of all the Mussulman people. 

" In the hope that this faithful exposition will suffice to 
convince its equitable friends of the justice of its causes 
the Sublime Porte embraces this opportunity for reiterating 
the assurances of its high consideration. 

" Health and peace to him that followeth the path of rec- 
titude." 

In this manifesto it is obvious that the Sublime Porte lays 
down propositions as truths which are not so — assumes prin- 
ciples not recognized by other nations — and proposes a line 
of conduct for the regulation of its own affairs which it 
every day violates. 

In the first place, the Almighty has not divided the uni- 
verse into countries, and assigned to each a sovereign, with 
absolute authority. The fact of such a division holds true, 
only with regard to the Sublime Porte, and some other of the 
eastern nations. 

Second. If the fact be so, that the affairs of the Porte 
are founded on sacred legislation, and that its political regu- 
lations are connected with the precepts of religion, then 
these precepts are founded on a basis so narrow as to forbid 
the participation of other nations in their advantages, or 
the professors of this religion are too faithless to be bound 
for a moment by its most holy obligations. In proof of this, 
it may be said with truth, that ever since the foundation of the 
Ottoman Empire, the most sacred treaties have been viola- 
ted, with the knowledge and participation of the divan, when- 
ever such violation was thought to be for the interest of the 
Sublime Porte. Witness the taking of Cypress from the 
Venetians in 1566. The taking of Candia from the same 
Republic in 1669. The treachery employed against the 
Knights of Rhodes in 1481. — The conduct of Solyman at 
the siege of Belgrade in 1425. — The destruction of the 
Christians in the Island of Scio in 1564, as a religious obla- 
tion by the Sultan for the sin of wine drinking. — The massa- 
cre of 1500 defenceless people at Nicosia in 1570, after the 
most solemn promises that their lives should be spared. 
The cold-blooded torture to which the noble and patriotic 
Bragadin was put, at Famagusta, and the murder of his at- 
tendants, after an oath " by the head of Mahomet" that their 
lives and property should be held sacred, &c. Witness also 
the want of faith the Divan has always shown to Rus- 
sia, Hungary, Germany, and in fact to all christian nations. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 413 

It is not true that the Greeks have been treated like Mus- 
sulmans ; their property and honour respected, and that they 
have always enjoyed repose. 

The Greeks and Turks, with the exception of some clans 
of Albanians, who professed both religions, never have 
amalgamated in any respect. In Greece they have ever 
been treated as an inferior race of beings, and on every oc- 
casion have been insulted and deprived of the common 
rights of citizens. In Constantinople they have been allowed 
a partition of the city, where they are still tolerated as crea- 
tures of convenience, because they practice handicraft arts, 
which the want of ingenuity and industry in the Turks 
would never permit them to learn. The terms on which the 
Turks hold the Greeks, have more than once been disclosed 
in Divan, where an indiscriminate slaughter of them has been 
prevented only by the consideration that by their destruction 
their tribute money would be lost. 

It is not true, that at the Congress of Verona the powers, 
there assembled, clearly and officially declared, " that the 
Greek question was recognized as belonging exclusively to 
the Sublime Porte, and that it ought to be brought to a ter- 
mination by the Porte itself." 

The truth is, that something was secretly done on that oc- 
casion in favour of that suffering nation. But the treaty of 
London which was signed before the delivery of this mani- 
festo to the ministers at the Porte was known, is in itself the 
strongest possible proof that there was no such understand- 
ing at the Congress of Verona as is here stated. Had the 
Sublime Porte waited until the arrival of the articles for the 
pacification of Greece, signed by the plenipotentiaries of 
England, France and Russia, the world never would have 
been informed that the affairs of Greece had been radically 
adjusted at the Congress of Verona. 

Lastly, neither is it true, that the injury arising from this 
war is felt only by the Porte, and that European commerce 
has not on that account been interrupted. On the contrary, 
it is well known to the commercial world, that the trade of 
the Levant has been greatly interrupted by the anarchy and 
piracies which this war has produced among the islands of 
the Archipelago. The mediation of the three great powers 
has, indeed, been in part founded on this very circumstance. 
It appears that the Turkish manifesto had not reached 
London when the articles for the pacification of Greece were 
signed, though written nearly a month before that time. 

36 



414 HISTORY OF THE 

These articles appear to have been founded on the sole 
desire of saving the further effusion of blood in Greece, and 
of protecting that devoted land in future, from that cruel ty- 
ranny undeV which it had groaned and bled so long. 

TREATY FOR THE SETTLEMENT OF GREECE. 

In the name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity : — 

His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Ireland, His Majesty the King of France and Na- 
varre, and His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, pene- 
trated with the necessity of putting an end to the sanguina- 
ry contest which, by delivering up the Greek Provinces and 
the isles of the Archipelago to all the disorders of anarchy, 
produces daily fresh impediments to the commerce of the 
European States, and gives occasion to piracies, which not 
only expose the subjects of the high contracting parties to 
considerable losses, but besides, render necessary burden- 
some measures of protection and repression ; His Majesty 
the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire- 
land, and his Majesty the King of France and Navarre, hav- 
ing besides received, on the part of the Greeks, a pressing 
request to interpose their mediation with the Ottoman Porte, 
and being, as well as his Majesty the Emperor of all the 
Russias, animated by the desire of stopping the effusion of 
blood, and of arresting the evils of all kinds which might 
arise from the continuance of such a state of things, have re- 
solved to unite their efforts, and to regulate the operations 
thereof by a formal treaty, with the view of re-establishing 
peace between the contending parties, by means of an ar- 
rangement, which is called for as much by humanity as by 
the interest of the repose of Europe. 

Wherefore they have nominated their plenipotentiaries to 
discuss, agree upon, and sign the said treaty, viz. 

His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Ireland, the Right Honourable William Viscount 
Dudley, Peer of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
Ireland, Councillor of His Britannic Majesty in his Privy 
Council, and his Principal Secretary of State for the Depart- 
ment of Foreign Affairs : 

His Majesty the King of France and Navarre, the Prince 
Jules Count de Polignac, Peer of France, Knight of the Or* 
derS of his Most Christian Majesty, Major-General of his 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 415 

Armies, Grand Cross of the Order of St. Maurice of Sar- 
dinia, &c. &c. and his Ambassador to his Britannic Majesty ; 

And his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, Christo- 
pher, Prince de Lieven, General of Infantry of the Armies of 
his Imperial Majesty, his Aid-de-Camp General, Knight of 
the Orders of Russia, of those of the Black Eagle and of the 
Red Eagle of Prussia, of that of the Guelphs of Hanover, 
Commander of the Grand Cross of the Order of the Sword, 
and of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, his Ambassador 
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to his Britannic Majesty : 

Who, after having communicated their full powers, and 
found the same in good and due form, agreed upon the fol- 
lowing articles : 

" Art. 1. The contracting powers will offer to the Otto- 
man Porte their mediation, with the view of bringing about 
a reconciliation between it and the Greeks. 

" This offer of mediation shall be made to this power im- 
mediately after the ratification of the treaty, by means of a 
collective declaration, signed by the plenipotentiaries of the 
Allied Courts at Constantinople ; and there shall be made, 
at the same time, to the two contending parties, a demand of 
an immediate armistice between them, as a preliminary con- 
dition, indispensable to the opening of any negotiation. 

" Art. 2. The arrangement to be proposed to the Otto- 
man Porte shall rest on the following basis : the Greeks shall 
hold of the Sultan, as of a superior Lord (Suzerain); and, in 
consequence of this superiority, they shall pay to the Otto- 
man empire an annual tribute (relief,) the amount of which 
shall be fixed, once for all, by a common agreement. They 
shall be governed by the authorities whom they shall them- 
selves choose and nominate, but in the nomination of whom 
the Porte shall have a determinate voice. 

" To bring about a complete separation between the indi- 
viduals of the two nations, and to prevent the collisions which 
ire the inevitable consequence of so long a struggle, the 
Greeks shall enter upon possession of the Turkish property 
utuated either on the continent or in the isles of Greece, on 
;he condition of indemnifying the former proprietors, either 
)y the payment of an annual sum, to be added to the tribute 
?vhich is to be paid to the Porte, or by some other transaction 
>f the same nature. 

" Art. 3. The details of this arrangement, as well as the 
imits of the territory on the continent, and the designation 
>f the islands of the Archipelago to which it shall be appli- 



416 HISTORY OF THE 

cable, shall be settled in a subsequent negotiation between 
the high powers and the two contending parties. 

" Art. 4. The contracting powers engage to follow up the 
salutary work of the pacification of Greece on the basis laid 
down in the preceding articles, and to furnish, without the 
least delay, their representatives at Constantinople with all 
the instructions which are necessary for the execution of the 
treaty now signed. 

" Art. 5. The contracting powers will not seek in these 
arrangements any augmentation of territory, any exclusive 
influence, any commercial advantage for their subjects, which 
the subjects of any other nation may not equally obtain. 

" Art. 6. The arrangements of reconciliation and peace, 
which shall be definitively agreed upon between the contend- 
ing parties, shall be guaranteed by such of the signing powers 
as shall judge it useful or possible to contract the obligation. 
The mode of the effects of this guarantee shall become the 
object of subsequent stipulations between the high powers. 

" Art. 7. The present treaty shall be ratified, and the 
ratification shall be exchanged in two months, or sooner it 
possible. 

" In faith whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have 
signed, and sealed it with their arms. 

w Done at London, July 6, 1827. " Dudley. 

" POLIGNAC. 
" LlEVEN." 

Additional and Secret Article. 

In case that the Ottoman Porte does not accept, within the 
space of one month, the mediation which shall be proposed, 
the high contracting parties agree upon the following mea- 
sures : — 

" 1. It shall be declared by their representatives at Con- 
stantinople to the Porte, that the inconveniences and evils 
pointed out in the public treaty as inseparable from the state 
of things subsisting in the East for the last six years, and as 
the termination of which, through the means at the disposal 
of the Sublime Porte, appears still remote, impose upon the 
high contracting parties the necessity of taking immediate 
^measures for an approximation with the Greeks. 

" It is to be understood that this approximation shall be 
brought about by establishing commerce with the Greeks, by 
sending to them for that purpose, and receiving from them 
consular agents, so long as there shall exist among them au-, 
thorities capable of maintaining such relations. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 417 

M 2. If, within the said term of one month, the Porte do 
not accept the armistice proposed in the first article of the 
public treaty, or if the Greeks refuse to execute it, the high 
contracting powers shall declare to that one of the two con- 
tending parties which shall wish to continue hostilities, or to 
both, if such become necessary, that the said high contract- 
ing powers intend to exert all the means which circumstances 
may suggest to their prudence, to obtain the immediate effect 
of the armistice, the execution of which they desire, by pre- 
venting, in as far as may be in their power, all collision be- 
tween the contending parties; and, in fact, immediately after 
the aforesaid declaration, the high contracting powers will 
conjointly employ all their means in the accomplishment of 
the object thereof, without, however, taking any part in the 
hostilities between the two contending parties. 

" In consequence, the high contracting powers will imme- 
diately after the signature of the present additional and secret 
article, transmit eventual instructions, conformable to the 
provisions above set forth, to the admirals commanding their 
squadrons in the seas of the Levant. 

" 3. Finally, if, contrary to all expectations, these mea- 
sures do not yet suffice to induce the adoption by the Otto- 
man Porte of the propositions made by the high contracting 
parties, or if y on the other hand, the Greeks renounce the 
conditions stipulated in their favour in the treaty of this day, 
the high contracting powers will, nevertheless, continue to 
prosecute the work of pacification on the basis agreed upon 
between them ; and, in consequence, they authorize from this 
time forward their representatives in London to discuss and 
determine the ulterior measures to which it may become 
necessary to resort. 

" The present additional and secret article shall have the 
same force and value as if it had been inserted, word for word, 
in the treaty of this day. It shall be ratified, and the ratifi- 
cation thereof shall be exchanged, at the same time as those 
of the said treaty. 

" In faith whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have 
signed it, and have thereto affixed the seals of their arms. 

" Done at London, this 6th of July, in the year of Grace 
1*827. 

" Dudley. 
" Polignac. 

" LlEVEV," 

-36* 



418 HISTORY OF THE 

It is stated in the London Courier of the 12th of July, that 
should the Porte refuse to accept the armistice which was 
to be in the first instance proposed, or should the Greeks ob- 
ject to it, it is to be announced to that one of the contending 
parties, who shall wish to continue hostilities, or to both if 
necessary, that the allies intend to use all the means which 
circumstances may place at their command, to obtain the 
effect of the proposed armistice, by preventing as far as may 
be in their power, all collision between the belligerents, 
without, however, taking any part in their hostilities, by 
siding with, or against the other. Thus if need be, to employ 
an efficient intervention against the Turks and the Greeks, if 
both are obstinately bent on war. 

The treaty of the 6th of July being ratified at the courts 
of the several contracting powers, their ambassadors residing 
at Constantinople received instructions to treat further with 
the Ottoman government on the same subject ; and accord- 
ingly, on the 16th of August following, a joint note was sent 
to the Reis Effendi, from the representatives of France, En- 
gland, and Russia, couched in the spirit of the original treaty 
between those powers. 

" To his Excellency the Reis Effendi : 

" The undersigned are charged by their respective govern- 
ments to make to his Excellency the Reis Effendi the follow- 
ing declaration : 

" During six years the great powers of Europe have been 
engaged in endeavours to induce the Sublime Porte to enter 
into a pacification with Greece, but these endeavours have 
been constantly unavailing, and thus a war of extermination 
has been prolonged between it and the Greeks, the results of 
which have been, on the one hand calamitous, the contem- 
plation of which is dreadful for humanity ; and on the other 
hand, severe and intolerable losses to the commerce of all 
nations, while at the same time it has not been possible t$ 
admit that the fate of Greece has been at all within the con-r 
trol of the Ottoman power. 

" The European powers have consequently redoubled 
their zeal, and renewed the instances which they before 
made, to determine the Porte, with the aid of their media* 
tion, to put an end to a struggle, that it was essential to its 
own interest should be no longer kept up. The European 
powers have the more flattered themselves in the hope of 
arriving at so happy a conclusion, as the Greeks themselves 
have in the interval shown a desire to avail themselves of 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 41$ 

their mediation ; but the Sublime Porte has hitherto refused 
to listen to counsels dictated by sentiments of benevo- 
lence and friendship. In this state of affairs, the courts of 
France, England, and Russia have considered it their duty 
to define, by a special treaty, the line of conduct they are re- 
solved to observe, in order to arrive at the object towards 
which the wishes and interests of all Christian powers tend. 

" In execution of one of the clauses of this treaty, the un- 
dersigned have been charged to declare to the government 
of the Sublime Porte, that they now in a formal manner offer 
their mediation between it and the Greeks, to put an end to 
the war, and to regulate, by a friendly negotiation, the rela- 
tions which are to exist between them in future. 

" That further, and to the end that the success of this me- 
diation may be facilitated, they propose to the government 
of the Sublime Porte an armistice for suspending all acts of 
hostility against the Greeks, to whom a similar proposition 
is this moment addressed. Finally, they expect that at the 
end of fifteen days the Divan will clearly make known its de- 
termination. 

" The undersigned flatter themselves that it will be con- 
formable to the wish of the allied courts ; but it is their duty 
not to conceal from the Reis Effendi that a new refusal, an 
evasion, or insufficient answer, even a total silence on the 
part of his government, will place the allied courts under 
the necessity of recurring to such measures as they shall 
judge most efficacious for putting an end to a state of things, 
which is become incompatible even with the true interests of 
the Sublime Porte, with the security of commerce in gene- 
ral, and with the tranquillity of Europe. 

(Signed) C. GUILLEMINOT, 

S. CANNING, 
RIBEAUPIERRE. 
" August 16th, 1827." 

The time allowed for a reply to this note having expired 
on the 30th ult., the drogomans of the three embassies 
were sent to the Reis Effendi to receive his answer. This: 
personage, instead of writing, sent them back to their mas- 
ters with a verbal answer. " The Porte refuses in the most 
decided terms to admit the interference of foreign powers in 
the affair of the Greek contest," referring at the same time t© 
the manifesto lately issued by the Turkish government, as 
their deliberate and firm determination on the subject. On 
■lift following day the Ambassadors had another conference, 



420 HISTORY OF THE 

and in the afternoon of the same day the drogomans wer<? 
again sent to the Reis Effendi with another note. The con- 
tents of this, it is understood, were yet more forcible than 
the preceding one, and that it distinctly announced to the 
Turkish minister, that the objects of the treaty must be ob- 
tained, whether with the concurrence of the Porte or without 
it, and that the measure determined on for that end would 
be carried into execution. The Reis Effendi is said to have 
replied very pointedly, and to have repeated more firmly 
than before, the determination of the Porte to abide by its 
first decision. The drogomans, it is added, were even de- 
sired to take back their note, but they declined doing this, 
and left it in the apartment of the Reis Effendi. This se- 
cond note, it is understood, did not contain any stipulation 
for a further period for consideration of the subject, such be- 
ing concluded as no longer of any use. 

It appears, however, that the ambassadors did continue to 
treat with the Porte on the subject of the Greeks, long after 
this period. Meantime, the French, English, and Russian 
ships began to concentrate in the neighbourhood of Navarino, 
either for the purpose of effecting an armistice de facto, or 
with the intention of intercepting the Egyptian fleet. 

While these formidable preparations were making abroad, 
the Greeks continued to defend themselves, or attack their 
enemies at home. 

In August, Ibrahim Pacha assembled his forces for the 
purpose of attacking the Acropolis of Corinth, still in the 
hands of the Greeks. The Greeks getting information of 
this intention, met him with a sufficient army at Vostizza, 
When an action ensued, which ended in the retreat of the 
Turks with considerable loss. In another instance the 
Greeks, who occupied the convent of Megaspileon, beat and. 
repulsed 1500 Arabs under Ibrahim, leaving 400 of the bar- 
barians dead on the field of battle. 

The decision of the Porte in respect to Greece, it seems, 
Was not to be changed under any considerations. On the 
25th of September, Admirals Codrington and De Rigny, com- 
manders of the English and French fleets lying off Navarino, 
had an interview with Ibrahim Pacha, during which they in- 
formed him that they had orders to establish an armistice de 
facto, between the Turks and Greeks. Ibrahim, on hrs 
Bart, declared that he had orders to attack the Island of Hy- 
dra without delay, and that since his force was stronger than 
any which the Greeks could bring to oppose him, it was no! 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 421 

to be supposed that he could consistently let slip this oppor- 
tunity to strike an effectual blow. He however concluded 
that as his situation was such as his instructions did not pro- 
vide for, he would send couriers to Constantinople and 
Egypt for fresh instructions, and that till their return his fleet 
should not leave Navarino. 

At this period a proclamation was issued by the Greek 
Government, on the subject of the convention of France, En- 
gland and Russia, and in which this circumstance was 
welcomed, as the harbinger of peace and happiness to the 
country. The Greeks were at the same time reminded that 
much depended on the manner in which they conducted 
themselves at this momentous period. At this time the seat 
of government was removed from Napoli to Egina, in order 
that their deliberations might be carried on with greater 
freedom, and without disturbance ; there being at the former 
place considerable discord and excitement. 

Ibrahim Pacha, notwithstanding the positive engagement 
he had entered into with the English and French Admirals 
uot to remove his fleet from Navarino, until the return of his 
couriers from Constantinople and Egypt, did not hesitate on 
the next day to weigh anchor with a view of quitting the 
place. This appears by the following oflicial document, 
signed by the three Admirals. " The Admirals command- 
ing the squadrons of the three powers which signed the trea- 
ty of London, having met before Navarino, for the purpose 
of concerting the means of effecting the object specified 
in the said treaty, viz. an armistice de facto between the 
Turks and the Greeks, have set forth in the present protocol 
the result of this conference. 

" Considering that after the provisional suspension of hos- 
tilities, to which Ibrahim Pacha consented in his conference 
of the 25th of September last, with the English and French 
Admirals, acting likewise in the name of the Russian Ad- 
miral, the said Pacha did, the very next day, violate his en- 
gagement by causing his fleet to come out, with a view to its 
proceeding to another point in the Morea. 

" Considering that since the return of that fleet to Nava- 
rino, in consequence of a - second requisition addressed to 
Ibrahim, by Admiral Codrington, who had met him near Pa- 
tras, the troops of this Pacha have not ceased carrying on 
a species of warfare more destructive and exterminating 
than before, putting women and children to the sword. 



422 HISTORY OP THE 

burning the habitations, tearing up trees by the roots, in or- 
(Ltr to complete the devastation of the country. 

" Considering that, with a view of putting a stop to the 
atrocities, which exceed all that has hitherto taken place, 
the means of persuasion and conciliation, the representa- 
tions made to the Turkish Chiefs, and the advice given to 
Mehemet Ali and his son, have been treated as a mockery, 
whilst they might with one word have suspended the course 
of so many barbarities. 

" Considering that there only remains to the commanders 
of the allied squadrons the choice between three modes of 
fulfilling the intentions of their respective courts, namely : — 

" 1st. That of continuing throughout the whole winter, a 
blockade, difficult, expensive, or perhaps useless, since a 
storm may disperse the squadrons, and afford to Ibrahim the 
facility of conveying his destroying army to different points of 
the Morea, and islands. 

" 2dly. The uniting the allied squadron in Navarino it- 
self, and securing, by this permanent presence, the inaction 
of the Ottoman fleets; but which mode alone leads to no 
termination, since the Porte persists in not changing its 
system. 

" 3dly. The proceeding to take a position with the squa- 
drons in Navarino, in order to renew to Ibrahim propositions 
which, entering into the spirit of the treaty, were evidently 
to the advantage of the Porte itself. 

" After having taken these three modes into consideration, 
we have unanimously agreed that this third mode may, with- 
out effusion of blood, and without hostilities, but simply 
by the imposing presence of the squadrons, produce a deter- 
mination leading to the third object." 

Signed October 18, 1827. 

With a view of carrying into effect the above humane ob- 
ject, and of preventing the further shedding of innocent 
blood, by intimidating Ibrahim, the fleet was moored in the 
harbour of Navarino. The barbarian now seeing that he 
could do nothing at sea without at once coming to blows, 
determined to wreak his vengeance on every Greek in his 
power, and in defiance of the armistice, and the most solemn 
promises, continued to destroy vineyards, burn houses, and 
massacre women and children, wherever he went. 

It was under these circumstances that the battle of Nava- 
rino was fought. The description of this battle we give in 
the words of the official account from Admiral Codringtoh 
to his government. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 423 

* Ilia Majesty's ahip Asia, in the port of Navarino, October 21, 1827. 

"Sir: — I have the honour of informing his royal highness, 
the Lord High Admiral, that my colleagues, Count Heyden 
and Chevalier de Rigny, having agreed with me that wfc 
should come into this port, in order to induce Ibrahim Pa» 
cha to discontinue the brutal war of extermination, which he 
has been carrying on since his return here from his failure 
in the gulf of Patras ; the combined squadrons passed the 
batteries, in order to take up their anchorage, at about twe 
o'clock yesterday afternoon. 

The Turkish ships were moored in the form of a crescent) 
With springs on their cables, the larger ones presenting their 
broadsides towards the centre, the smaller ones in succession 
within them, filling up the intervals. 

The combined fleet was formed in the order of sailing i* 
two columns, the British and French forming the weather or 
starboard line, and the Russian the lee line. 

The Asia led in, followed by the Genoa and Albian, anfl 
anchorod close alongside a ship of the line, bearing the flag 
of Capitana Bey, another ship of the line, and a large double 
banked frigate, each thus having their proper opponent to 
the front line of the Turkish fleet. 

The four ships to the windward part of the Egyptian sqaa* 
dron, were allotted to the squadron of Rear Admiral de Rig* 
ny ; and those to leeward, in the bight of the crescent were 
to mark the sections of the whole Russian squadron ; the- 
ships of their line closing those of the English line, and be- 
ing followed up by their own frigates. The French frigate 
Armide, was directed to place herself alongside the outer- 
most frigate on the left hand entering the harbour ; and the 
Cambrian, Glasgow and Talbot, next to her, and abreast o£ 
the Asia, Genoa and Albion ; the Dartmouth and the Mus- 
quito, the Rose, the Brisk, and the Philomel, were to look 
after the six fire vessels at the entrance of the harbour. I 
gave orders that no gun should be fired, unless guns were 
first fired by the Turks ; and those orders were strictly observ- 
ed. The three English ships were accordingly permit- 
ted to pass the batteries to moor, as they did with great ra- 
pidity, without any act of open hostilities, although there 
was evident preparation for it on board all the Turkish 
ships ; but upon the Dartmouth sending a boat to one of the 
fire vessels, Lieut. G. W. H. Fitzroy, and several of her crew, 
were shot with musketry. This produced a defensive fire of 
misketry from the Dartmouth and La Syrene, bearing the 



424 HISTORY OF THE 

flag of Rear Admiral de Rigny. That was succeeded by a 
cannon shot at the rear admiral from one of the Turkish 
ships, which, of course, brought on a return, and thus, very 
shortly afterwards, the battle became general. The Asia, 
although placed alongside of the ship of the Capitana Bey, 
was even nearer to that of Moharem Bey, the commander of 
the Egyptian ships ; and since his ship did not fire at the 
Asia, although the action was begun to windward, neither 
did the Asia fire at her. The latter indeed sent a message 
" that he would not fire at all," and therefore no hostility 
took place between our two ships, for some time after the 
Asia had returned the fire of the Capitana Bey. 

In the meantime, however, our excellent pilot, Mr. Peter 
Mitchell, who went to interpret to Moharem my desire to 
avoid bloodshed, was killed by his people incur boat along- 
side. Whether with or without his order I know not ; but 
his ship soon afterwards fired into the Asia, and was conse- 
quently effectually destroyed by the Asia's fire, sharing the 
same fate as his brother admiral on the starboard side, and 
falling to leeward a mere wreck. These ships being out of 
the way, the Asia being exposed to a raking fire from vessels 
in the second and third line, which carried away her mizzen 
mast by the board, disabled some of her guns, and killed and 
wounded several of the crew. The narration of the pro- 
ceedings of the Asia would probably be equally applicable 
to most of the other vessels of the other fleet. The manner in 
which the Genoa and Albion took their stations was beauti- 
ful, and the conduct of my brother admirals, Count Heyden, 
and the chevalier de Rigny, throughout, was admirable and 
highly exemplary. 

Capt. Fellowes executed the part allotted to him perfect- 
ly, and with the able assistance of his little, but brave de- 
tachment, saved the Syrene from being burnt by the fire ves- 
sels. And the Cambrian, Glasgow, and Talbot, followiug 
the fine example of Captian Hugon, of the Armide, who 
was opposed to the leading frigate of the line, effectually de- 
stroyed their opponents, and also silenced the batteries. — 
This bloody and destructive battle was continued, with una- 
bated fury, for four hours, and the scene of wreck and de- 
vastation which presented itself at its termination, was such 
as has been seldom witnessed. As each ship of our oppo- 
nents became effectually disabled, such of her crew as could 
escape from her, endeavoured to set her on fire, and it is 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 425 

wonderful how we avoided the effects of their successive and 
awful explosions. 

It is impossible for me to say too much for the able and 
zealous assistance which I derived from Capt. Curzon 
throughout this long and arduous contest: nor can I say 
more than it deserves for the conduct of commander Baynes, 
and the officers and crew of the Asia, for the perfection 
with which the fire of their guns was directed ; each vessel 
in turn, to which her broadside was presented, became a 
complete wreck. His Royal Highness will be aware, that 
so complete a victory by a few, however perfect, against an 
excessive number, however individually inferior, cannot be 
acquired but at a considerable sacrifice of life ; accordingly 
I have to lament the loss of Captain Bathurst, of the Genoa, 
whose example on this occasion is well worthy the imitation 
of his survivors. Captain Bell, commanding the royal ma- 
rines of the Asia, an excellent officer, was killed early in 
the action, in die steady performance of his duty ; and I 
have to mourn trie death of Mr. William Smith, the master, 
admired for the zeal and ability with which he executed his 
duty, and beloved by all for his private qualities as a man. 
Mr. Henry S. Dyer, my secretary, having received a severe 
contusion from a splinter, I am deprived temporarily of his 
valuable assistance in collecting and keeping up the general 
returns, and communications of the squadrons ; I shall there- 
fore retain in my office Mr. E. J. T. White, his first clerk, 
whom I have nominated to succeed the purser of the Brisk: 
I feel much personal obligation to the honourable Lieut. Col: 
Craddock, for his readiness, during the heat of the battle* 
in carrying my orders and messages to the different quarters*, 
after my aides-de-camp were disabled ; but I will beg permis- 
sion to refer his Royal Highness for further particulars of 
this sort, to the details of the killed and wounded, a subject 
which it is painful for me to dwell upon. When I contem- 
plate, as I do with extreme sorrow, the extent of our loss, I 
console myself with the reflection, that the measure whicli 
produced the battle was absolutely necessary for obtaining 
the results contemplated by the treaty, and that it was 
brought on entirely by our opponents. 

When I found that the boasted Ottoman word of honour 
was made a sacrifice to wanton, savage devastation, and that 
a base advantage was taken of our reliance upon Ibrahim's 
good faith, I felt a desire to punish the offenders. But it 
was my duty to refrain, and refrain I did ; and I can assure 
37 



426 HISTORY OF THE 

your Royal Highness, that I would still have avoided this dis- 
astrous extremity, if other means had been open to me. 

The Asia, Genoa, and Albion, have each suffered so much, 
that it is my intention to send them to England, as soon as 
they shall have received the necessary repairs for the 
voyage. The Talbot, being closely engaged with a double 
banked frigate, has also suffered considerably, as well as 
others of the smaller vessels ; but I hope their defects are 
not more than can be made good at Malta. The loss of men 
in the Turko-Egyptian ships must have been immense, as his 
Royal Highness will see by the accompanying list, obtained 
from the Secretary of the Capitana Bey, which includes two 
out of the three ships to which the English division was op- 
posed. Captain Curzon having preferred continuing to as- 
sist me in the Asia, I have given the charge of my despatches 
to commander Lord Yiscount Ingestre, who besides having 
a brilliant share in the action, is well competent to give his 
Royal Highness, the lord high admiral, any further particu- 
lars he may require. 

I enclose, for his Royal Highness's further information, a 
letter from Captain Hamilton, descriptive of the proceedings 
of Ibrahim Pacha, and the misery of the country which he 
has devastated — a protocol of the conference which I had 
with my colleagues, and the plan and order for entering the 
port, which I gave out in consequence. I have the honour 
to be, &c. 

(Signed) E. CODRINGTON, Vice Admiral" 

FRENCH OFFICIAL ACCOUNT. 

Paris, November 8. 

u We have received the following news from our squadron 
in the Archipelago, dated October 22. 

On the 20th, at noon, the wind being favourable, signals 
were made to prepare for action ; every one took his post, 
the English Admiral's ship, the Asia, leading, followed by 
the Albion and the Genoa ; the Syrene frigate bearing the 
flag of Admiral de Rigny, the Scipio, the Trident, and the 
Breslau ; then the Russian Admiral count Heyden, followed 
by three ships of the line and four frigates. 

The Turks had formed a crescent on the contour of the 
bay, in a triple line, making a total of three ships of the line, 
a razee, sixteen frigates, twenty-seven large corvettes, and as 
many brigs. 

The principal force was assembled towards the right on 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 42* 

entering, and composed of four large frigates, two ships of 
the line, a large frigate, a ship of the line, three ships of va- 
rious sizes finishing the line, and strengthened in the second 
line by corvettes and brigs. 

Six fire-ships were placed at the extremities of the cres- 
cent, to be able to fall upon the combined squadrons, if an 
engagement should take place, and to the windward of which 
they were naturally placed. 

The English frigate Dartmouth, Capt. Fellowcs, had been 
sent to Navarino two tfays before, with a letter to Ibrahim 
from the three Admirals ; but this letter had been sent back 
without answer, under the pretence that Ibrahim was not 
present. 

At two o'clock the Asia entered the port, and had passed 
the batteries at half past two ; it anchored alongside the 
Turkish Admiral, and was followed by the other English 
ships. 

The Syrene followed, and at 25 minutes past two Captain 
Robert anchored at within pistol shot of the first frigate ot 
the Turkish line ; at this moment a boat belonging to the 
Dartmouth, came near one of the fire-ships, near which that 
frigate had cast anchor a few moments before, when a musket 
shot from this fire-ship killed the English officer who com- 
manded the boat. The Syrene was then so near the fire-ship, 
that it might have sunk it, if it could have been done without 
endangering the English boat : the Dartmouth then opened 
a fire of musketry at the fire-ship, in order to cover its boat. 
Almost at the same moment the Syrene was yard-arm and 
yard-arm with the Egyptian double-banked frigate. The 
Esnina, Admiral de Rigny, hailed it with the speaking trum- 
pet, saying, that if it did not fire, he would not lire at it ; at 
the same instant two cannon shots were fired from one of the 
vessels which were astern of the Syrene, on board of which 
a man was killed ; the other appeared to be directed against 
the Dartmouth. The battle now began. 

It is to be observed, that almost at the same time that this 
was passing at the entrance, Admiral Codrington sent a boat 
towards the vessel bearing the Admiral's flag, and that the 
English pilot was killed by a musket shot on board the boat 
with the flag of truce. 

The battle soon became general ; the Russian vessels 
had to support the fire of the forts, which only began to fire 
upon the fifth vessel, which was the Trident. At five 
o'clock in the afternoon, the first line of the Turks was de» 



428 HISTORY OF THE 

stroyed — the ships of the line and cut down frigates sunk, or 
burned ; the remainder ran upon the coast, where the enemy 
themselves set fire to them. 

Of this formidable armament, there remains afloat only 
about 20 corvettes and brigs, and even these are abandoned. 

Thus has been fulfilled the threat held out to Ibrahim, that 
if a cannon was fired upon the allied flags, the fate of the 
whole fleet would be at stake. 

Ibrahim was not present : for this fortnight past he has 
been laying waste the Morea, rooting up the olives, vines, 
fig-trees, &c. 

In this unforeseen engagement, there were of course some 
vessels, which, by their position, have suffered more than 
the others ; what is certain, is, that in each squadron all have 
rivalled each other in doing their duty. 

His Majesty's brig the Armide, which, at the beginning of 
the action was placed with the English frigate Talbot, at the 
left extremity of the crescent, was exposed, with its brave 
comrade, to the fire of five Turkish frigates, till the arrival 
of the Russian frigates. Capt. Hugon has received unani- 
mous felicitations for the boldness of his manoeuvres, and the 
gallantry with which he fought the vessels opposed to him. 
The Scipio, Capt. Milires, whose bowsprit was entangled 
with a fire-ship that was in flames, had to extinguish the fire 
on board four times without ceasing to fight, firing at the 
same time to the right and left on the enemy's line, and on 
the forts. 

In consequence of the position taken by Capt. Maurice, 
of the Trident, Admiral de Rigny received the most com- 
plete assistance from that vessel. 

Captain la Bretonniere, of the Breslau, fought first under 
sail, and then at anchor, going wherever his presence might 
be useful. The Russian Admiral has returned special thanks 
to Admiral de Rigny for the assistance which he received 
from the Breslau, at the moment when the Azof suffered se- 
verely from the cross fire of the enemy. 

The Alcyone and the Daphne, schooners, bravely partici- 
pated in the attack upon the first fire-ships, made by the 
English brigs and corvettes. 

In a word, whatever opposed the allied vessels was speedily 
overcome, notwithstanding the desperate bravery shown by 
some Turkish vessels. 

Admiral de Rigny has felt himself bound to return particle 
iar thanks to Captain Fellowes, of his Britannic Majesty's 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 429 

frigate the Dartmouth, which was appointed to watch the 
fire-ships, for the timely succour he afforded him when one 
of the fire-ships, in flames, was on the point of falling on the 
Syrene. 

Our squadron had 43 killed, and 114 wounded. Captain 
de la Breton niere was slightly wounded. Our squadron 
has suffered great damage. Two of our ships of the line are 
obliged to return to Toulon to repair their masts. The Sy- 
rene in particular has sustained great injury ; its main and 
mizen-masts are shot away ; the two lower yards and main- 
top yard are shot away, and it has six shots between wind 
and water. 

The Trident is going to Smyrna to meet the Junon, the 
Pomone, and the other light vessels, to supply the wants of 
the moment, and to expect new directions. 

The English corvette Rose, has gone to Smyrna, whence 
couriers Avill be despatched to Constantinople to announce 
this important event. Captain Reverseaux, of the Pomone, 
had instructions to protect the French subjects. 

Chevalier de Rigny speaks in high terms of the cordiality 
and efficacious co-operation of the Admirals, his colleagues. 

Some days before the battle, Admiral de Rigny had inti- 
mated to the French, who were employed on board Ibra- 
him's fleet, that the mode of warfare recently adopted by 
the Turks, and the violation of his word by Ibrahim, autho- 
rized him to call upon them to quit that service. Only one 
of them did not consider the occasion sufficiently urgent to 
obey this summons. It is not known whether he persevered* 

Our crews have justified the confidence of the king ; in 
each vessel, the cry of " vive le roi" spontaneously accom- 
panied the first broadside. 

This squadron had before it, for some hours, a dreadful 
scene. Conceive about fifty ships of war, of all rates, firing 
in a narrow basin, in a triple line ; the burning of some, and 
the explosions which ensued. 

When the first frigate, yard-arm to yard-arm with our ves- 
sels, took fire and blew up, the Syrene was so near astern, 
that its mizen-mast fell on that frigate, which was soon fol- 
lowed by the main-mast." 

The great disparity in respect to the numbers opposed 
to each other at the battle of Navarino, constituted the 
victorv amons tlie most brilliant which any navy can claftn* 

37* 



430 HISTORY OF THE 

According to the statements made by the Secretary of the 
Gapitani Bey, the Turkish force amounted to as follows : — 

Three Turkish line of battle ships, viz : 1 Turkish Admi- 
ral, 84 guns, 850 men, of whom 650 were killed — 1 do. 84 
guns, 850 men — 1 do. 76 guns, 850 men, 400 killed. 

Four Egyptian double banked frigates, 64 guns each, from 
450 to 500 men each. 

Fifteen Turkish frigates, each 48 guns, and from 450 to 
500 men each. 

Eighteen Turkish corvettes, — eight Egyptian do. — from 
18 to 24 guns, and 200 men each. 

Four Turkish, and eight Egyptian do. — 19 guns, and from 
130 to 150 men each. 

Five Egyptian fire vessels. 
The forces of the Allies were as follows : — 

English, 3 line, 4 frigates, 4 sloops. — Total 11 
French, 3 do. 4 do. 2 do. 9 

Russian, 4 do. 4 do. do. 8 

28 

According to Monsieur Bompard, a French officer, who 
was in the service of Ibrahim at the time of the battle, the 
number of Turkish vessels of different sizes at the battle of 
Navarino, was 81. 

In addition to the above official statements, several inter- 
esting, and well authenticated circumstances are now to be 
related concerning the battle of Navarino. 

After the battle, the allied admirals sent to the Turkish 
commanders a joint note, stating that the squadrons of the 
allied powers did not enter Navarino with a hostile intention, 
but only to renew to the commanders of the Turkish fleet 
propositions which were to the advantage of the Grand 
Seignor himself, and that it was not their intention to destroy 
what ships of the Ottoman navy may yet remain, now that 
so signal a vengeance had been taken for the first cannon 
which had been ventured to be fired on the allied flags. 

" We send, therefore, one of the Turkish captains, fallen 
into our hands as a prisoner, to make known to Ibrahim Pa- 
cha, Mauharem Bey, Tahir Pacha, and Gapitani Bey, as well 
as to all the other Turkish chiefs, that if a single musket 
Or cannon shot be again fired on a ship or boat of the allied 
powers, we shall immediately destroy all the remaining ves- 
sels as well as the forts of Navarino, and that we shall con- 
sider such a new act of hostility as a formal declaration of the 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 431 

Porte against the three Allied powers, and which the Grand 
Seignor and his Pachas must suffer the terrible consequences. 

" But if the Turkish chiefs, acknowledging the aggression 
they have committed by commencing the firing, abstain 
from any act of hostility, we shall resume those terms of 
good understanding which they have themselves interrupted. 
In this case they will have the white flag hoisted on all the 
forts before the end of this day. We demand a categorical 
answer, without evasion, before sunset." 

Information was subsequently received through the French 
papers that Ibrahim hoisted the white flag on all his fortresses 
before sunset, agreeably to the above injunction. It is said 
also, that Ibrahim was not present at the battle of Navarino, 
having been at that time engaged in the interior of the Morea, 
pursuing the Christians in the mountains of Messina, attend- 
ing to the execution of some priests, whom he had crucified 
on olive trees, and destroying the poor peasantry, devastating 
the country, &,c. 

It appears that Ibrahim has constantly taken delight in 
murder, devastation, and cruelty. In a letter from Corfu, it is 
stated, that the threat made by the Porte on receipt of the 
treaty of the 6th of July, that every armed interference in 
the affairs of Greece would fail in its object, and lead to a 
greater effusion of blood, appears to be really carrying into 
effect. After the failure of his attempt to leave the port of 
Navarino, Ibrahim marched against Maina,and committed on 
the way the most frightful devastations. Fifteen thousand 
infantry, and eight hundred cavalry, scoured the peninsula, 
with cries of " down with the infidels." 

On being informed of the destruction of his fleet, Ibrahim, 
as appears by a letter from Ancona, immediately fell back 
upon Coron, and put to the sword, or torture, all the Greek 
prisoners, men, women and children, which had fallen into 
his hands during the previous fifteen months. According to 
his previous custom, the Ministers of religion were either 
crucified or roasted by slow fires. The details of these 
enormities, no person could read without shuddering with 
horror. They are too shocking for description. 

The following communication from the three allied com- 
manders to the Greek Government, shews that the cessation 
of hostilities was not intended to be confined to the Turks 
alone, but that the armistice de facto was to apply to the 
Gteeks as welj as their enemies* It is dated October 25. 



432 filSTORY OF THE 

u We learn, with lively feelings of indignation, that, while the 
ships of the allied powers have destroyed the Turkish fleet, 
which had refused submitting to the armistice de facto, the 
Greek cruisers continue to infest the seas ; and that the 
prize court, the only tribunal recognized by the Greek code, 
seeks by legal forms to justify their excesses. ' 

" Your provisional government appear to think, that the 
chiefs of the allied squadrons are not agreed on the measures 
to be adopted for putting a stop to this system of lawless plun- 
der. It deceives itself. We here declare to you with one 
Voice, that we will not suffer your seeking, under false pre- 
texts, to enlarge the theatre of war; that is to say, the circle 
of piracies. 

" We will not suffer any expedition, any cruise, any block- 
ade, to be made by the Greeks beyond the limits of from 
Valo to Lepanto, including Salamina, Egina, Hydra, and 
Spezzia. 

" We will not suffer the Greeks to incite insurrection at 
Scio, or in Albania, thereby exposing the population to be 
massacred by the Turks in retaliation. 

" We will consider as void, papers given to cruizers found 
beyond the prescribed limits ; and ships of war of the allied 
powers will have orders to arrest them wherever they may be 
found. 

" There remains for you, no pretext. The armistice by 
sea exists on the part of the Turks, de facto. Their fleet 
exists no more. Take care of* yours — for we will also destroy 
it, need be, to put a stop to a system of robbery on the high 
seas, which would end in your exclusion from the law of na- 
tions. 

" As the present provisional government is as weak as it 
is immoral, we address these final and irrevocable resolutions 
to the legislative body. 

" With respect to the prize court which it has instituted, 
We declare it incompetent to judge any of our vessels without 
our concurrence. 

" We have the honour to be, &c." 

The accounts which have reached this country of the state 
•of Greece since the battle of Navarino, have been merely 
jtems, or particulars, principally concerning the deplorable 
Condition of the inhabitants of that country. We have there- 
fore at the present time no information by which a detail of 
of the movements of the belligerent parties can be given. It 
dftes not appear that Lord Cochrane, after the battle of Nava* 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 433 

vino, undertook or achieved any thing of much importance. 
General Church, in the course of the summer, divided the 
Greek army into small corps, under the form of the Spanish 
guerillas, and thus occupied the defiles of Thermopylae, and 
the mountains of Phocis, in order to prevent the transporta- 
tion of provisions to the Turks. Colocotroni at the same 
time occupied a military line from Argos to Corinth, in order 
to prevent as much as possible the communication of the 
Turks with each other. 

The Acropolis of Athens surrendered to the Turks about 
mid-summer, the Greeks it appears bejng no longer able to 
hold out against numbers and famine. This surrender, how- 
ever, was the cause of much difficulty, confusion, and bick- 
ering among the Greek populace. General Church, it ap- 
pears, did not escape, in the outcry, for having given orders 
for its surrender, under certain circumstances, before he left 
Athens. 

The French colonel Favier, who has heretofore been so 
honourably mentioned, suffered the vilest accusations, for 
having consented to the capitulation. The Greek captains 
who were with him in the Acropolis, signed an accusation 
against him, which they delivered to the government. 

The Count Capo d'Istrias, has repeatedly been named in 
the beginning of this volume, but during the protracted 
struggle for freedom which his country has undergone, his 
name does not appear among the combatants. In 1827 he 
was called by the authorities of his country to assume the 
high responsibility of becoming President of Greece. This 
appointment it appears was made and forwarded to him while 
in Russia. The Count, though absent, has not been unmind- 
ful of the interests and welfare of his bleeding country, but 
has assisted her by his counsels, and the exercise of his influ- 
ence abroad, in the procuring of funds for the maintenance 
of the war. The following notice of this distinguished man, 
is extracted from Niles' Register, for January, 1828, but on 
what authority is not mentioned. 

" This nobleman, who has lately been elected President 
of Greece, was born at Corfu, in the year 1776 — a glorious 
year for the cause of freedom. His family had, from the 
year 1300, held an honourable place in the first class of citi- 
zens of the Seven Ionian Isles. He studied in the univer- 
sities of Italy, and returned to his country in 1798, at the. 
moment when the overthrow of the republic of Venice intro- 
duced into the Ionian Islands the democratic power of France. 



W HISTORY OF THE 

He found his father a prisoner, and threatened by the French 
Commissary with banishment, on account, as it was said, of 
his political opinions. Count Capo d'Istria exerted himself 
with zeal and activity for the relief of his father, and had the 
good fortune to succeed. After the French had surrendered 
the island to the combined Russian and Ottoman fleets, and 
they had been formed into a republic under the joint pro- 
tection of Russia and England, the Count, though still young, 
was employed in 1800 to organize the islands of Cephalonia, 
Ithica and St. Maura. This was the commencement of his 
political career. In 1802 he was appointed Secretary of 
State for the home department of the republic, and after- 
wards for foreign affairs, for the marine and for commerce. 
One of the most prominent acts of his administration was the 
establishment of moral schools, which had not before existed 
in the islands. 

" In 1807, the isle of St. Maura was threatened by Ali Pa- 
cha. The Ionian Government invested Count Capo d'Istria 
with the powers of Commissioner extraordinary on the fron- 
tiers, and placed under his orders all the militia in the ser- 
vice of the Allied Courts in the Seven Islands. In this cam- 
paign, under the cannon of Ali Pacha, Capo d'Istria became 
first known to the Greek captains, Colocotroni, Bozzaris, 
Karaiskaki, and other chiefs ; and at this epoch, his personal 
relations with the warlike part of Greece commenced. In 
July, 1808, he was invited to repair to St. Petersburgh to 
be employed in the foreign department. Hither he went in 
1809, and remained there until 1812. He was then em- 
ployed in the suite of the Russian embassy at Vienna, whence 
he was summoned to discharge the functious of chief of the 
diplomatic department at the head of the Russian army of 
the Danube, and afterwards with the grand army. He con- 
tinued with the army during the campaigns of 1813, 1814, 
and 1815, and took an active part in the most important nego- 
tiations of this memorable epoch. In November, 1813, the 
Emperor Alexander sent him to Switzerland. The result of 
this mission was, that Switzerland made common cause with 
the allied powers against Buonaparte ; and the system of 
Helvetic confederation's it now exists, was in part his work, 
in concurrence with the ministers of the other allied courts, 
and of the 22 Cantons. Switzerland still feels for him a 
grateful affection. At the Congress of Vienna, during the 
Conference at Paris in 1815, and at Aix-la-Chapelle, Count 
Capo d'Istria, possessing all the confidence of Alexander, 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 435 

was chosen to carry on the principal negotiations with the 
allied powers — negotiations which included those, the re- 
sult of which was, the placing the Ionian Islands under the 
exclusive protection of Great Britain. 

" From 1816 to 1822, he exercised the functions of Se- 
cretary of State for foreign affairs in the Cabinet of the Em- 
peror Alexander. In 1822, when the court of Russia adopt- 
ed the Austrian system with regard to the affairs of the Le- 
vant and Greece, Count Capo resigned his office and returned 
to Switzerland, carrying with him marks of the unaltered 
kindness of the Emperor Alexander, and of the attachment 
of the most distinguished persons of Russia. In the begin- 
ning of the year 1826, he came to Paris, and it was then sup- 
posed that he then intended to return to Russia. He did 
not take the journey, however, until the month of May, 
1827, and it was on his arrival in Russia, that he received 
the news of the choice which called him to the government 
of the affairs of Greece. After a residence of two months in 
Russia, he retraced his steps, and was in France at the last ad- 
vices, having brought a decree whereby the Emperor Nicho- 
las gives him a complete discharge from his service in terms 
which at once demonstrates the personal sentiments enter- 
tained by his sovereign towards him, and the character ot 
the recollections he has left behind him in Russia." 

Perhaps no circumstance, short of the actual and acknow- 
1 edged independence of Greece, could be of higher consequence 
to that country, than the appointment of Capo d'Istrias to be 
at the head of the government. Men of discernment, who 
have witnessed the distracted state of that country, and have 
been acquainted with the heads of the departments of go- 
vernment there, have lamented that a second Washington 
could not be placed over the councils of Greece. The for- 
mer Presidents, though men of talent, and some of them of 
integrity, did not combine diplomatic experience and skill, 
with a mature knowledge of the European art of war. The 
state of Greece, both moral and political, requires for its 
President a man of the highest attainments in the art of go- 
vernment, combined with invincible firmness of character, and 
the greatest resources of mind. Count Capo d'Istria ap- 
pears to be the only Greek, now living, who, at the head of 
affairs, could undertake the emancipation of his country with 
equal hopes of success. 

On his appointment to his present situation, he addressed 



436 HISTORY OF THE 

the following letter to the heads of government, and to the 
Greek nation. It is dated London, August 28. 

" At the moment of quitting the Russian capital, I have 
received, through my brother, the messages which your ex- 
cellency did me the honour to address to me, conjointly with- 
the representatives of the nation, to communicate to me two 
decrees, one of which places me at the head of the Greek 
government, and the other invests me with the power to ne- 
gotiate a loan. Ever since the month of May, and since my 
arrival at St. Petersburg, the public prints and private letters 
made me acquainted with the proof of confidence so flattering 
and so solemn, which the Greek nation had just given in my 
favour. I will not express to your excellency and your noble 
Colleagues, either the sentiments which the decrees now be- 
fore me inspire, or the prayers which I offer to the Almighty 
that he may bestow upon you, gentlemen, and upon me, 
Strength to attain the object of the long and bloody sacrifices 
to which the Greek people have submitted, and to which it 
Still submits in the hope of a final restoration. For the pre- 
sent, I shall confine myself to giving you an account, in a few 
Words, of what I have succeeded in doing up to this time, and 
giving you the assurance of my entire devotion to the cause 
for the future. 

" On learning of the catastrophe of Athens, of the pecunia- 
ry embarrassment of the provisional Greek government, and 
of the sad necessity which forced it to contract a loan in the 
Ionian Islands, which could only have sufficed for a few days, 
I sent to my brother, as my only answer, the remnant of my 
moderate fortune. I instructed him to take a portion of that 
loan, if it had been negotiated, or to deposite in the hands of 
the provisional government the sum of two thousand pounds 
sterling, which I have placed at his disposal. At the same time, 
I proceeded to call on the Greeks, who possessed wealth in 
foreign lands, to follow this example, and to afford you some 
assistance. These measures have had some success, and the 
provisional government, in consequence, is in a condition to 
meet its most urgent wants, for the moment. I say for the 
moment ; for I flatter myself that by the aid of God and your 
wisdom, the Greek nation will shortly receive more important 
succour. 

" In the present state of things, this assistance, in order to 
be effective, ought to have a double object. It ought to draw 
Greece from its isolation, and put it in contact with the great 
European powers. It ought to procure for it the means oT 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 437 

existence, and of defending itself, till its government can in- 
troduce something like order into the external concerns of 
the nation, and put it in a situation to provide for itself. It 
is with these two great interests that I am now exclusively oc- 
cupied, and with which I will still occupy myself when on 
my way to you I pass through Paris. Should heaven con- 
tinue to bless my efforts, as it has blessed them up to this day, 
I dare indulge the hope, that it will be merit to offer you 
some consolation, and that the Greek nation will not refuse to 
me the powers which I ask, to regulate, in the legal exercise 
of the honourable functions which it offers me, all the neces- 
sary arrangements with the courts which interest themselves 
in its behalf. 

" I will not lose a moment, for time passes from day to day, 
to decide for Greece the question of life or death. Doubtless, 
the event is in the hands of God ; but let us not dissemble, 
that much depends on you, gentlemen, to render it propitious. 
Be assured, such it will prove, if, faithful to the immutable 
principles of our holy religion, you labour unanimously, and 
with good faith, for our common safety, some in carrying 
arms, not only with devotion and courage, but with a perfect 
subordination to the orders of your chiefs ; others in admin- 
istering the affairs of the country, for, and not for or against 
particular individuals or particular interests. 

" I pause here, and I resign, gentlemen, to your wisdom 
and your patriotism, the care of weighing the immense re- 
sponsibility which falls on your heads. I shall have the ho- 
nour to share it with you ; but I hesitate not to repeat here, 
that I cannot share it with you, till after you shall have heard 
me ; and that I myself shall have obtained from you all the 
confidence which I wish to inspire. 

" Receive, &c. 

(Signed) « CAPO D'ISTRIA. 7 ' I 

By accounts from Greece, in February, 1828, it appeared 
that the Count had already effected an almost entire change 
in the military aspect of the troops under his charge. It ap- 
pears, states this account, that Count Capo d'Istria was en- 
gaged about that time in an important military operation, 
which would require the whole military and naval force of 
Greece, and that orders had been sent to all the military com- 
manders to act for the execution of a common plan. A 
corps of 4,000 infantry near Froezene had assembled, an- 
other corps of 1,800 near IVapoli was to assemble, and a third, 

38 




438 HISTORY OF THE 

consisting of troops of all descriptions, was to occupy a place 
near Corinth. All these were employed in preparations for 
active service. Similar orders are said to have been sent to 
General Church, who was then at a position near Dragomes- 
tre. Count Capo embarked in February for Porous, taking 
with him all the Greek, as well as foreign ships which were 
in the harbour of Egina. A new life, says the account, ap- 
pears to animate the whole population of Greece, and the 
dangerous spirit of insubordination appears to have left the 
troops, since the President takes care that they receive their 
pay punctually, and even distributes presents on every occa- 
sion, when they perform any thing remarkable. Among the 
Arabs and Turks, on the contrary, all discipline has vanish- 
ed, to which the battle of Navarino, and the distress which 
the troops suffer, have contributed. Whole bands of Turk- 
is marauders are said now to be met with in the Morea, who 
traverse the country in search of plunder, under leaders of 
their own choosing. The Turkish fortresses are likewise 
said to be in a suffering condition for want of provisions. It 
is therefore believed, that Ibrahim will soon be obliged to 
leave the Morea, to save himself, or at least his military re- 
putation. 

We have here only to add some account of the donations 
sent from this country to Greece. In the spring of 1827. 
five large vessels, loaded with provisions and clothing for 
the relief of the destitute and naked Greeks, sailed from this 
country. This large amount, valued at about 100,000 dol- 
lars, consisted entirely of the voluntary contributions of be- 
nevolent individuals, and charitable societies, chiefly in the 
northern states. Two of these vessels sailed from New- 
York, two from Philadelphia, and one from Boston. Intelli- 
gent agents from this country proceeded with these supplies 
to whom were entrusted the pleasant duty of a gratuitous dis- 
tribution of them, in such a manner, as would best serve the 
cause of humanity. 

In 1828, the value of the supplies, received by the Greek 
Committee of New-York, up to the time of the sailing of the 
brig Herald, and in her forwarded to Greece, was as fol- 
lows : The amounts are in money, provisions, and clothing. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 439 

F'om the State of New- York, $38,573 46 

Connecticut, 11,869 89 

Massachusetts, 3,152 54 

Maryland, 2,459 80 

Rhode Island, 1,948 25 

New Jersey, 1,217 17 

Vermont, " 517 32 

Virginia, 75 00 

Ohio, 67 00 

Upper Canada, 10 00 



Total amount received by the > p. Q ^q qj - # 

Committee to May 28, 1828, f ^ ^ y yo 

It is proper to remark, before closing this part of our 
volume, that the following pages contain matter which could 
not have been incorporated with the narrative of history of 
the revolution, except it were thrown into the form of 
notes, and for which purpose most of the extracts are quite 
too long. The volume, however, would have been incom- 
plete, without the miscellaneous information here thrown 
together, since in that case many interesting observations 
and facts would have been suppressed. 



CHAP. XXVI. 

Conduct of European States in relation to Greece — Levant 
Merchants and Jews — Moral condition of the Greeks — . 
Calumnies on Greek character — Domestic manners and 
women of Greece — State of religion in Greece — Priests, 

f " Having essayed, with however weak a pen, to trace the 
rise and progress of the Greek revolution, and to show what 
the energy of a small population, totally ignorant of the mi- 
litary art, undisciplined, unaided, and without a regular go- 

* Niles' Register, for June, 1828 

f The following judicious and sensible observations on the situation 
and affairs of Greece, are extracted from the work of Edward Bla- 
quiere, Esq., author of two volumes on the present revolution. Mr. 
Blaquiere, it appears, besides his recent residence there, has been long per- 
sonally acquainted with the condition of that country. The reader will 
observe that these remarks were written before the powers of Europe 
took any active part in the present struggle. 



440 HISTORY OF THE 

vernment, has been able to achieve over a power, which, 
little more than a century ago, laid siege to the capital of 
Austria, a no less interesting field of examination and inqui- 
ry presents itself in the religious and moral character of the 
Greek people ; their means of consolidating that indepen- 
dence for which they have so gloriously struggled ; and 
above all, the policy of the European cabinets and conduct 
of the Christian world generally towards a people, whose 
claims to sympathy and support have ever been, as they now 
are, incontrovertible. It being however suggested, that my 
return to Greece might be more beneficial to the sacred 
cause, than all I could publish on the subject, I most willing- 
ly yield to the opinion of my friends, and shall therefore only 
offer a few desultory remarks, where I would fain have en- 
tered into a much more elaborate detail. 

" It may be truly said, that the most painful task which 
any future writer will have to perform, belongs to the histo- 
rian of the Greek revolution. Without referring to what has 
been stated in the early part of these pages, to prove that the 
insurrection of Greece had nothing in common with the 
causes of revolt in other countries of Europe, however they 
may have been oppressed, and that it was consequently an 
act of the most palpable injustice to confound it with them, 
the number of eloquent pens which have proved this fact 
beyond any doubt, renders all further argument unnecessary. 
And yet, how will the future historian be able to record, that 
when after twenty centuries of tyranny and oppression, the 
descendants of Solon and Lycurgus, of Socrates and Plato, 
attempted to shake off a yoke the most barbarous and intole- 
rable ever borne by man, the sovereigns and, ministers of ci- 
vilized Europe, who owed all they knew of civilization, arts 
or literature, to the genius of ancient Greece, not only brand- 
ed the effort with the epithet of revolution, but did every 
thing short of open hostility, to prevent its success. But 
the task of the historian will not stop here; he will have to 
record, that in an age which boasted of its zeal in the cause 
of humanity and religion, three millions of Christians were 
left year after year, at the mercy of the whole Ottoman pow- 
er; and that while the nations of Europe looked on the un- 
equal struggle unmoved, thousands of their brethren were 
consigned to the most cruel deaths, while nothing but the 
interposition of Providence could have possibly saved the 
Greek people from extermination. 

"As if it had not been enough, during this period of trial 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 441 

and of suffering, unexampled in history, to watch the pro- 
gress of the struggle with cold and callous indifference, and 
not unfrequently to persecute the ill-fated people who thus 
vsought their regeneration, every effort, which malignity 
could invent or malice dictate, was made to represent them 
as a degenerate race, totally unworthy of sympathy or free- 
dom. How often has it been asserted, that the struggle 
was between barbarians, and that it was therefore a matter 
of perfect indifference which party got the upper hand. 
Would it be possible to devise a more bitter satire against 
Christianity and the Christian potentates, than the virulent 
and gratuitous abuse heaped on the Greek people, by writers 
who either sought to gratify their passions, or fancied they 
were meeting the wishes of a patron in thus vilifying a whole 
people. Surely a moment's reflection must have convinced 
them, that to have left the Greek people so long at the mercy 
of their Mahometan tyrants, was ,the greatest proof they 
could adduce of degeneracy and imbecility on the part o£ 
those who were bound by every tie of religion and duty to 
■save them ! 

" Independently of those causes which have placed the 
cabinets of Europe in such open enmity to Greece, and thus 
invited falsehood and calumny to depreciate claims which 
they were determined not to recognize, the Greeks have 
found virulent detractors in two classes, whose abuse ought 
to be rather considered as complimentary to their character 
than otherwise ; since it has arisen from that grovelling and 
sordid spirit of trade, which cannot brook the thought of 
successful competition, conducted by superior talent. I al- 
lude to European traders who have formed factories at Smyr- 
na, Constantinople, and other parts of the Mediterranean, 
and to the whole tribe of Jews. — And I am justified in sta- 
ting, that these two classes have gone farther in their calum- 
nies against the Greek people, than even their task-masters 
the Turks. It is needless to say more, in order to prove 
how far the trading spirit can vitiate the human mind. And 
yet, after all that has been said to depreciate them, it is a 
matter of incontrovertible notoriety, that the Greek mer- 
chants who have settled in the capitals and large trading 
towns of the continent, are remarkable for their probity and 
fair dealing. The fact of tlieir coming in contact with the 
Jews and factors of the Levant, in the intercourse of the 
latter with the Mahometans, is of itself, more than sufficient 

38* 



442 HISTORY OP THE 

to account for the vindictive spirit with which they are pur- 
sued. How can it therefore be matter of wonder, that while 
the Jews of Constantinople, Salonica, and Smyrna, have 
seized every opportunity o'f co-operating in the cruelties of 
the Turks, the Europeans settled in these places have, with- 
out any exception of country, been the carriers and most 
active agents of the Infidels ever since the war commenced. 

" Although the contest has been marked by many exces- 
ses, to most of which allusion has been made in the proper 
place, yet surely, the events of this war furnish ample proof 
that the Greeks are not the degenerate people which their 
detractors have laboured to represent them ! Without re- 
curring to individual acts of heroism and virtue, of which 
numerous examples might be cited, their constancy and re- 
signation under unheard of privations and sufferings, deserve 
the highest praise, and could only be sustained by a people 
far above the ordinary class. 

" To say that a system of the cruellest slavery, under 
rulers the most vitiated and corrupt, from the days of the 
lower empire, through the debauched and sanguinary cata- 
logue of the Greek Emperors, down to the worst of all de- 
nominations of that of the Turks, has not engendered many 
very formidable vices, would be to assert that the laws of 
nature and experience of history had made an exception in 
favour of the Greeks, and excepted them from effects as in- 
evitable as they are irresistible. What, however, would the 
philanthropist say, and how ought he to draw his conclusion ? 
Surely the wonder with him is, not so much that the Greeks 
have contracted some vices, as that they have any thing in 
the shape of virtue remaining ! 

" But after all these unworthy attempts to depreciate and 
calumniate a people who have been so long the sport of a 
cruel tyranny, what will the impartial and liberal minded of 
Europe say, if, on any future occasion, a writer should prove 
by argument and fact, that assuming the immense superiority 
of ancient Greece over all other nations to be a matter of 
course, the moral and physical degradation of the Greeks is 
infinitely less than that of any other people of Europe? 

" Although my intercourse with this people did not date 
•from my late visit to the Morea, I am far from thinking my- 
self capable of doing justice to a subject which might well 
occupy the attention of the most philosophic observer, as it 
would unquestionably be an inquiry of the deepest interest, 
not only enabling ns to estimate the manners and institutions 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 443 

of ancient times, but also to appreciate their effect in per- 
petuating the moral and physical attributes of a people. 

" Nor is it my intention minutely to analyse the Greek 
character. In asserting that industry, sobriety, and abstemi- 
ousness are its most prominent features, surely a foundation 
is laid on which all the minor virtues may be raised. To 
the foregoing traits, which are proverbial in the national 
character of the Greeks, may be added their exemplary con- 
duct as fathers, husbands, and brothers : of this, the present 
contest has afforded such proofs, as no other nation ever ex- 
hibited ; and such indeed, as were never surpassed in the 
proudest days of Grecian or Roman history. Circumscribed 
as my personal observation must have been during my late 
visit, I was frequently astonished at the readiness with which 
the most perfect strangers ministered to each other's neces- 
sities. But, besides the numberless proofs of generosity 
and kindness between individuals, the conduct of thousands 
in devoting their all to the wants of the state, places the 
Greek character in a still more exalted point of view. Many 
names could be cited of persons, who had realized handsome 
fortunes in trade, having presented the whole to their coun- 
try when the insurrection broke out, merely reserving the 
bare means of existence for themselves. And when it is 
considered that in regard to worldly advantages, the inhabit- 
ants of the naval islands were sure to lose by the contest, 
what can be more disinterested or praiseworthy, than the 
sacrifices they have made in keeping their ships at sea for 
three successive years, without having as yet received the 
smallest remuneration ?* 

*In paying this tribute, which I believe to be fully merited by the 
great mass of the Greek people, I do not mean to deny that there is 
much, very much to correct in the national character. It was impossi- 
ble to live so long under the Turkish yoke, ana be so completely sub- 
jected to the caprice of their savage task-masters, and not to imbibe 
many of their customs. While at Tripolizza. I took every opportunity 
1 could of suggesting that the most strenuous efforts of the government 
and leading men, should be directed to this object. The reply was how- 
ever so conclusive, that it left me without the means of urging any far- 
ther objections. u We lament all this, aj much as you can, and are 
most anxious to remove every thing which can remipd us of the dread- 
ful state from which we have emerged: — but besides the fact of our 
having no present means of adopting European customs, the whole of 
our attention is necessarily absorbed by the paramount object of consoli- 
dating the social edifice." I found an able and eloquent supporter in 
Father Thcodosius, a priest of considerable learning, who never entered 



444 HISTORY OF THE 

" The intellectual qualities of the Greeks are not les9 
striking and conspicuous than those which I have mentioned, 
They are principally displayed in their aptitude for agricul- 
ture, commerce, and navigation, and, whenever the advanta- 
ges of education are afforded, in acquiring all the higher 
branches of knowledge. The peasantry have gone farther 
in the art of civilization than any other people of Europe, 
considering their limited means ; and whenever they happen 
to be employed in learning the imitative arts, their progress 
seems to be quite intuitive. It cannot be too often repeated, 
as illustrative of the national character generally, that the 
Greek peasant and soldier will undergo fatigues and priva- 
tions, without murmuring, upon such scanty means, as would 
exhaust the natives of any other country in Europe.* 



a society, in which he found his countrymen seated cross-legged and 
sipping their coffee in the manner of the Turks, without inveighing 
bitterly against so barbarous a custom, and calling on his countrymen 
to recollect that they had sprung from the great masters of civilization, 
and re-entered the great European family. It is a fact worthy of re- 
mark, that the primates are more prone to Turkish customs of every 
kind, than any other class of Greeks. 

* Such is the tenacity and firmness of the Greek character, that there 
is reason to believe the people have preserved much more of their an- 
cient usages and manners than any other nation in the world. Many 
of the traits, noticed in Barthelemy's excellent work, are hourly witnes- 
sed by travellers in the present day. And with respect to the physical 
conformation of the Greeks, it has been preserved to a surprising degree 
of exactness. It has been somewhere observed that the figure and 
physiognomy of the Greeks, are different from those of every other 
people. In agreeing with this assertion, it might be added, that nature 
seems to have exhausted all her power in the human figure, as it is to 
be found to this day, among all classes of the people. iMo wonder that 
sculpture should have made so great a progress, and attained such a 
degree of perfection, when the models were abundant and beautiful. 
Those who have compared the present form of the Greeks, with their 
master-pieces in sculpture, cannot deny that an artist of the present, 
dtiy might find models for the Apollo Belvidere, Meleager and Gladia- 
tor, in almost every town and village of the confederation. Though, 
like every thing else which gave Greece such pre-eminence over the 
-ancient world, painting; and sculpture be now lost, it is only necessary 
to travel through the Peloponnesus, to be convinced with what facility 
they may revive in a country, which is replete with the most sublime 
and beautiful scenes of nature at every step. 

u With respect *o the habits of the lower classes, it should be ob- 
served that, as in ancient times, the labours of the field are indifferently 
partaken, by men and women. The lighter portion, such as reaping, 
weeding, and hoeing, being of course allotted to the weaker sex. Un- 
provided with manufactures, the resources of a Greek family, whether 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 443 

" Whenever circumstances admit of their return, Greece 
will boast a very brilliant catalogue of men, highly distin- 



among the peasantry, or in the middling walk of life, up f« the highest 
rank, might well surprise our English matrons. In the lowest class 
almost every cotta e is furnished with its loom, oven, and mills, while 
every member of the family is taught the use of the distaff. I ought 
not to pass by this class, without bearing testimony to that admirable 
constancy with which they have borne up against the innumerable evils 
of their situation, preserving all the pristine virtues of hospitality, and 
an urbanity of manners not exceeded by any otiier people of Europe. 
If they are superstitious, the fault is not theirs, but that of teachers, 
who have in Greece, as in other countries, converted religion into an 
instrument of worldly profit and personal ambition. 

Some account of the family, with which I resided while at Tripolizza 
will afford a fair specimen of the middling class of society in Greece. 
It consisted of the proprietor who was an opulent merchant before the 
contest commenced, and is still engaged in trade; his wife and four 
children, of whom three were daughters, who might, in other days, 
have served as models to Zeuxis or Praxiteles. — Each of the latter has 
h?r regular dutios assigned to her. either in the kitchen, at the loom, 
embroidering, neodle-work, or the washing tub ! It is easy to conceive 
how an English mother would be astonished to see the youngest of 
these, scarcely yet in her ninth year, a perfect sylph in form and agili- 
ty, occupied in all the business of house-keeping. The eldest, who was 
in her fourteenth year, had been betrothed for some time, and has pro- 
bably been ere now led to the hymeneal altar. Young as she was then, 
the bridal clothes and household linen ; nearly all made and woven by 
her own hands, were ready ; she gave me specimens of her weaving irt 
silk, that would not disgrace our best ar lizans of Spitalfields. The whole 
of this amiable and interesting family, whose attentions were unceas- 
ing, vied with each other in civilities to Luriottis, who also resided in 
the same house as myself. 

The education of these girls, besides a thorough knowledge of do- 
mestic concerns, does not go beyond reading, writing, and a limited 
share of arithmetic: and I could perceive from their natural aptness, as 
well as the eagerness with which they sought for information on every 
point connected with the manners and usages of other nations, that 
they were capable of rapid advancement in all those accomplishments 
which give our women the superiority. 

What the venerable and virtuous Bishop of Blois calls domesticity, 
and has made the subject of his valuable essay, is no where on so good 
a footing as in Greece. The practice of sending their children out to 
be nursed, is scarcely ever resorted to by Greek mothers ; where a 
weak constitution, or other causes, renders it necessary to have recourse 
to a nurse, she is brought into the house, and rarely quits it till death, 
or ill health, compels her to leave it. The Greek nurse, becomes, in. 
fact, completely identified with the family, and what is more, her hus- 
band is either generally employed in the house, or at all events, by the 
master of the family. But the ties between the master and servants 
do not stop here. The children of the nurse, if not very numerous, ars 



446 HISTORY OF THE 

guished in all the walks of literature and science ; and it 
will certainly be a triumphant day, when schools and col- 
leges begin to rear their heads amidst the ignorance and 
darkness to which she has been condemned for so many 



" With respect to the women of Greece ; I have on a for- 
mer occasion borne testimony to their excellent qualities, 
and I will challenge any other nation, to furnish a more en- 
gaging catalogue of domestic virtues than is to be found in 
that country ; nor are these confined to a particular class ; 
they pervaded the whole frame of society. Although it is 
true that the calumniators of the Greeks have chiefly con- 
fined their strictures to those who come in contact with their 
mercantile views, it is yet but justice to repeat, the graces 
of modesty, gentleness of manner, benevolence and resigna- 
tion under the severest trials, are no where more practised 
than among the women of Greece. 

" In alluding to the vices of the Greek, a most instruc- 
tive lesson might be drawn from tracing their perfect analogy 
to the system of government under which they have groaned 
during the last four centuries. When the wanton cruelty and 
habitual extortion of their Turkish masters are considered, 
can it for one moment be a matter of surprise, if the Greeks 
are suspicious, vindictive, jealous, and avaricious ? Was not the 

brought up in the house, and treated with almost the same attention as 
those of her mistress. — The servant who attended us at Tripolizza had 
been twenty-one years in the family, and had nursed all the children, 
while her daughter a child of seven years' old, was on a perfect equality 
with the rest. 

I have already had occasion to observe, that hundreds of Turkish 
children, whose parents have either fled or perished since the Revolu- 
tion, have been adopted in Greek families of every class. The gaiety 
and cheerfulness which form so distinguished a feature in the national 
character of Greece, were exemplified in the amusements of this fami- 
ly, where the song, the dance, and the gambol filled up almost every 
moment that was abstracted from the more solid occupations of the 
domestic circle. I regret to say that music is in as backward 9. state 
in Greece, as painting and sculpture. 

The religious duties of the above family were performed in the house 
most scrupulously, twice every day during my stay, and in adding that 
the greatest harmony seemed to prevail, it is equally due to the excel- 
lent Giorgio Joannis to state, that in the whole of my intercourse with 
society, I never met a family possessing more apparent goodness of 
heart, modesty, and propriety of conduct, than his amiable wife and fas- 
cinating daughters." 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 447 

whole of their time passed in devising means of avoiding 
those acts of violence and oppression, which were invariably 
hatched in secret, and suddenly inflicted. Did a day pass 
without some vexation, calculated to awaken vengeance; 
and what could be more natural than to contract a fondness 
for that, which they were in constant fear of losing through 
fraud or force ? 

" Candour requires it to be acknowledged, that neither 
the conduct of the cabinets towards Greece, since her resus- 
citation, nor that of her Christian brethren generally, is by 
any means calculated to render them less suspicious ; nor 
will the other vices with which they are charged, be ever 
removed, until institutions and a system of general education 
shall have obliterated the baleful impressions of tyranny and 
misrule. 

" It has been a too prevalent custom with writers, who 
have written in favour of the Greek cause, to admit the de- 
generacy of the people, and argue on it, as if all that had 
been circulated by the enemies of the Greeks were perfectly 
true. The same error has been fallen into, with regard to 
the Greek church, and such is the ignorance on the subject 
in England, that it is not unusual for the people gravely to 
ask whether the Greeks are Christians ? I have endeavour- 
ed to show that with the exception of their cruelty to the 
Turks, which is from the nature of things ungovernable and 
unconquerable, there is as much, if not more virtue among 
•he Greek peasantry, than any other of Europe. It is pro- 
bable that the Greek church would bear a comparison with 
that of every other Christian sect. Like all others, the 
heads of the Greek hierarchy maintain that they have de- 
parted less from the doctrines and rites of the primitive 
cnurch, than any other class of Christians whatever, and that 
the superstitions of the Greek church are fewer. That 
Christianity has suffered, both in the letter and practice, in 
Greece, as well as other places, need not be wondered at, 
when all the vicissitudes to which it has been exposed, are 
taken into the account. It is greatly to the credit of the. 
Greek clergy, that with the exception of the most ignorant 
portion of the caloyers, or itinerant preachers, they are sen- 
sible of the defects which time has produced ; and that they 
regard the political regeneration of Greece, as the certain 
prelude to a reform in the Greek church.* 

* " In deducing themselves against the aspersions which are con* 



448 HISTORY OF THE 

" Upon the whole, while I do not deny that many of the 
vices inseparable from slavery, may be laid to the charge of 
a people, which has not only been exposed to the most de- 
grading domination ever experienced by any nation, but has 
been grossly calumniated by those co-religionists who had 
abandoned them to their fate ; I maintain that the abuses of 
united government and religion have done infinitely less to- 
wards debasing the Greek character, than they have in any 
country in Europe.* 



stantly cast on their superstition and form of worship, the Greeks boast, 
and justly so, that the absurd dogma of purgatory has never formed 
any part of their belief, nor has their ritual been disgraced by that un- 
intelligible mixture of ethics and fanaticism called the creed of Saint 
Athanasius, which continues to do such irreparable injury to Pro- 
testantism. 

" M. de Stourdza, known by his political pamphlets written under the 
auspices of the Emperor Alexander, has also published a polemical tract, 
in which he vindicates the Greek church, and endeavours to prove that 
it is the only one which has retained the letter and spirit of that es- 
tablished by Christ, and preached by his disciples. The supremacy of 
the Pope, and mode in which it was acquired, are ably treated by the 
author. 

" It is somewhat ludicrous to hear the members of the Greek per- 
suasion called schismatics by their Catholic rivals, while they in their 
turn regard Catholicism as a complete perversion of Christianity. It is 
worthy of remark that there is only one class of sectarians in the Greek 
church : this forms a very small proportion of the community, and is 
known in Greece by the name of the united: it merely acknowledges 
the papal supremacy, which forms the only difference between its tenets 
and those of the Greek church. Among the projects formed at Rome, 
since the insurrection of Greece broke out, it is said that every effort 
will be made to bring the schismatics over to the true faith. Whether 
it arose from any ulterior views of this sort, or the characteristic benevo- 
lence of Pius VII. the mild and humane policy adopted by that Pontiff, 
towards the unfortunate Greeks, who sought a refuge at Ancona, during 
Ins life time, forms the best panegyric of the late Holy Father. Nor 
should the name of Monsignor Benvenuti, the papal delegate at Ancona, 
be deprived of that praise which is so justly due to him, for the readi- 
ness he invariably evinced, in carrying the wishes of his master into 
effect." 

* It is truly pleasing to be enabled to give the opinion formed by suck 
a discriminating writer, as Mr. Gait, in contradiction to the trite calum- 
nies and miserable verbiage of Sir William Gell, and many others, 
who have laboured to depreciate the Greek character. " If I were 
galled upon," says Mr. Gait, in his letters from the Levant, " to give a 
general opinion of the Greeks, as they are at this moment, I should 
find myself obliged to declare, notwithstanding my partiality for my 
own countrymen, that in point of capacity, they are the first people I 
Have had an opportunity of observing. They have generally raer%> 



GUEEK REVOLUTION. 449 



CHAP. XXVIII. 

Population of Greece estimated. — Revenue and Resources. — 
Comparison between Monarchical and Federal Government, 
as applicable to Greece. — Foreign Interference. — Internal 
Dissensions. — Consideration of the idea entertained of ac- 
commodation and submission to the Porte. — Results to be 
anticipated from the establishment of a powerful Indepen- 
dent State in Greece. — Policy of Coiitineiital Powers and 
interest of England in such establishment considered. 

" * So contradictory are the accounts, and uncertain the 
data hitherto supplied with regard to the population of Greece, 
that it would be altogether impossible to attempt any thing 
more than an approximation to this primary source of national 
wealth and greatness. If an estimate was difficult before the 
insurrection, it has been much more so since, owing to the 
fact of whole communities having been either swept away by 

acuteness and talent than I can well describe. I do not mean informa- 
tion or wisdom : but only this, that their actions are, to a surprising 
degee of minuteness, guided by judgment. They do nothing without 
having reflected on the consequences." This energetic sketch of the 
Greeks is drawn to the life. But I cannot deny myself the pleasure of 
following it up with a few lines extracted from the Scotsman, a paper 
which has been highly distinguished for the strength and eloquence of its 
articles on the Greek cause. After inserting the above remarks of Mr. 
Gait, the writer observes, " Instead of raising an outcry about their 
degradation, we may rather wonder that the national genius has tri- 
umphed so much over the disadvantages of its situation. What other 
people, placed under the barbarising yoke of the Turks, has retained 
or acquired the tenth part of their activity, intelligence and civiliza- 
tion ? amidst all their misfortunes, they have never forgotten their 
country ; and humiliating as their lot has been, they are still proud of 
their name and lineage. Considering the Turks as intruders, they 
have never renounced the hope of seeing them expelled, nor have they 
relied on foreign aid : on the contrary, sensible that knowledge and 
union are the sources of strength, they have laboured incessantly to 
spread the means of information ; they have established schools, trans- 
lated French and English works into Romaic, and by drawing the atten- 
tion of their countrymen to their ancient history, they have taught 
them what Greece may become by her own resources, and kindled in 
them an emulation of the spirit of their ancestors. While we speak of 
their protracted slavery, we should not forget its cause. Had they 
yielded up their faith as easily as the clergy of England did in the reign 
•f Queen Elizabeth, they would have escaped that oppression at the 
* Blaqtriere, vol. 1. p. 300. 

39 



450 HISTORY OF THE 

massacres, or forced to change their position, and seek a re- 
fuge in foreign countries. The number of Greeks in the 
Morea, for instance, which did not exceed a hundred and 
lity thousand previous to the war, has now been more than 
doubled by the arrivals from every quarter of the confedera- 
tion, notwithstanding the ravages to which the whole of Epi- 
rus, Thessaly, and Macedonia, has been subjected. I should, 
from all the inquiries I have been enabled to make, estimate 
the number of Greeks in these three divisions of the confede- 
ration at a million of souls. Livadia, Attica, and Negropont, 
are said by well informed Greeks to contain three hundred 
thousand souls, thus making a grand total for continental 
Greece of one million six hundred thousand, a number which 
I feel assured Avill be found under-rated whenever the cen- 
sus contemplated by the Provisional Government shall be 
taken. 

With respect to the Islands of the Archipelago, those gems 
of the Mediterranean, so sanctified by every glorious and de- 
lightful recollection, so richly endowed with all that consti- 
tutes strength and beauty, there is less difficulty in stating 
the number of their inhabitants, since no material change has 
been effected in their numbers by the war. Candia alone, 
unquestionably the most prolific and beautiful spot on earth 
for its extent, contains at least two hundred thousand Greeks. 
The population of the other Islands, including Cyprus, 
Rhodes and Mytilene, three points of infinite wealth and im- 
portance, may be estimated at four hundred thousand souls. 
If to the foregoing calculation be added above a million and 
a half scattered about in the principalities, Asia Minor, 
Thrace, Bulgaria, and the different countries of Europe, the 



hands of the Turks, and that abuse at the hands of some of their bro- 
ther Christians, which their constancy has entailed on them. 

" The following anecdote, illustrative of the veneration in which the 
Greeks held the immortal bard of Scio, is extracted from an account 
of the expedition sent into the Mediterranean in 1789, under Orloff. 

" Captain Plagent, who commanded one of the ships in this expedi- 
tion, going on shore at Naxos, took an old school edition of the Iliad, 
which he happened to have on board, and showed it to some of the na- 
tives, who begged it of him with the most earnest importunity. The 
Captain complied with their wishes ; and on going on shore again the 
next day, he saw an old man with his back to a wall reading the speech- 
es of the ancient Greek heroes with all the fury of declamation, to an 
audience of fourteen or fifteen persons!"! 

t Blaquiere, vol. 1 . p. 283— 29S. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 451 

whole number of Greeks may, for the present at least, be 
given at four millions. Of the Greeks thus dispersed, it is 
well known that numbers are continually flocking to the 
standard of independence, and that such is the anxiety of 
these people to re-establish themselves, that there is every 
probability of those who are now retained in distant points, 
gaining the confederation as soon as the situation of affairs 
and their circumstances will admit. Indeed it is not likely 
that any Greek would remain under the sway of Turkey or 
Russia, while freedom and regeneration invited their return 
to the most desirable region and finest climate in the world. 
Should the people of Greece secure the advantages they 
have gained, it is surely no exaggeration to say, that, with a 
population at once so ingenious and industrious, a climate 
unequalled, and a soil the most productive that could be 
named, their prospect of wealth and prosperity is almost 
boundless. In whatever direction a traveller casts his eyes 
over Greece, he may truly exclaim, that it is a land flowing 
with milk and honey ; unlike the staples of other countries, 
those of Greece are such as can never be depreciated. 
Cambrics, sugar, coffee, cochineal, and indigo, may be either 
dispensed with, or be so plentiful as to glut the market : not 
so with the corn, wine, and oil ; the silks and wools of 
Greece : these will find a sure sale while civilization and its 
concomitants, trade and population, continue to advance.* 
However invidious it may be thought to institute a compari- 



* Nothing but the immense resources of Greece, could have enabled 
her to carry on a contest by sea and land against the whole power of the 
Porte, supported, as it has been, by the agents of foreign powers, and 
those sordid traders of Smyrna, Constantinople, and Zante, who have 
been the suppliers and carriers to the infidels ever since the commence- 
ment of the strag<_ r l''- ; and, when it is considered that the Greeks have 
maintained the war lor nearly three years, without contracting a single 
debt abroad, or having recourse to a foreign loan, our wonder must be 
still greater. 

If any tiling were wanting to prove the total ignorance in which the 
public continues with regard to the state of Greece <renerally, it would 
be found in the depreciation experienced by the small sum of 800,000/. 
recently negotiated on our own stock exchange by my excellent friends 
Messrs. Orlando and Luriottis ; a sum which the smallest island in the 
Archipelago would be justified in borrowing, and fully able to repay. 

It is confidently asserted that the depreciation in the Greek loan has 
been caused by the insinuations of a leading Jew capitalist ; if so, no- 
thing can be so unworthily or illiberal. Surely that person must know 
that of all the countries or governments who have borrowed money in 
London within the last ten years, not excepting those for whom he has 



452 HISTORY OF THE 

son between the Greeks and those nations of the southern 
hemisphere, who have shaken off a yoke scarcely less galling 
than that of the infidels, the immense superiority of the form- 
er, in almost every quality and attribute required by those 
who would enter the arduous career of national indepen- 
dence, must strike the most superficial observer. In a moral 
point of view, tyranny, though it may have trod upon the 
people of Greece, and made them suffer every species of vio- 
lence, it neither broke their spirit, nor made them forget 
their glorious ancestry ; while it is but an act of justice to 
admit, that Christianity, however degenerate in their hands, 
did not become the source of incalculable crime or the uni- 
versal sapper of morality and virtue. Whether I look to 
the hardy population of Greece, fitted alike for war or agri- 
culture ; to her marine of several thousand ships, and above 
twenty thousand seamen, the most expert in Europe, or to 
her bays and harbours, more numerous and magnificent than 
any other country on earth, I should have no hesitation 
whatever in estimating the physical strength of regenerated 
Greece to be fully equal to that of the whole South Ameri- 
can continent. 

It was my intention to have entered into a minute exami- 
nation of the policy adopted by the members of the Holy 
Alliance and our own ministers, towards Greece, since the 
commencement of her eventful struggle ; but as this would 
lead into details for which there is neither time nor space 
left me at present, it must, like many other points, be re- 
served for future discussion. 

While the provisional government and people of Greece 

himself been the agent and contractor, Greece possesses the surest and 
most ample means of repayment. 

Is it not enough, I would ask, that the Jews should have borne so con- 
spicuous a part in the massacres of Constantinople, Smyrna, and Sa- 
lonica, without attempting to injure the fame and blast the hopes of the 
Greek people in England? And what construction can be put on such 
conduct, when it is asserted that the only hope the Jews have of being 
ever re-established on the soil of their ancestors, depends on the con- 
solidation of a power in Greece ? Paradoxical as the project of restor- 
ing the race of Abraham and Isaac may appear, it has been entertained, 
and propositions on the subject reached the provisional government 
during my visit to the Morea ; not with any view of their being carried 
into immediate erfect, for that was impossible, but as a matter for future 
consideration. It is scarcely necessary to add, that the jealousy and 
hatred which has long prevailed between the two sects, and which the 
atrocious conduct of the Jewish rabble of the capital, Macedon, and 
Asia Minor, has tended to increase tenfold, render an early approxirna 
lion quite impracticable. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 453 

are full of gratitude towards those generous spirits of Europe* 
who have come forward to soothe and assist them in this 
great trial of suffering and of sorrow, they know how to dis- 
criminate between the cabinets, allotting to each that share 
of obloquy which has fixe*] an indelible stain on statesmen, 
who could have so far misconceived the interests of Europe 
and of mankind, as to endeavour to thwart the success of a 
design, in which the interposition of the Divinity is, perhaps, 
more self-evident than in any other that could be cited. 
Looking too at the political system adopted since the fall of 
Napoleon, and the monstrous doctrines not only promulga- 
ted, but put into practice, from the partitions and spoliations 
decreed at Vienna in 1818, up to the invasion of Naples and 
subjugation of Spain in the present year, well may the 
Greeks look forward with mingled distrust and apprehen- 
sion, lest, when they shall have fought the battle and gained 
the victory, others may come in and enjoy the triumph. 

Although I cannot believe in the possibility of such art 
event, it would surely be a more scandalous violation of jus- 
tice and natural right, than has disgraced the annals of Eu- 
rope since the partition of Poland, were any of the great 
powers, either singly or together, to come forward in the pre- 
sent stage of the Greek contest, and dictate a form of govern- 
ment to the people of Greece ; much less to name a person 
to preside over their destinies. In allusion to those vague 
reports which are seldom without some foundation, either in 
the never ceasing projects of those who make a trade of hu- 
man liberty, or among the statesmen who move the springs 
of the Holy Alliance, it is, at least, due to the Greeks, that 
careful inquiry should be made as to the genius and habits of 
the people, as well as their general interests and wishes, be- 
fore any attempt be made to introduce the monarchical sys- 
tem among them. So far as my own observation and inquiry 
have extended, I should not hesitate to say, that any depart- 
ure from the federative system of Switzerland will be attend- 
ed with positive injury to Greece, and will totally neutralize 
all the beneficial effects to be anticipated from her regenera- 
tion. Though it may be safely asserted that the Greek peo- 
ple possess less of the revolutionary spirit, attributed to them 
by the Emperor Alexander and the Congress of Verona, than 
any other nation of Europe, it is equally true that there are 
no elements in Greece for establishing a monarchy. To say 
nothing of the endless expense and complicated machinery 
of such a government, where could a prince sent into Greete 

39* 



454 HISTORY OF THE 

by the Holy Alliance, find an aristocracy ? With the excep- 
tion of the primates, whose character has been drawn in a 
former chapter, the most perfect equality reigns throughout 
all classes, though this never degenerates into anarchy or a 
due want of respect. In addition to what has been said of 
the primates, it should be here observed, that from the former 
connection with the Turks, and their ready acquiescence in 
carrying the system of tyranny and extortion of the infidels 
into effect, they are, with a few honourable exceptions, re- 
garded as the greatest obstacles to the happiness of Greece 
and the consolidation of the government. Supposing, for a 
moment, that the great powers contemplate placing a sove- 
reign over the Greek people, would it be wise or politic to 
confer titles and distribute ribbons to some of the worst men 
and most unpopular individuals in the country ? In rejecting 
their services, on the other hand, he would create such a 
number of vindictive and powerful enemies, as might neutral- 
ize all his efforts to do good, if it did not endanger his power. 
For these men, in addition to their being deeply versed in 
the low intrigue and artful chicane, which so frequently find 
their way into courts, and compose all the political know- 
ledge of the men to whom I allude, have contrived to possess 
themselves of nearly all the wealth of the nation. The con- 
dition of a prince who should come to Greece, followed by a 
train of greedy and rapacious dependants, such as he might 
so easily select in any part of civilized Europe, maybe readily 
conceived, and requires no comment. 

While the disjointed and isolated nature of the Greek 
provinces, must add greatly to the difficulties of establishing 
a monarchy, by destroying that principle of unity so essential 
to such a form of government, this circumstance is highly 
favourable to the federate system, which can be maintained 
at a comparatively trifling expense, while it gives that digni- 
ty to each section of the confederation, without which, I 
really believe the Greeks would never appreciate the bless- 
ings of independence and freedom. In closing the few re- 
marks which I am now enabled to offer on the above impor- 
tant subject, it may be proper to add, that I am convinced I 
have expressed the universal sense of the Greek people, in 
recommending a federative rather than a monarchical form 
of government. 

Among other objections urged against the Greeks being 
alile to constitute themselves into a nation, it has been said 
thai there is not a sufficient share of talent amongst their 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 455 

public men to fill the offices, or wield the energies of a regu- 
lar government; that they are distracted among themselves; 
that nothing but foreign interference will enable them to ob- 
tain the blessings of regular government. With respect to 
the first objection, I admit that it would be exceedingly diffi- 
cult, if not impossible, to find the train of placemen included 
within the catalogue of ministers, secretaries, chamberlains, 
clerks, and that interminable list of employes required in a 
monarchy; but let the federative system, the best and cheap- 
est of all governments, be established, and Greece will be 
found to possess a far greater portion of really learned and 
well educated men, than the whole of the South American 
republics put together.* 

The dissensions of Greece have been a fertile source of 
delight to the enemies of the cause without, as, it must be 
confessed, they are one of its most corroding gangrenes with- 
in. But setting aside those innumerable causes of disunion 
arising from the late system, which was a refinement on the 
maxim of divide el impera, so well known in other countries 
of Europe, a system which laboured to place every family in 
hostility with each other, and would not allow harmony to ex- 
ist, is it for the politicians of Europe, where faction and par- 
ty reign triumphant, to reproach a people with their divi- 
sions, who have thrown off a yoke like that of Turkey, and 
been left to struggle for existence during three years, with- 
out aid from any quarter ? While those dissensions cannot 
be too deeply implored, it is of importance to state, that they 



* Although general politics have occupied a greater share of atten- 
tion in Greece than the mere abstract branches of legislation, still have 
many of the Greek students profited largely by the most popular and 
celebrated writers on public law and civil rights. The favourite au- 
thors are Vattel, Montesquieu. Felangieri, and Bentham, and their 
works are to be found in several collections. Like the lamented Lord 
Erskine, whose devotion in the cause of Greece shed such a bright 
halo round the last days of that great and good man, Mr. Bentham 
has given up all the energies of his powerful mind to the subject; and 
though Greece may not be enabled to profit, by his sublime and bene- 
volent labours so soon as the friends of humanity could wish, she alrea- 
dy appreciates their value, with a degree of gratitude and zeal that 
does her public men and citizens the very highest honour. 

Here 1 would have most willingly stopped to give some account of 
those men in Greece whose talents and virtues deserve to be better 
known in Europe ; but want of time obliges me to defer the pleasure L 
should have derived from the performance of so pleasing a duty, till a 
fulare day, which is not, 1 trust, far distant. 



456 HISTORY OF THE 

are confined to a very limited number of individuals, while 
the greatest harmony of thought and action has invariably 
prevailed between the people and their Representatives. 
This has been exemplified in so many instances, that it is a just 
theme of surprise and admiration with those who have watch- 
ed the progress of the struggle on the spot.* 

The extreme poverty of the government, and wealth of 



* Tt is a most remarkable fact, than in all disputes which have arisen 
between the leaders in Greece, the people have invariably maintained 
the strictest neutrality, never taking any share or mixing themselves up 
with either party. It would, in truth, be impossible to witness the 
celebrated, but not always infallible maxim, of vox j>opuli,vox Dei, more 
exactly realized than in the undeviating line of conduct observed by a 
people who had been so long erased from the list of nations. 

As connected in this subject, the circumstance detailed in my corres- 
pondence from Tripolizza is conclusive, and deserves to be repeated 
here. Colocotroni, whose ridiculous ambition and want of judgment, 
aided by the intrigues of a wretched adventurer called Nigris, who ob- 
tained the place of secretary of state in 1822, had succeeded in forming 
a small party against the executive in the early part of June, retired to 
a neighbouring village with the soldiers whom he had in his immediate 
pay. A string of conditions was thence sent to Government, setting 
forth the only terms upon which the refractory chief and his compa- 
nions would continue to acknowledge its authority. At this criti- 
cal juncture, when, as in other cases, the executive really possess- 
ed no means of making itself respected, it was apprehended by many 
of the Greeks themselves that a counter revolution might be the con- 
sequence of Colocotroni's folly. But what was The fact ? The execu- 
tive replied, that it was willing to submit all matters at issue to the 
representatives of the people assembled in the legislative body, who 
Were alone competent to decide between the parties. Not satisfied 
with this answer, the dissentients sent emissaries in various directions 
to apprise the local authorities that the functions of the executive 
were suspended ; and calling upon them to wait until a new set of 
members should assume the reins of government. Every one of 
these, without a single exception, was not only treated with the great- 
est contempt, but in some places narrowly escaped being stoned to 
death by the populace. — As to the leader of this cabal, he was, in less 
than three days after withdrawing from the seat of Government, left 
without a single attendant, and quite abandoned, when a deputation 
of citizens, who were anxious to make up the breach, went forth and 
brought him back, after which he made his submission before the ex- 
ecutive, and entreated they would employ him wherever they thought 
proper. But the most interesting part of the story remains to be 
told ; happening to attend the deliberation of the legislative body on 
(he following morning, I found the whole of the court-yard, up to the 
very entrance of the hall, filled witli peasants, and from the hundred 
voices which were raised on every side, I concluded that some new tu- 
mult had arisen : what was my surprise, on approaching Orlando, the 
President^ to hear, that the persons, occapying the court-yard aiid 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 457 

those who are so senseless as to imagine that they can have 
any interests separate from their rulers, will at once account 
for the dissensions which have unhappily taken place. Nor 
can it be denied that, considering the ignorance and want of 
principle betrayed by those captains and primates of the Mo- 
rea, who have been the sole promoters of discord, they may 
still continue to retard the great work of social and political 
organization ; but it will be a satisfaction to the friends of 
Greece to know that these men are not only very few in num- 
ber, and held in just abhorrence by the people, but so close- 
ly watched, that the time is not far distant when they will be 
called upon to render a terrible account for their misdeeds 
and perfidy. 

Had it not been for the new aspect assumed by the affairs 
of Greece, and those daily increasing successes which leave 
the conquest of their independence beyond any farther 
doubt, I should have felt myself called upon to offer a few 
remarks on a suggestion that was put forth at an earlier pe- 
riod of the contest, but which is now happily exploded. I 
allude to the possibility of an accommodation between the 
Greeks and their late tyrants. Monstrous as this thought 
now appears, I am sure it was brought forward with the best 
intentions, and in the hope that a still greater catastrophe 
might be thereby avoided. Had not the Greeks settled this 
point, both by their conduct and in their public declarations, 
oft repeated, I should have most certainly raised my feeble 
voice against an act that would have covered the whole of 
civilized Europe with irretrievable dishonour and obloquy. 
It would indeed have been an unexampled perversion of jus- 
tice and virtue, if, after the patriots had gained their virtual 
independence by the sacrifice of a hundred thousand of their 
countrymen, a third party, and that composed of Christians, 
had come forward and said, " return to the yoke, and we 
will take care that you shall be treated better in future.' , 
As well might the lion attempt to guarantee the lamb from 
the jaws of the tiger, as all the powers of Europe combined 
prevail on the Mahometans to change their nature, and 
abide any compact which they had previously determined to 
violate in all its parts.* 

stair-case, were inhabitants of the adjacent villages, who had come to 
complain of the requisitions made by Colocotroni and his friends, 
against the whole of whom they loudly invoked all the vengeance of 
the laws ! 
* In order to prevent misconception* I am bound to request that fh«* 



458 HISTORY OF THE 

In contemplating the probable future destinies of Greece, 
that is to say, should she be permitted to march onwards to- 
wards the goal of freedom and civilization undisturbed, a vast 
and highly interesting prospect opens to view : this is indeed 
so extehsive and interwoven with all the great interests of so- 
ciety, that a man who indulged in a tenth part of the specu- 
lations to which a consideration of the subject gives rise, 
might well be taken for a visionary, even at a time when the 
most wild and improbable schemes are not without their ad- 
mirers and advocates. 

Confining myself to the obvious and inevitable results of 
a Greek empire, founded on the basis of rational freedom and 
social order, it may surely be hailed as the natural prelude 
to spreading the seeds of knowledge and civilization through- 
out the fairest portions of the earth, and which, though so 
near Europe, have not advanced a single step in either, ever 
since the establishment of Mahometanism ; a religion fra- 
med as if had been intended to brutalize the human species, 
and deprive man of all that distinguishes him from the most 
abject of created beings. With respect to the effects of 
the Greek revolution in promptly extending the lights of 
civilization to Asia and Africa, I feel so confident on the 
subject, that I do not hesitate to prophecy that a very short 
period must elapse before it seems self evident to the most 
short-sighted politician, while those who are watching the 
progress of events in the Mediterranean, already perceive 
the benign effects of the Greek struggle. Is it for a mo- 
ment to be imagined, that the successive defeats of those ill- 
fated hordes whom the Porte has sacrificed year after year 
in this war, have not been attributable as much to a con- 
sciousness that they were contending against justice and 
virtue, as to their natural incapacity and cowardice ? — Though 
it may be impossible to give these wretched instruments of 
tyranny and brute force credit for reflection or foresight, 
yet are there good grounds for believing, that even the Turk- 



above observation may not be construed into any disrespect for the 
opinions of those who once thought that terms could be made between 
the Greeks and their tyrants ; Mr. C. B. Sheridan was one of those 
who alluded to the above plan in his able and elegant pamphlet, but 
has not hesitated to adopt those modifications rendered expedient by 
subsequent events. I may be here permitted to congratulate the 
country on possessing a young man who seems to have inherited all 
those qualities of the head and heart which have conferred immortality 
on his. late father. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 459 

ish soldiery has began to think. There has most assuredly 
been ample cause for this desideratum, and should all I have 
heard on the subject be true, Europe will not have long to 
await the consequence. Hopeless as the case may be, who 
knows but that the miracle of witnessing the sanguinary and 
destructive doctrines of Mahomet melt away before the light 
of truth and reason, will yet be added to that of the regene^ 
ration of Greece ; and surely the most distant probability 
of such a triumph — a triumph to which all other triumphs 
would be insignificant, ought to be more than sufficient to 
open the eyes of the European monarchs, stimulating them 
to go hand in hand in promoting, instead of thwarting that 
which could only emanate from a great and omnipotent God, 
who, whatever sophists may say, or philosophers dream, is 
no/ indifferent to the happiness of his creatures ! 

The minor interests of the three great Powers most deep- 
ly interested in the result of the Greek struggle, though tri- 
fling compared with the foregoing considerations, are still 
highly important, and deserve to be treated with great deli- 
cacy, and judgment, to prevent a collision, not less fatal to 
the interests of humanity than subversive of the peace of Eu- 
rope. As to the Porte, the person who would say that its 
power is anything more than nominal, might well be accused 
of something beyond a wish to deceive. It is equally certain, 
that after having been tolerated for three centuries by the 
mistaken policy or imbecility of its neighbours, it is now so- 
reduced as to render the final crumbling of the crazy and un- 
natural edifice neither remote nor problematical. The great 
question which arises, and it is a most difficult one, w r ho is 
to occupy the ground ? Aware of the inconveniences which 
would necessarily attend too great an extension of their fron- 
tier line, the provisional government, as well as the best poli- 
ticians in Greece, have decided that the Axius or Vandar, 
which separates Thessaly from Macedon, is their best and. 
safest line of demarcation in the north, while they cannot 
leave those Islands of the Archipelago in which the Greek 
population predominates, without a dereliction of religion 
and duty. Should this line be conceded, as there is no doubt 
of its ultimate conquest, an immense and fertile territory will 
still remain in the hands of the Turks, and may be retained 
by the Porte until the arrival of one of those shocks, which 
it would be arguing a total ignorance of probabilities and 
natural march ot' human events not to anticipate. 

Takingit for granted, that Turkey will be allowed to abide 



460 HISTORY OF THE * 

those chances to which the best established governments 
are liable ; for in losing Greece, she has only followed the 
fate of England and France with regard to North America 
and St. Domingo, witfy the very natural difference that the 
Christian powers had some rights over colonies of their 
own creation ; I can only now foresee a source of dispute 
in the arrangements with regard to the principalities on the 
east, and of Bosnia and Servia on the north. However de- 
sirous the friends of peace and freedom may be, to check 
the growing and inevitable power of Russia, it is surely most 
selfish and ungenerous, to prefer seeing the Turkish yoke 
prolonged in Moldavia and Wallachia, rather than they 
should pass under Russian protection. The increase of 
territory which these two provinces would give tq Russia, 
would certainly be considerable, but a variety of circum- 
stances induce me to believe that their value is greatly over- 
rated in a political point of view, and that they would not 
augment that power in any material degree, at the least 
for many years : and time to consolidate the new power is 
required. In all her wars with the Porte, Russia has never 
experienced the smallest difficulty in occupying these princi- 
palities, which besides having no strong holds, are without 
ports, the grand object of Russian ambition. That the de- 
plorable state of the unfortunate inhabitants of Moldavia 
and Wallachia calls aloud for interference, and that it would 
be an act of the greatest cruelty again to place them under a 
power, whose system of rule has caused all their miseries, 
will scarcely be denied by those who most dread the advance 
of Russia on the south. Should any arrangement take 
place, by which those provinces were enabled to approxi- 
mate towards liberal institutions, even under the auspices of 
Russia, every excuse for keeping up the present contentious 
system with the Porte must be at once removed, nor would 
it then be too much for the two powers most interested, to 
notify the cabinet of St. Petersburgh, that the passage of the 
Danube, by a Russian army, would be considered as a decla- 
ration of war against them both. Those who are acquaint- 
ed with the secrets of the diplomatic circles, assert, that 
Austria has said to Russia, on more than one occasion, " If 
you occupy the principalities in perpetuity, I will incorpo- 
rate Bosnia and Servia." This species of argument is so 
consonant with the system of policy usually pursued by the 
great powers, who seem only intent on enlarging their terri- 
tory, without any regard to the feelings or interests of those 



GEEEK REVOLUTION. 461 

most deeply concerned, that there is probably some truth in 
the assertion. Be this as it may ; if the ambition of Aus- 
tria is not to be satisfied in any other way, than by the oc- 
cupation of these two provinces, it would be infinitely better 
to admit of their appropriation by that power, than to encou- 
rage the pretensions which the cabinet of Vienna will be in- 
cessantly putting forward with regard to the affairs of Greece 
and Turkey. Humiliating as it may be to say, in speaking 
of a Christian state, that it is almost doubtful, whether the 
Bosnians and Servians would be better under the Turks than 
under the Austrians, for they are now in the enjoyment of 
comparative independence ; still it may be safely concluded* 
that they would not lose by the change. It is scarcely ne- 
cessary to add, that the object of these cursory observations 
is to prove, that so far as British influence and policy are 
concerned, neither Russia nor Austria ought to interfere un- 
necessarily, nor exercise too great a preponderance in the 
affairs of Turkey ; and that however tamely England maj^ 
look on while these two powers are coming to an under- 
standing with each other about the frontier provinces, which 
seem, indeed, to be for ever lost to the Porte, one step be- 
yond them should be considered as an act of open hostility 
to Great Britain. 

Should the smallest importance be attached to the desultD- , 
jy thoughts thus thrown out, it is scarcely necessary to say, 
that a new and highly interesting field is open to British poli- 
cy in the east of Europe. Although there are persons who 
perceived that we might have achieved wonders soon after 
the victories in Egypt, capture of Malta, and more especially, 
the acquisition of the Ionian Islands, individuals who must 
ever deplore the manner in which such a combination of ad- 
vantageous circumstances has been neglected, both as they 
regard our relations with the Barbary pirates, and other states 
bordering on the Mediterranean, it has now become doubly 
incumbent on England to take care that neither her power 
shall be sapped, nor her popularity totally destroyed in this 
quarter ; and it is only by the nomination of men distinguish- 
ed for their talents, humanity, and virtue, that this object can 
be attained. If it had been among the most palpable politi- 
cal errors of a late minister, that he thought it of very little 
consequence whether we were beloved or hated in the Ionian 
Islands, his successors will know how to appreciate a policy, 
not less injurious to England, than derogatory from the cha- 
racter of a wise statesman ; while it requires but a very small 

40 



468 HISTORY OF THE 

portion of sagacity to perceive that the time has arrived, 
when conciliation and atonement are alone likely to regain 
the good opinion and confidence of a people whose attach- 
ment has become of infinite importance within the last three 
years.* 

With respect to the part we have to act towards Greece 
and Turkey, it is at once the most difficult and enviable 
which ever fell to the lot of England ; and one in which a 



* However anxious I may feel to avoid every thing savouring of per- 
sonality in these pages, there are cases in which the interests of my 
country, no less than those of truth, require a departure from the gene- 
ral rule ; and it is indeed impossible to pass over the conduct of the 
consuls employed by the Levant Company towards the Greeks, without 
describing it as most disgraceful to England, and injurious to the British 
character. There is no necessity for naming the individuals comprised 
in this remark ; they are too well known to require any further expo- 
sure, and too deeply marked with the execration of a whole people to 
render any additional epithets necessary. 

Without now entering into an examination of the total inutility of 
continuing the charter of a company of traders to the Levant, or expa- 
tiating on the positive mischief done to commerce by its existence, it is 
chiefly important to call the attention of Ministers to the abuses which 
are practised by the monstrous privilege of covering foreign bottoms 
with our flag in the Mediterranean, and allowing consuls intended to 
represent a great nation, and to support its dignity, to enter into all the 
' grovelling speculations of petty traders. It is a fact worthy of notice, 
Qiat although there is not an individual in the foreign office, even to the 
lowest clerk, ignorant of the glaring defects of our consular system, and 
that although the evils connected with it have been accumulating for 
these twenty years, not a single measure should have been adopted in 
the whole of that long space to remedy the inconveniences so often and 
loudly complained of, while other countries have made such immense 
strides in diplomacy of every kind. 

The striking contrast between the policy of Russia towards the Ioni 
an Islands, and that adopted by England, is worthy of the most particu- 
lar attention on the part of government. As if they had only waited 
for an opportunity of proving their anxiety to promote the happiness of 
the Greeks, their first measure was the establishment of a septinsular 
republic. This of itself, unattended by any advantages, had a wonder- 
ful effect in securing popularity. But the Russians did more : they set 
about correcting many of the abuses, and u.ougli the state of Europe, 
as well as the exhausted condition of the Islands, rendered it impossible 
to make any very rapid advances towards improvement, nothing could 
be more conciliatory than the general tendency of their system of go- 
vernment. The similarity of religion, and frequent intermarriages 
between Russians and natives, have had a great effect in perpetuating 
the sentiments which still prevail in favour of Russia. 

It was Russia that first adopted the excellent idea of organizing the. 
Greeks into regular regiments. 



GREEK REVOLUTION. 463 

minister might immortalize his name. Although there is at 
this period of the contest between the Christians and their 
infidel oppressors, no merit in perceiving that we are bound 
by every tie, human and divine, to espouse the cause of re- 
ligion and humanity, yet is there a noble field open for me- 
diation and council, environed as the Porte is by enemies 
who only seek its destruction : there is no power to which 
it can look for support but England ; and the time may even 
arrive when, rather than see it crushed by a third party, we 
should become its allies, as on former occasions. How im- 
portant, therefore, is it, that we should prevent the prosecu- 
tion of a contest, which, if continued another year or two, 
will utterly exhaust the power of Turkey, and place it at the 
mercy of the first comer? On the other hand, does not hu- 
manity and policy dictate, that a Gtop should be put to the 
effusion of human blood and protraction of human misery, 
which cannot be of any earthly use? It is notorious, that 
besides the loss of two hundred thousand souls, Turkey has 
expended more money in prosecuting the war in Greece, 
than she ever did while engaged in hostility with Russia 
herself. 

But I will not pursue a subject which must be so obvious 
to superficial reasoners ; and in concluding these remarks, 
I have merely to express a hope that, without arrogating 
any undue influence over Greece, or showing that there is 
the smallest tincture of selfishness in our policy towards that 
country, our cabinet may know how to convince the people, 
that, if it be the interest of England to prevent the Porte 
from too sudden a dissolution, it is infinitely more important 
for her glory and interests, that a new and powerful state 
should be established in the east of Europe.* 

♦Blaquierc, vol. i. p. 300 — 335. 



THE 

LAST DAYS OF LORD BYRON,* 

COMMUNICATED FROM ZANTE TO A FRIEND IN ENGLAND. 



To aid thy mind's developement — to watch 
Thy dawn of little joys, — to sit and see 
Almost thy very growth, — to view thee catch 
Knowledge of objects, — wonders yet to thee 1 
To hold thee lightly on a gentle knee, 
And print on thy soft cheek a parent's kiss, — 
This, it should seem, was not reserved for me ; 

Yet this was in my nature ! 

Childe Harold's Pilgrimage, Canto 1IJ. 



Zante, May 1 5th, 1824. 

As the hasty lines addressed to you immediately after 
my arrival here, did little more than confirm the death of 
Lord Byron, it now remains for me to communicate such 
particulars relative to that melancholy event, as may tend to 
satisfy the curiosity of our friends in England, while they 
will best account for the deep regret so universally express* 
ed by all classes of the Greeks, at having been so premature- 
ly deprived of their late illustrious benefactor and friend. 

You are already aware that his Lordship arrived in Cephas 
Ionia from Leghorn, in the early part of August, attended by 
a suite of six or seven individuals, and in an English vessel 
which he had hired for the express purpose of conveying him 
to Greece. It was however arranged, and I had, indeed, 
strongly recommended it in my letters from Tripolizza, that 
he should touch either at Zante or Cephalonia, previously to 
landing on the continent. Anxious to avoid compromising 
the authorities, his Lordship determined to remain on board 

*No apology is considered necessary for the republication of this in j 
^resting account of the last illness and death of Lord Byron, since, by 
a detail of his conduct and actions while in Greece, it becomes intimate- 
ly connected with the history of the revolution ; and besides, it has 
never, it is believed, been published in this country. It is written by 
Edward Blaquiere, Esq. who collected his information on the spot, d&d 
s£ thcieiflxe from the best authority. 

4G* 



466 APPENDIX. 

the vessel until information could be obtained from the seat 
of government, to which Mr. Hamilton Browne, who had 
accompanied him from Italy, was despatched soon after his 
arrival. There being no tidings from this gentleman before 
the expiration of the charter party, his Lordship thought it 
needless to renew it, as he could always procure Ionian ves- 
sels, and therefore at length determined on disembarking- 
Wishing, however, to live as retired as possible, he proceed- 
ed to the small village of Metaxata, within five or six miles 
of Argostoli. Whilst he remained in this retreat, a consider- 
able portion of his time was occupied in reading ; he also 
rode out daily ; and though he could only be prevailed on to 
dine out once, those who came to visit his Lordship, were 
received with the greatest kindness and hospitality. Every 
account I have heard, agrees in stating, that all who approach- 
ed his person were highly delighted with the affability and 
good humour he displayed during the whole period of his 
stay in the island. Nor had he been there many days, be- 
fore several indigent Greek families, exiles and inhabitants, 
experienced his wonted munificence. 

It is reported that one of his visitors at Metaxata, who is 
in communication with the Societies for propagating Chris- 
tian Knowledge, availed himself of the occasion to instil the 
importance of religious meditation and scriptural truth, into 
the mind of one who had the reputation of not holding either 
in sufficient reverence, and that although some ludicrous 
scenes occurred in the course of their interviews, the ad- 
monitory party was treated with the utmost kindness, and 
full credit given to him for the purity of his intentions. 

On hearing of Lord Byron's arrival, which he had indeed 
been long prepared to expect, Prince Mavrocordato, who 
was at Hydra, despatched his secretary to welcome the dis- 
tinguished visitor, and when the two Greek deputies now in 
England, were about to depart on their mission, they were 
directed to call at Cephalonia, with a letter from the Execu- 
tive Government, thanking the noble Lord for his generous 
devotedness to the cause of Greece, and inviting him to pass 
over to the continent, where it was believed his presence 
would be the best guarantee of their future success. Two 
vessels of war were at the same time tendered for the pur- 
pose of conveying him to any point of the confederation 
at which he might think proper to land. 

Messrs. Barff and Hancock of Cephalonia and Zante, hav-r 
ing heard of the cftgicatties experienced by Lord Byron in 



APPENDIX. 467 

procuring money from those to whom he had brought letters 
of credit from Italy, very handsomely offered to supply him 
with whatever funds he might require. Every impediment 
being thus removed, two Ionian vessels were immediately 
hired, and having directed his horses and effects to be em- 
barked, his Lordship sailed from Argostoli on the 29th of 
December, anchoring here the same evening. The whole of 
the following day was occupied in making pecuniary arrange- 
ments with Mr. Barf]', and after receiving a quantity of specie 
on board, he proceeded towards Missolonghi, that being the 
point of Greece most exposed to danger, and destitute of sup- 
plies. In this short passage, two accidents occurred, which 
might have been attended with very serious consequences. 
Count Gamba, who accompanied his Lordship from Leghorn, 
had been charged with the vessel in which the horses, and 
part of the money, were embarked; when off Chiarenza, 
a point lying between this island and the place of their desti- 
nation, they were surprised at day-light, on finding themselves 
under the bows of a Turkish frigate. Owing, however, to the 
activity displayed on board Lord Byron's vessel, and her su- 
perior sailing, she escaped ; while the second was fired at, 
brought to, and carried into Patras. Gamba and his com- 
panions being taken before Isouf Pacha, fully expected to 
share the fate of the unfortunate men, whom that sanguinary 
chief sacrificed last year at Prevesa, though also taken under 
the Ionian flag ; and their fears would most probably have 
been realized, had it not been for the presence of mind dis- 
played by the Count. Aware that nothing but stratagem 
and effrontery could now save him, he no sooner saw himself 
in the Pacha's power, than assuming an air of hauteur and 
indifference, he accused the captain of the frigate of a scan- 
dalous breach of neutrality, in firing at and detaining a vessel 
under English colours ; and concluded by informing Isouf, 
that he might expect the vengeance of England in thus in- 
terrupting a British Nobleman, who was merely on his travels, 
and bound to Calamos. Whether the infidel chief believed 
Gamba's story, or that he did not like to proceed to extremi- 
ties, appears uncertain. Scarcely, however, had the Count 
Ceased, and orders been given to put the crew in irons, than 
the master of the vessel, advancing towards the captain, 
quietly demanded, whether he had forgotten Spiro, who fif- 
teen years before, had .saved his life in the Black Sea. The 
Turk, looking steadfastly at him for a lew moments, exclaim- 
ed, " What! can it be Spiro?" and, springing forward, e»« 



468 APPENDIX. 

braced his former deliverer with the utmost transport, and- 
not only consented to the vessel's release, but treated the 
whole party with the most courteous attention. As to the 
Pacha, he not only provided a dinner, but invited them to 
take a day's shooting in the neighbourhood. Gamba gladly 
accepted these unexpected hospitalities, and, sailing the next 
day, passed over to Missolonghi, where, to his great surprise, 
Lord Byron had not yet arrived. 

Owing to the wind becoming contrary soon after his es- 
cape from the Turkish frigate, Lord Byron's vessel took 
shelter at the Scrofes, a cluster of rocks within a few miles 
of Missolonghi ; but as this place afforded no means of de- 
fence, in the event of an attack, it Was thought advisable to 
remove to Dragomeste, where every preparation was made 
in case of their being pursued by any of the enemy's cruisers. 

Having remained three days at Dragomeste, the wind 
Came round, and allowed his Lordship once more to set sail. 
On hearing what had happened, Prince Mavrocordato did 
not lose a moment in despatching a gun-boat to accompany 
his Lordship, while a portion of the Greek squadron stationed 
at Missolonghi, were also ordered to cruise in the offing, and 
prevent the Turkish vessels from approaching the coast. 
On coming up with his Lordship, one of the Greek captains 
sent a boat on board, inviting him to make the remainder oi 
the passage in his ship ; this offer being declined, for there 
Was now but a very short distance to proceed, they made 
sail towards Missolonghi. As if, however, the whole voyage 
Was to be ominous of some future calamity, the vessel had 
not proceeded many miles before she grounded on a shoal 
near the Scrofes, and would probably have remained there, 
had it not been for the activity of Fletcher, his Lordship's 
Valet, and Batista, the courier, both whom jumped into the 
water and pushed the vessel off, whilst their master urged 
the captain and crew to exert themselves, instead of invoking 
the saints, as is customary with Catholic and Greek sailors 
On such occasions. 

The wind continuing to blow directly against them, the 
vessel was again anchored between two of the numerous 
islets which line this part of the coast. Several gun-boats 
having been despatched from Missolonghi to accompany his 
Lordship, he weighed anchor once more, but was under the 
necessity of bringing to a second time, nor could he reach 
the anchorage before the following day. 

The reception of Lord Byron at Missolojighi, where ht. 



APPENDIX. 469 

landed on the 5lh of January, was most enthusiastic. On ap- 
proaching Vasiladi, each ship of the squadron that lay an- 
chored off the castle, fired a salute as he passed. When he 
landed, Prince Mavrocordato and all the authorities, toge- 
ther with the whole of the troops and population, were assem- 
bled on the beach to greet his arrival ; while proceeding to 
the house that had been prepared for him, a discharge of 
twenty-one guns took place from the batteries, whilst the 
welcoming huzzas of the multitude continued long after he 
had retired. Nothing could exceed the eagerness with 
which his presence had been looked for at Missolonghi ; he 
could not have arrived more opportunely, and it must be con- 
fessed, that his subsequent conduct proved that the inhabi- 
tants had not formed an incorrect estimate of him who had 
so lately quitted all the blandishments of Italy, to join the 
standard of the Cross in regenerated Greece. 

The very first day of his Lordship's arrival was signalized 
by his rescuing a Turk, who had fallen into the hands of 
some Greek sailors. The individual thus saved, having 
been clothed by his orders, was kept in the house until an 
opportunity occurred of sending him to Patras. His Lord- 
ship had not been many days at Missolonghi, before he had 
an opportunity of shewing his sense of Isouf Pacha's modera- 
tion, in releasing Count Gamba. Hearing that there were four 
Turkish prisoners in the town, he requested Prince Mavro- 
cordato to place them in his hands. This being immediate- 
ly granted, they were, on the next day, sent to Patras, with 
the following letter. 

"Highness; 

" A vessel in which a friend and some domestics of mine 
were embarked, was detained a few days ago and released 
by order of your Highness ; I have now to thank you, not 
for liberating the vessel, which as carrying a neutral flag, and 
being under British protection, no one had a right to detain, 
but for having treated my friends with so much kindness 
while they were in your hands. 

" In the hope that it may not be altogether displeasing to 
your Highness, I have requested the Governor of this place 
to release four Turkish prisoners, and he has humanely con* 
sented to do so. I lose no time, therefore, in sending them 
back, in order to make as early a return as I could, fox 
your courtesy on the late occasion. These prisoners are 
derated without any conditions ; but should the clrcum* 



470 APPENDIX. 

stance find a place in your recollection, I venture to beg that 
vour Highness will treat such Greeks as may henceforth fall 
into your hands, with humanity ; more especially as the hor- 
rors of war are sufficiently great in themselves, without be- 
ing aggravated by wanton cruelties on either side. 
" Missolonghi, Jan. 23, 1824. 

Noel Byron." 

The above act was followed by another, not less entitled 
to praise, while it proves how anxious his Lordship felt to 
give a new turn to the system of warfare hitherto pursued. 
A Greek cruiser having captured a Turkish boat in which 
there were a number of passengers, chiefly women and chil- 
dren, these being also placed in the hands of Lord Byron at 
his particular request, a vessel was immediately hired, and 
the whole of them sent to Prevesa, provided with every re- 
quisite for their voyage. The letter which accompanied 
them was couched in a similar spirit to the former ; it was 
answered by the English consul, Mr. Meyer, who thanked his 
Lordship in the name of Beker Aga, the Turkish governor, 
and concluded by an assurance that he would take care equal 
attention should be in future shown to the Greeks who fell 
into his hands. 

The first great proof given by Lord Byron, that his visit 
to Greece was not one of mere curiosity, was evinced in his 
advancing thirty thousand dollars to the provisional Govern- 
ment. This sum was appropriated to the payment of the 
fleet, and in obtaining supplies for Missolonghi. From the 
distress which prevailed at this moment, the above supply 
was of infinite service to the cause. The enthusiasm of his 
Lordship may be imagined, from the following short sen- 
tence, with which he concludes a letter of business to Mr. 
BarfFnot many days after his landing. 

" I hope things here will go well some time or other. I 
will stick by the cause as long as a cause exists, first or se- 
cond." 

It had previously been arranged, that Lord Byron should 
be allowed to organize a corps, of which the command was 
to be given to himself. This now became the object of his 
most ardent solicitude. Finding that the Suliotes, of 
whom there happened to be a large body in the town, were 
anxious to acquire a knowledge of the evolutions of Europe.* 
numbers of them were enrolled, and the English and Ger* 
mm volunteers appointed to superintend their organization* 



APPENDIX. 471 

Both these operations succeeded with such rapidity, that a 
corps of five hundred men were clothed, armed, and ready 
to take the field, before his Lordship had been a month at 
Missolonghi. 

Mavrocordato had meditated an attack on the fortress of 
Lepanto, and as the military stores, sent out by the Greek 
Committee, afforded the means of bringing some field pieces 
against the walls, it was settled that Lord Byron should pro- 
ceed on the intended service at the head of his brigade : and 
from the preparation that had been made, no doubt what- 
ever was entertained of the speedy surrender of a place, that 
would render the Greeks masters of the Gulf of Lepanto. 
In order to facilitate this desirable event, a negotiation had 
been secretly entered into, with the Albanian portion of the 
garrison, who consented to retire, if paid their arrears. In- 
deed this matter was quite settled, and his Lordship on the 
point of marching, when an unexpected accident prevented 
the execution of his design. One of the Suliotes having 
presented himself at Lord Byron's door, while he was con- 
ferring on some matters of importance, with Prince Ma- 
vrocordato, he insisted on being admitted, and being opposed 
by a German officer, named Sass, who was in waiting, a vio- 
lent altercation ensued. This was followed by a personal 
contest, in which the German lost his life. As may well be 
supposed, an incident like the above, unexampled as it was 
during the whole war, created a general ferment throughout 
the garrison. The first movement of the inhabitants and 
foreigners, was to insist on the Suliote's being given up to 
justice. The demand was however resisted by his country- 
men, on the plea that their companion had been struck in 
the first instance, and this was a degradation which no Suli- 
ote ever suffered with impunity. 

The intention of proceeding against Lepanto, being thus 
suspended, just as Lord Byron's enthusiasm was at its height ; 
and when he had fully calculated on striking a blow, which 
could not fail to be of infinite importance to the Greek cause, 
no wonder that such an unlooked for disappointment should 
have preyed upon his spirits, and produced a degree of irri- 
tability, which, if it was not the direct cause, no doubt main- 
ly contributed to the severe fit of epilepsy with which he was 
attacked on the night of the 15th of February, while conver- 
sing with one of his attendants, and when he was apparently 
in perfect health. After having remained in a state of insen- 
sibility for some time, he gradually revived, upon which Dr. 



472 APPENDIX. 

Bruno, an Italian medical attendant, who accompanied him 
from Leghorn, had recourse to bleeding, by applying a num- 
ber of leeches to the veins of the temples. From the man- 
ner in which this remedy was applied, it was with great diffi- 
culty, and only by the application of powerful styptics, that 
the flow of blood could be stopped.* A person who was 
present when the attack commenced, and attended while the 
leeches were applied, informs me that eleven hours elapsed 
before the bleeding entirely ceased. 

No account of his Lordship's illness reached this place, 
(Zante,) before the 22d ; it was then announced to Mr. Barff, 
by his secretary, Zambelli, who merely stated that his Lord- 
ship had experienced a severe convulsive attack, on the 
night of the 15th; that though it had left him in a state of 
excessive debility, nothing serious was apprehended. The 
paragraph concluded by stating, that his Lordship had taken 
a long excursion on the water that very day, and felt much 
better. There being some delay in despatching this letter, 
the third page contained a note from Lord Byron himself, 
from which the following is an extract : — 

" I am a good deal better, though, of course, weakly ; the 
leeches took too much blood from my temples the day after, 
and there was some difficulty in stopping it, but I have since 
been up daily, and out in boats or on horseback ; to-day I 
have taken a warm bath, and live as temperately as well can 
be, without any liquid but water, and without animal food." 
His Lordship then adds — " Besides the four Turks sent to 
Patras, I have obtained the release of four-and- twenty wo- 
men and children, and sent them to Prevesa, that the English 
consul general may consign them to their relatives. I did 
(his at their own desire." After recurring to some other 
subjects, the letter concludes thus : — " Matters here are a 



* The following humorous account of his Lordship's illness, by him- 
self, has been shown to me since my return to England ; it is an extract 
from a letter to Mr. Murray, his publisher; " On Sunday, (the 15th, I 
believe,) I had a strong and sudden convulsive attack, which left me 
speechless, though not motionless, for some strong men could not hold 
me ; but whether it was epilepsy, cachexy, apoplexy, or what other 
exy or epsy, the doctors have not decided: or whether it was spasmo- 
dic or nervous, &c. but it was very unpleasant, and nearly carried me 
off, and all that. On Monday they put leeches to my temples, no diffi- 
cult matter, but the blood could not be stopped till eleven at night, (they 
had gone too near the temporal artery, for my temporal safety,) and 
neither styptic nor caustic, would cauterize the orifice, till after a hun- 
dred attempts." 



APPENDIX. 413 

Kttle embroiled between the Souliotes, foreigners, &c. but I 
still hope better things, and will stand by the cause so long 
as my health and circumstances will permit me to be sup- 
posed useful." A marginal note toZambelli's letter says, — 
"I will do what lean in this affair, and have a promise of his 
life from Prince M." This sentence relates to a criminal, 
who had been condemned to death by the tribunals of Misso- 
longhi, but in whose favour intercession was made from this 
place. The next letter received from Zambelli, contained 
the following short allusion to the state of his Lordship's 
health : — " I am obliged to support the government here at 
present ;* my health seems improving, from riding and the 
warm bath." The convalescence proceeded so rapidly, that 
his Lordship was enabled to resume his usual duties by the 
end of the month ; these were divided between the organi- 
zation of his brigade, and aiding Mavrocordato to heal the 
dissensions of the Morea. 

A letter to Mr. Barff, dated the 5th of March, concerning 
the Primate of Gastouni, says : — " If Sessini is sincere, he 
will be treated with, and well treated; if he is not, the sin 
and the shame will lie at his own door. One great object is, 
to heal these internal dissentions for the future, without ex- 
acting a too rigorous account of the past. The Prince Mav- 
rocordato is of the same opinion; and whoever is disposed 
to act fairly will be fairly dealt with. I have heard a good 
deal of Sessini, but not a deal of good. However, I never 
judge by report, particularly in a revolution. Personally, I 
am rather obliged to him, for he has been very hospitable 
to all friends of mine who have passed through his district. 
You may therefore answer him, that any overtures for the 
advantage of Greece, and its internal pacification, will be 
readily and sincerely met here. I hardly think he would 
have ventured a deceitful proposition to me through you, be- 
cause he must be sure that, in such case, it would be event- 
ually exposed. At any rate, the healing of these dissentions 
is so important a point, that something must be risked to ob- 
tain it." 

Notwithstanding the improvement in his Lordship's health, 
his friends here felt from the first, that he ought to try- 
change of air ; and a letter, strongly urging his return to 

*ln allusion to his having lent the Creeks 30,000 dollars on his ar- 
rival. 

41 



474 APPENDIX. 

Zante, was written to him by Mr. Barff early in March, to 
which the following reply was received on the 10th : — 

" I am extremely obliged by your offer of your country 
house, (as for all other kindness,) in case that my health 
should require any removal ; but I cannot quit Greece while 
there is any chance of my being of (even supposed) utility; 
there is a stake worth millions such as I am, and while I can 
stand at all, I must stand by the cause. While I say this, I 
am aware of the difficulties, and dissentions, and defects of 
the Greeks themselves ; but allowances must be made for 
them by all reasonable people." 

According as the convalescence of his Lordship improved, 
his letters become more and more important; that of the 
22d, also to his agent, will best explain. the nature of his oc- 
cupations, as well as the admirable zeal with which he pur- 
sued the object of his visit to Greece. 

"If the Greek deputies (as seems probable) have obtained 
their loan, the sums I have advanced may perhaps be repaid ; 
but it would make no great difference, as I should still spend 
that in the cause, and more to boot, though I hope to better 
purpose than hitherto. In a few days Prince Mavrocordato 
and myself, with a considerable escort, intend to proceed to 
Salona, at the request of Ulysses, and the chiefs of eastern 
Greece, and to take measures, offensive and defensive, for 
the ensuing campaign. Mavrocrodato is almost recalled by 
the new Government to the Morea, (to take the lead, I ra- 
ther think,) and they have written to propose to me, to go 
either to the Morea with him, or to take the general direction 
of affairs in this quarter, with General Londo, and any other 
I may choose, to form a council. Andreas Londo is my old 
friend and acquaintance, since we were lads in Greece to- 
gether.* It would be difficult to give a positive answer, till 
the Salona meeting is over; but I am willing to serve them 
in any capacity they please, either commanding or command- 
ed ; it is much the same to me, as long as I can be of any 
presumed use to them. Excuse haste — it is late, and I have 
been several hours on horseback in a country so miry after 
the rains, that every hundred yards brings you to a brook or 
a ditch, of whose depth, width, colour, and contents, both my 
horses and their riders have brought away many tokens." 

The only allusion to public matters, contained in the re- 

* Lord Byron, as we have already stated, made the tour of Greece 
with Mr. Hobhouse, in 1810. 



APPENDIX. 475 

inainder of this communication, the last received from his 
Lordship, is as follows : 

" There is a dissension amongst the Germans about the 
conduct of the agents of their committees, and an examina- 
tion amongst themselves is instituted. What the result may 
be, cannot be anticipated. The English are all very amica- 
ble, as far as I know; and we get on too with the Greeks 
very tolerably, always making allowances for circumstances; 
and we have no quarrels with the oilier foreigners." 

It was, however, while his Lordship continued to be the 
benefactor of all around him, and the successful mediator 
between each, party, that a severe cold, with which he was 
seized on the 9th of April, after being exposed to a heavy 
fall of rain, and unable to change his dress for some hours, 
brmijfht oil an inflammatory fever, which was destined to 
deprive Greece of her most valuable friend, and England of 
a poet, whom posterity will probably place next to the bard 
of Stratford-upon-Avon, in all that constitutes originality, 
strength, and pathos. 

Aware or the intense interest, which you will attach to the 
last illness of such a man, I have been most sedulous in my 
inquiries among those who either attended or were about 
his person, from the 9th up to the period of his dissolution. 
Having more particularly addressed myself to Fletcher, his 
valet, whose constant attendance on Lord Byron for twenty 
years, is his best panegyric, while it furnishes the surest 
guarantee for the veracity of fris statements,* I cannot do 
better than transcribe the narrative of this faithful follower, 
who mourns the loss of his master in a manner the most af- 
fecting and unsophisticated. In presenting Fletchers ac- 
count, it may be proper to ad;'., (hat with the exception of a 
few i erbal alterations, the whole of the facts are stated as I 
have received them. 

" My master continued his usual custom of riding daily, 
when the weather would permit, until the 9th of April; but 
on that ill-fated da; vesry wet, and on his return 

home his Lordship (hanged the whole of his dress, but he 



* It has afforded me the utmost pleasure to hear from Fletcher him- 
self, that the executors have acted very liberally towards this honest 
servant of Lord Byrou. Indeed, the mere circumstance of his having 
remained so many years about the person of his Lordship, is highly 
creditable to himself, while it would be scarcely possible to give a more 
convincing answer to many of those calumnies which have assailed the 
memory of his lamented master. 



476 APPENDIX 

had been too long in his wet clothes, and the cold of which 
he had complained, more or less, ever since we left Cepha- 
Ionia, made this attack be more severely felt. Though rather 
feverish during the night, he slept pretty well, but complain- 
ed in the morning of a pain in his bones, and a headache : 
this did not, however, prevent him from taking a ride in the 
afternoon, which I grieve to say, was his last. On his re- 
turn, my master said, that the saddle was not perfectly dry, 
from being so wet the day before, and observed, that he 
thought it had made him worse. His Lordship was again 
\ r isited by the same slow fever, and I was sorry to perceive, 
on the next morning, that his illness appeared to be increa- 
sing. He was very low, and complained of not having had 
any sleep during the night. His appetite was also quite 
gone. I prepared a little arrow-root, of which he took three 
or four spoonsfull, saying it was very good, but could take 
no more. It was not till the third day, the 12th, that I began 
to be alarmed for my master. In all his former colds he 
slept well, and was never affected by this slow fever. I 
therefore went to Dr. Bruno and Mr. Millingen, the two 
medical attendants, and inquired minutely into every circum- 
stance connected with my master's present illness ; both re- 
plied that there was no danger, and I might make myself 
perfectly easy on the subject, for all would be well in a few 
days; this was on the 13th. On the following day I found 
my master in such a state, that I could not feel happy with- 
out entreating that he would send to Zante for Dr. Thomas. 
After expressing my fears lest his Lordship should get worse, 
he desired me to consult the doctors ; on doing so, they as- 
sured me it was unnecessary to call in any additional medi- 
cal advice. Here I should remark, that his Lordship re- 
peatedly said, in the course of the day, he was afraid the 
doctors did not understand his disease ; to which I answer- 
ed, ' then, my Lord, have other advice by all means.' ' They 
tell me,' said his Lordship, * that it is only a common cold, 
which you know I have had a thousand times.' ' I am sure, 
my Lord,' said I, ' that you never had one of so serious a na- 
ture.' ' I think I never had,' was his Lordship's answer. 
I repeated my supplication that Dr. Thomas should be sent 
for on the 15th, and was again assured that my master would 
be better in two or three days. After these confident as- 
surances, I did not renew my entreaties until it was too late. 
" The whole nourishment taken by my master, for the last 
eight days, consisted of a small quantity of broth, at two or 



APPENDIX. 477 

three different times, and two spoonsfull of arrow-root on the 
18th, the day before his death. 

44 The first time I heard of there being any intention of 
bleeding his Lordship, was on the 15th, when it was pro- 
posed by Dr. Bruno, but objected to at first by my master, 
who asked Mr. Millingen if there was any very great reason 
for taking blood ; the latter replied that it might be of ser- 
vice, but added, that it could be deferred till the next day ; 
mid accordingly his Lordship was bled in the right arm on 
the evening of the 16th. I observed at the time, that his 
arm had a most kiflamed appearance. Dr. Bruno now be- 
gan to say, he had frequently urged my master to be bled, 
but that he always refused. A long dispute now arose about 
the time that had been lost, and the necessity of sending for 
medical assistance to Zante ; upon which I was informed 
that it would be of no use, as my master would be better, or 
no more, before the arrival of Dr. Thomas. 

" His Lordship continued to get worse, but Dr. Bruno 
Baid, he thought letting blood again would save his life, and 
I lost no time in telling my master how necessary it was to 
comply with the doctor's wishes ; to this he replied, by say- 
ing, he feared they were not aware of his disorder; and then, 
stretching out his arm, said, 'here, take my arm, and do 
whatever you like.' 

" His Lordship continued to get weaker, and on the 17th 
he was bled twice ; viz. in the morning, and two o'clock in 
the afternoon. The bleeding at both times was followed by 
fainting fits, and he would have fallen down more than once, 
had I not caught him in my arms. In order to prevent such 
an accident, I took care not to let him stir without being sup- 
ported. On this day my master said to me twice, *I cannot 
sleep, and you well know I have not been able to sleep for 
more than a week :' he added, 'I am not afraid of dying; 
I am more fit to die than many think.' I do not, however, 
believe that his Lordship had any apprehension of his fate 
till the day after, the 18th, when he said, 'I fear you and Tita 
(the courier) will be ill by sitting up constantly, night and 
day.' I answered, 'we shall never leave your Lordship till 
you are better.' On the 18th, he addressed me frequently, 
and seemed to be rather dissatisfied with his medical treat- 
ment. I then said, ' Pray, my Lord, allow me to send for 
Dr. Thomas;' to which he answered, 'Do so, but bcf 

41* 



478 APPENDIX, 

quick ;* I am only sorry I did not let you send for him be- 
fore, as I am sure they have mistaken my disease.' I did not 
lose a moment in obeying my master's orders, or informing 
Dr. Bruno and Mr. Millingen of it. They said it was very 
right, they now began to be afraid themselves. On returning 
to my master's room, his first words were, 'Have you sent?' 
4 1 have, my Lord,' was my answer ; upon which he said, 
* You have done right, for I should like to know what is the 
matter with me.' Although his Lordship did not appear to 
think his dissolution was so near, I could perceive he was 
getting weaker every hour. His Lordship continued the 
conversation by saying, 'I now begin to think I am seriously 
ill ; and in case I should be taken away suddenly from you, 
I wish to give you several directions, which I hope you will 
be particular in seeing executed.' I answered, I would, in 
case such an event came to pass, but expressed a hope that 
he would live many years, to execute them much better him- 
self than I could. To this my master replied, 'No, it is 
now nearly over ;' and then added, ' I must tell you all with- 
out losing a moment.' I then said, ' Shall I go, my Lord, 
and fetch pen, ink, and paper ?' ' Oh ! my God, no ; you 
will lose too much time, and I have it not to spare, for my 
time is now short:' and immediately after, 'Now pay atten- 
tion.' His Lordship commenced by saying, 'You will be 
provided for.' I begged him, however, to proceed with 
things of more consequence. He then continued, — 'Oh my 
poor dear child ! my dear Ada ! my God, could I but have 
seen her! Give her my blessing, and my dear sister Augusta 
and her children; and you will go to Lady Byron, and 

say Tell her every thing — you are friends with her !' 

His Lordship appeared to be greatly affected at this moment. 
Here my master's voice failed him, so that I could only catch 
a word at intervals, but he continued muttering something 
very seriously for some time. I then told his Lordship, in a 
state of the greatest perplexity, that I had not understood a 
word of what he had said; to which he replied — 'Oh! my 
God ! then all is lost ! for it is now too late. Can it be possi- 

* There is little doubt but that the presence of Dr. Thomas would 
have been of infinite use in the early stage of his Lordship's illness. 
Besides his long experience of the diseases incident to the Mediterrane- 
an, the doctor had attended Lord Byron some years at Malta, while on 
his way to Greece, so that the intimacy then formed wo'ild have in- 
vspired the confidence so necessary between a patient and his medical 
adviser. 



APPENDIX. 479 

ble you have not understood me?' * No, my Lord,' said I ; 

* but I pray you to try and inform me once more.' ' How can 
I,' rejoined my master, ' it is now too late, and all is over V 
I said, * Not our will but God's be done.' He answered, 

• Yes ! not mine be done ; but I will try.' His Lordship 
did indeed make several efforts to speak, but could only re- 
peat two or three words at a time, such as, ' My wife ! — my 
child !. — my sister ! you know all, you must say all, you 
know my wishes !' The rest was quite unintelligible. 

" A consultation was now held, (about noon,) when it was 
determined to administer some Peruvian bark and wine. 
My master had now been nine days without any sustenance 
whatever, except what I have already mentioned. With 
the exception of a few words, which can only interest those 
to whom they were addressed, it was impossible to under- 
stand any thing his Lordship said, after taking the bark. 
He expressed a wish to sleep. I at one time asked whether 
I should call Mr. Parry ; to which he replied, — * Yes, you 
may call him.' The last words I heard my master utter 
were at six o'clock on the evening of the 18th, when he said, 
' I must sleep now;' upon which he laid down never to rise 
again ; for he did not move hand or foot during the follow- 
ing twenty-four hours. His Lordship appeared, however, to 
be in a state of suffocation at intervals, and had a frequent 
rattling in the throat. On these occasions I called Tita to 
assist me in raising his head, and I thought he seemed to get 
quite stiff. The rattling and choking in the throat took 
place every half hour, and we continued to raise his head 
whenever the fit came on, till six o'clock in the evening ot 
the 19th, when I saw my master open his eyes, and then 
shut them, but without showing any symptom of pain, or 
moving hand or foot. 'Oh! my God!' I exclaimed, ' I fear 
his Lordship is gone.' The doctors then felt his pulse, and 
said, ' You are too right — he is gone!' " 

Thus terminated the life of Lord Byron, at a moment the 
most glorious for his own fame, but the most unfortunate for 
Greece ; since there is no doubt, but had he lived, many ca- 
lamities would have been avoided, while his personal credit 
and guarantee would have prevented the ruinous delay which 
has taken place with regard to transferring the loan. 

In thus devoting his life and fortune to the cause of reli- 
gion* and humanity, when he might have continued to enjoy 
tUe enthusiastic praises of his cotemporaries, and all the 
* We would rather say Greece and humanity. 



480 APPENDIX. 

fascinations of society; his Lordship has raised the best 
monument to his own fame, and furnished the most con- 
clusive reply to calumny and detraction. Nor is it possible 
to compare the beautiful allusions to Greece called forth by 
his splendid genius, with the fact of his becoming a martyr 
in the cause of her regeneration, without sentiments of the 
most heartfelt admiration and sympathy. 

When all he had done and was about to do for the cause, 
is considered, no wonder that Lord Byron's death should 
iiave produced such an effect ; it was, in fact, regarded not 
only as a national calamity, but as an irreparable loss to every 
individual in the town, and the English volunteers state that 
hundreds of the Greeks were seen to shed tears when the 
event was announced. With respect to Prince Mavrocor- 
dato, to whom his Lordship had rendered the most important 
services, both as a personal friend and in his capacity of Go- 
vernor General of Western Greece, it is unnecessary to say, 
that he could not have received a severer blow. His first 
measure was to issue the following decree. 

" PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF WESTERN GREECE. 

" The present day of festivity and rejoicing is turned int© 
one of sorrow and mourning. 

" The Lord Noel Byron has departed this life, after an 
illness of ten days : his death being caused by an inflamma- 
tory fever. Such was the effect of his Lordship's illness on 
the public mind, that all classes had forgotten their usual 
recreations of Easter, even before its afflicting end was ap- 
prehended. 

" The loss of this illustrious individual is undoubtedly ta 
be deplored by all Greece, but it must be more especially a 
subject of lamentation at Missolonghi, where his generosity 
has been so conspicuously displayed, and of which he had 
even become a citizen, with the ulterior determination of 
participating in all the dangers of the war. 

" All are acquainted with the beneficent acts of his Lord- 
ship, and none can cease to hail his name as that of a real 
benefactor. 

" Until, therefore, the final determination of the National 
Oovernment be known, and by virtue of the powers with 
which it has been pleased to invest me, I hereby decree : — 

" First. To-morrow morning at day -light, thirty-seven 
asinnte guns will be fired from the grand battery, being the 



APPENDIX. 481 

number which corresponds with the age of the illustrious de- 
ceased.' 

" Second, ' All the public offices, even to the Tribunals, 
are to remain closed for three successive days.' 

"Third, 'All the shops, except those in which provisions 
or medicines are sold, will also be shut ; and it is strictly 
enjoined, that every species of public amusement, and other 
demonstrations of festivity at Easter, may be suspended.' 

"Fourth, 'A general mourning will be observed for twen- 
ty-one days.' 

"Fifth, 'Prayers and a funeral service are to be offered 
up in all the churches.' 

"Given at Missolonghi this 19th day of April, 1834. 
(Signed) "Mavrocordato. 

"Georgius Priades, Secretary." 

Whilst Missolonghi was deploring a loss which all those 
who were within its walls felt could never be repaired, the 
necessary preparations were made to embalm the body, and 
an account of the process has appeared in the Greek Tele- 
graph. The most remarkable facts stated in this report, re- 
lates to the quantity of brains, which are described as being 
at least one fourth greater than those of ordinary persons; 
they were saturated with blood.* The heart was also very 
large, but its fibres were extremely relaxed, so that it must 
have performed its functions very feebly. The liver is re- 
presented as small. In other respects, the body was found to 
be perfectly sound and healthy. Dr. Bruno, who drew up 
the report, concludes by stating, that had his illustrious pa- 
tient consented to be bled when first attacked, there is no 
doubt but he would be still alive; arguing, however, from 
the exhausted state in whicli he found the vessels of the 
heart, smallness of the liver, and the peculiar structure of 
the cranium, added to a want of more precaution with regard 
to his health, not to mention his excessive literary occupa- 
tion, the doctor adds, that his Lordship could only have sur- 
vived a lew years. 

There being no possibility of procuring sheet lead at Mis- 
solonghi, the body was placed in a strong tin case, and ele- 
vated on a bier covered with black cloth. The arms of the 
Byron family were represented at one end of the coffin, while 

* A pretty good proof that he did not die with too much bleeding. 



482 APPENDIX. 

the sword and cap which his Lordship intended to wear at 
the siege of Lepanto, were placed on the top. 

The necessary arrangements being made for conveying the 
body to the principal church in the town, this ceremony was 
omitted in consequence of a suggestion that the rugged state 
of the pavement might lead to some accident happening to 
the coffin; it was therefore determined that instead of the 
corpse, every object would be answered by merely conduct- 
ing the heart in procession. A separate case having been 
made for this, it was accordingly substituted for the body. — 
The procession took place on the 24th, and was attended by 
the clergy, civil and military authorities, as well as the whole 
population. On reaching the church, the case was placed on 
an elevated pedestal prepared for the occasion, upon which a 
solemn service was performed by the Bishop of Arta, Porfi- 
rius ; this was followed by the chanting of a requiem. The 
mournful ceremony concluded with a funeral oration from 
the pen of my friend Spiridion Tricoupi. This composition, 
so creditable to the talent of the writer, contains a very elo- 
quent and affecting tribute to the memory of his Lordship. 

It being necessary to wait for the vessels sent over by Mr. 
BarfF, the body was not embarked till the 30th, when ano- 
ther procession took place. The cofiin was carried down to 
the sea side, on the shoulders of four military chiefs, and 
attended in the same order as before ; minute guns continu- 
ed to be discharged till the moment of embarkation; these 
were followed by a salute of thirty-seven cannon. 

The vessel which bore the body, appeared off Zante about 
two d'clock, on the 4th instant, and was recognized at a con- 
siderable distance, owing to her colours being lowered. She 
entered the Mole towards sunset. The corpse was accom- 
panied by the whole of his, Lordship's attendants, who con- 
veyed it to the Lazaretto on the following' morning'. 

When the melancholy event .was first communicated to 
Mr. BarfF, he lost no time in dispatching an express to Lord 
Sidney Osborne, who holds a high official situation at Corfu, 
and is said to be a distant relation of Lord Byron. His 
Lordship came to Zante in a gun-boat some days after, in 
order, it is said, to confer with the Resident, as to the best 
mode of disposing of the body, for there had been an inten- 
tion of interring it in that island, until an answer could be 
obtained from the executors, ascertaining their wishes on 
the subject. 

I need not say with what sort of feelings the notion of hesi- 



APPENDIX. 483 

tating to send home the body was met here ; there could 
indeed be but one opinion on the subject ; and much to his 
credit, the Resident no sooner heard what this was, than he 
at once acquiesced. Some circumstances have been also 
disclosed by Fletcher, relative to conversations held with 
his late master, that left no doubt as to the course most pro- 
per to be pursued. The first sentiment expressed by those 
who heard of the above intention, was that, if it should be 
thought expedient to inter the remains of his Lordship in a 
foreign soil, they ought to be transferred once more to 
Greece. In this case, the Parthenon was pointed out as by 
far the most eligible spot for the ashes of one, who died while 
labouring in the sublime work of Grecian regeneration. 
The former plan has, however, been fixed upon, as more 
consonant with the wishes of his Lordship's family, and the 
universal feelings in England; and the Florida has, in con- 
sequence, been taken up to convey the body home. I should 
inform you, that the whole of his Lordship's papers found at 
Missolonghi, were sealed up immediately after his death ; 
some others left in the hands of Mr. Hancock, of Cephalo- 
nia, have been forwarded to Mr. Barff, and will be sent home 
in the Florida." 



NO. II. 
FUNERAL ORATION ON LORD NOEL BYRON * 

Composed and delivered by Mr. Spiridion Tricoupi, of Missolonghi. 
Printed by order of Government. 
Missolonghi ', Wlh Jprd, Thursday in Easter Week, 1324. 
"Unlooked for event! deplorable misfortune ! but a short 
time has elapsed since the people of this deeply-suffering 
country welcomed, with unfeigned joy and open arms, this 
celebrated individual to their bosoms; to-day, overwhelmed 
with grief and despair, they bathe his funeral couch witli 
tears of bitterness, and mourn over it with inconsolable af- 
fliction. On Easter Sunday the happy" salutation of the day, 
'Christ is risen,'! remained but half pronounced on the lips 

* This tribute to the memory of Lord Byron, is interesting, not only 
as shewing how his death alllicted the hearts, and disappointed the hopes 
of the Greeks j but also as a specimen of Grecian eloquence at the 
present day. 

| When persons meet on Easter Sunday, the salutation, u Christ is 
risen." is made among all who profess the Greek religion. 



4S4 . APPENDIX. 

of every Greek; and as they met, before even congratulating 
each other on the return of that joyous day, the universal de- 
mand was, 'How is Lord Byron?' Thousands, assembled 
in the spacious plain outside of the city tocommemorate the 
sacred day, appeared as if they had assembled for the sole 
purpose of imploring the Saviour of the world to restore 
health to him, who was a partaker with us in our present 
struggle for the deliverance of our native land. 

And how is it possible that any heart could remain unmo- 
ved, any lip closed, upon the present occasion 1 Was ever 
Greece in greater want of assistance than when the ever-to- 
be lamented Lord Byron, at the peril of his life, crossed over 
to Missolonghi? Then, and ever since he has been with us, 
his liberal hand has been opened to our necessities— necessi- 
ties which our own poverty would have otherwise rendered 
irremediable. How many and much greater benefits did we 
not expect from him ; and to-day, alas ! to-day, the unre- 
lenting grave closes over him and our hopes ! 

Residing out of Greece, and enjoying all the pleasures and 
luxuries of Europe, he might have contributed materially to 
the success of our cause, without coming personally amongst 
us ; and this would have been sufficient for us, for the well- 
proved ability and profound judgment of our Governor, the 
President of the Senate, would have ensured our safety with 
the means so supplied. But if this was sufficient for us, it 
was not so for Lord Byron. Destined by nature to uphold the 
rights of man wherever he saw them trampled upon ; born 
in a free and enlightened country ; early taught, by reading 
the works of our ancestors, (which indeed teach all who can 
read them,) not only what man is, but what he ought to be, 
and what he may be— he saw the persecuted and enslaved 
Greek determine to break the heavy chains with which he 
was bound, and to convert the iron into sharp-edged swords, 
that he might regain by force what force had torn from him ! 
His Lordship saw this, and leaving .all the pleasures of Eu- 
rope, he came to share our sufferings and our hardships ; as- 
sisting us, not only with his wealth, of which he was profuse; 
not only with his judgment, of which he has given us so 
manv salutary examples ;— but with his sword, which he was 
preparing to unsheathe against our barbarous and tyrannical 
oppressors. He came, in a word, according to the testimony 
of those who were intimate with him, with the determination 
to die in Greece and for Greece ! How, therefore, can we do 
otherwise than lament, with heartfelt sorrow, the loss of such 



APPENDIX. 4S5 

a man ! How can we do otherwise than bewail it as the loss 
of the whole Greek nation. 

Thus far, ray friends, you have seen him liberal, generous, 
courageous — a true Philhellenist ; and you have seen him as 
your benefactor. This is, indeed, a sufficient cause for your 
fears, but it is not sufficient for his honour ; it is not suffi- 
cient for the greatness of the undertaking in which he had 
engaged. He, whose death we are now so deeply deploring, 
was a man, who, in one great branch of literature, gave his 
name to the age in which we live ; the vastness of his genius, 
and the richness of his fancy, did not permit him to follow 
the splendid, though beaten track of the literary fame of the 
ancients ; he chose a new road — a road which ancient pre- 
judice had endeavoured, and was still endeavouring, to shut 
against the learned of Europe : but as long as his writings 
live, and they must live as long as the world exists, this road 
will remain always open ; for it is, as well as the other, a sure 
road to true knowledge. I will not detain you at the present 
time, by expressing all the respect and enthusiasm with which 
fhe perusal of his writings has always inspired me, and which 
indeed I feel much more powerfully now than at any other 
period. The learned men of all Europe celebrate him, and 
have celebrated him ; and all ages will celebrate the poet of 
our age, for he was born for all Europe and for all ages. 

One consideration occurs to me, as striking and true as it 
is applicable to the present state of our country; listen to if, 
my friends, with attention, that you may make it your own., 
and that it may become a generally acknowledged truth. 

There have been many great and splendid nations in the 
world, but few have been the epochs of their true glory: one 
phenomenon, I am inclined to believe, is wanting in the his- 
tory of these nations, and one, the possibility of the appear- 
ance of which the all-considering mind of the philosopher has 
much doubted. Almost all the nations of the world have fall- 
en from the hands of one master into those of another; some 
have been benefitted, others have been injured by the change ; 
but the eye of the historian has not yet seen a nation ensla- 
ved by barbarians, and more particularly by barbarians rooted 
for ages in their soil — has not yet seen, I say, such a people 
throw off their slavery unassisted and alone. This is the 
phenomenon; and now, for the first time in the history of the 
world, we witness it in Greece, yes, in Greece alone ! The 
philosopher beholds it from afar, and his doubts are dissipa- 
ted; the historian sees it, and prepares his citation of it as a 



48G APPENDIX. 

new event in the fortunes of nations ; the statesman sees it, 
and becomes more observant and more on his guard. Such 
is the extraordinary time in which we live. My friends, the 
insurrection of Greece is not an epoch of our nation alone; 
it is an epoch of all nations : for, as I before observed, it is 
a phenomenon which stands alone in the political history of 
nations. 

The great mind of the highly-gifted and much-lamented 
Byron observed this phenomenon, and he wished to unite his 
name with our glory. Other revolutions have happened m 
his time, but he did not enter into any of them — he did not 
assist any of them ; for their character and nature were total- 
ly different ; the cause of Greece alone was a cause worthy 
of him whom all the learned of Europe celebrate. Consider, 
then, my friends, consider the time in which you* live — in 
what a struggle you are engaged ; consider that the glory of 
past ages admits not of comparison with yours ; the friends 
of liberty, the philanthropists, the philosophers of all nations, 
and especially of the enlightened and generous English na- 
tion, congratulate you, and from afar rejoice with you; all 
animate you : and the poet of our age, already crowned with 
immortality, emulous of your glory, came personally to your 
shores, that he might, together with yourselves, wash out 
with his blood the marks of tyranny from our polluted soil. 

Born in the great capital of England, his descent noble, 
on the side of both his father and his mother, what unfeigned 
joy did his Philhellenic heart feel, when our poor city, in 
token of our gratitude, inscribed his name among the number 
of her citizens. In the agonies of death; yes, at the mo- 
ment when eternity appeared before him ; as he was linger- 
ing on the brink of mortal and immortal life; when all the 
material world appeared but as a speck in the great works of 
Divine Omnipotence ; — in that awful hour, but two names 
dwelt upon the lips of this illustrious individual, leaving all 
the world besides — the names of his only and much beloved 
daughter and of Greece : these two names, deeply engraven 
on his heart, even the moment of death could not efface. 
4 My daughter !' he said; ' Greece !' he exclaimed ; and his 
spirit passed away. What Grecian heart will not be deeply 
affected as often as it recalls to mind this moment ! 

Our tears, my friends, will be grateful, very grateful to 
his shade, for they are the tears of sincere affection ; but 
much more grateful will be our deeds in the cause of our 
country, which, though removed from us, he will observe 



APPENDIX. 487 

from the heavens, of which his virtues have doubtless open* 
ed to him the gates. This return alone does he require from 
us for all his munificence ; this reward for his love towards 
us; this consolation for his sufferings in our cause; and this 
inheritance for the loss of his invaluable life. When your 
exertions, my friends, shall have liberated us from the hands 
which have so long held us down in chains ; from the hands 
"Which have torn from our arms our property, our brothers, 
our children; — then will his spirit rejoice, then will his shade 
be satisfied! — Yes, in that blessed hour of our freedom, the 
Archbishop will extend his sacred and free hand* and pro- 
nounce a blessing over his venerated tomb : the young war- 
rior, sheathing his sword, red with the blood of his tyrannical 
oppressors, will strew it with laurel ; the statesman will con- 
secrate it with his oratory; and the poet, resting upon the 
marble, will become doubly inspired; the virgins of Greece, 
(whose beauty our illustrious fellow-citizen Byron has cele- 
brated in many of his poems,) without any longer fearing con- 
tamination from the rapacious hands of our oppressors, crown- 
ing their heads with garlands, will dance round it, and sing 
of the beauty of our land, which the poet of our age has al- 
ready commemorated with such grace and truth. But what 
sorrowful thought now presses upon my mind ! My fancy 
has carried me away; I had pictured to myself all that my 
heart could have desired ; I had imagined the blessings of 
our bishops, the hymns, and laurel crowns, and the dance of 
the virgins of Greece, round the tomb of the benefactor of 
Greece; — but this tomb will not contain his precious re- 
mains; the tomb will remain void; but a few days more will 
his body remain on the face of our land — of his new chosen 
country; it cannot be given over to our arms; it must be 
borne to his own native land, which is honoured by his 
birth. 

Oh Daughter! most dearly beloved by him; your arms 
will receive him; your tears will bathe the tomb which con- 
tains his body ; and the tears of the orphans of Greece will 
be shed over the urn containing his precious heart, and over 
all the land of Greece, for all the land of Greece is his tomb. 
As in the last moment of his life you and Greece were alone 
in his heart and upon his lips, it was but just that she (Greece) 
should retain a share of the precious remains. Missolonghi, 
his country, will ever watch over and protect with all her 
strength the urn containing his venerated heart, as a symbol of 
hts love towards us. All Greece, clofhjed in mourning, and 



488 APPENDIX. 

i nconsolable, accompanies the procession in which it is borne y 
all ecclesiastical, civil, and military honours attend it; all his 
fellow eitizens of Missolonghi, and fellow-countrymen of 
Greece, follow it, crowning it with their gratitude, and be- 
dewing it with their tears ; it is blessed by the pious bene- 
dictions and prayers of our archbishop, bishop, and all our 
clergy. Learn, noble Lady, learn that chieftains bore it on 
their shoulders, and carried it to the church ; thousands of 
Greek soldiers lined the way through which it passed, with 
the muzzles of their muskets, which had destroyed so many 
tyrants, pointed towards the ground, as though they would 
war against that earth which was to deprive them for ever of 
the sight of their benefactor ; — all this crowd of soldiers, 
ready at a moment to march against the implacable enemy 
of Christ and man, surrounded the funeral coach, and swore 
never to foget the sacrifices made by your Father for us, and 
never to allow the spot where his heart is placed, to be tram- 
pled upon by barbarous and tyrannical feet.* Thousands of 
Christian voices were in a moment heard, and the temple of 
the Almighty resounded with supplications and prayers that 
his venerated remains might be safely conveyed to his native 
land, and that his soul might rest where the righteous alone 
find rest !" 



NO. III. 

PHILANTHROPIC SOCIETY. 

Address of Nicolas Jeracaris, of Scio, delivered to a Meet- 
ing of Patriots convened at Napoli di Romania, on the 
Xtoth of August, 1824, to discuss the propriety of forming 
a Philanthropic Society in Greece. 

wi FRIENDS AND FELLOW COUNTRYMEN ! 

"Convinced of the patriotic zeal and humane sentiments 
which animate all those whom I have nDW the honour to ad- 
dress, it affords me great satisfaction to have an opportunity 
of submitting the following facts for your consideration; sa- 
tisfied that whatever may be the result of this day's meeting, 
they will be received with candour and indulgence. 

* The Greeks hoped, and expected when this was written, that his 
remains would be interred at Missolonghi. But as we have already 
seen in the account of his illness and death, they were transported to 
England, to bo intombed with bis ancestors. 



APPENDIX. 489 

** It must be well known to you, that after the breaking 
out of our revolution, and the cruelties which preceded and 
followed the event, great numbers of families took refuge in 
the Morea, both on account of its having become the seat oi 
government, and because it would afford a safer asylum than 
any other point of the confederation. It would be an act of 
injustice to the national character, were I to say, that all who 
bad any means of ministering to the wants of the fugitives, 
most of whom came here in a state of the greatest destitution 
and wretchedness, did not do their utmost to alleviate the 
sufferings of their fellow citizens on that occasion. When 
the nature of the contest is considered, I need hardly say, 
that the number who could stretch forth the hand of charity- 
was very limited, while the more important duties of con- 
ducting the naval and military operations, precluded the pos- 
sibility of the Executive devoting its attention to the subject. 
The natural consequences of this state of things has been, 
that independently of thousands having become the victims 
of poverty and disease, during the early stages of the war, 
the spectacle of wretchedness exhibited in various parts of 
the Peloponnesus at this moment, is not less heart-rending 
than it has been at any former period. This is occasioned 
by the recent influx of not less than fifteen thousand fugitives 
from Livadia, Negropont, Candia, and Ipsara. These unhap- 
py fugitives, of whom three-fourths are women and children, 
have taken refuge at Epidaurus, Malvasia, on the adjacent 
coast of Maina, and in this place. When I state that by far 
the greatest portion of these poor creatures, are suffering un- 
der the double calamity of want and sickness, without ade- 
quate food or raiment, and obliged to live in the open air, f 
feel assured that no more is required to prove the necessity 
of the present meeting, or excite the sympathy of every man 
•who professes a spark of benevolence and Christian charity. 

" So far as our self-interest, independent of every other 
consideration, is connected with our duty on the present oc- 
casion, I shall only mention two points, which cannot fail to 
Strike the most superficial observer. So long as no steps are 
taken to relieve the distresses of our fugitive countrymen, 
bow can it be expected that they will abandon their helpless 
families to enrol themselves in bur fleets and armies ? Thus 
it is, that numbers of brave soldiers and seamen, whose pre- 
sence would be of such utility in the field of honour, either 
die neglected, or lead a life of sloth and misery. But what 
wiH be the late of the other sex, if nothing be done to show 

43* 



490 APPENDIX. 

the national sympathy in their favour ? It is true, the Greek 
women have as yet borne up against their accumulated mis- 
fortunes with the most heroic constancy, preferring death 
itself, to any dereliction of their duties as wives and mothers. 
But it is for you, my friends and fellow countrymen, to re- 
flect on the possible consequences of withholding charity, or 
betraying indifference, to our suffering countrywomen ! 

" Impelled by the crying necessity of the case, and anxious 
to insure the co-operation of government in forming a Phi- 
lanthropic Society, I have already addressed-a memorial on 
the subject to the Executive, pointing out among other mat- 
ters, a mode by which a sum of two thousand dollars per 
month, might be raised in this place alone, without interfering 
with the public revenues. As I shall do myself the honour of 
laying a copy of my memorial before you, it is unnecessary 
to make any further allusion to its contents in this place. 

" Should the above most desirable association be formed 
at the seat of government, I feel assured the example will be 
followed by the formation of branch societies throughout all 
the provinces. Without dwelling on the mass of human 
suffering which must be removed by such a beneficent esta- 
blishment, what better reply can we give to the detractors of 
our national character. Called by Providence to take our 
place among those nations of Europe, which knows to what 
an extent our ancestors contributed to modern civilization, we 
are no less bound to show those nations who have so gene- 
rously received the Greek patriots in their bosom, that not- 
withstanding all the calamities of our revolution, we are also 
alive to the duties of humanity and benevolence. I am satis- 
fied, too, that the proposed measure, if carried into effect, 
will be highly gratifying to the nations who have in various 
ways sympathized in our eventful struggle ; but more espe' 
cially to those foreigners, who, abandoning their own coun- 
try, have come to share in our misfortunes, and even die in 
combating for our holy cause." 



Memorial addressed to the Provisional Government of Greece, 
relative to the formation of a Philanthropic Society. 

" Were those who govern the people, even gifted with the 
hundred eyes of Argus, such is the multiplicity of concerns 
whicli constantly occupy their attention, and the caies to 



APPENDIX. 491 

"which they are exposed, that it would be impossible for them 
to think of every thing that is required for the benefit of the 
governed. This is one powerful reason, why it is the privi- 
lege of every lover of his country, except in despotic govern- 
ments, to observe the sufferings of their fellow citizens, reflect 
on the means of alleviating them, and lay his suggestions be- 
fore the proper authorities. These are, on the other hand, 
in duty bound, to take such suggestions into consideration, 
and if found beneficial, to carry them into effect without de- 
lay. The consequence of treating propositions for the gene- 
ral good with indifference or neglect is, that it proves the 
rulers to have deviated from the social compact, while it 
renders them deservedly unpopular, if not unfit to govern. 

" Convinced, as I am, that the Provisional Government 
is most anxious to diminish those evils inseparable from the 
war, and which have fallen upon a large portion of the popu- 
lation, and that the variety, as well as importance of other 
matters, have alone prevented it from taking the subject 
more immediately into consideration, I humbly beg leave, re- 
spectfully to offer my sentiments, as to the best and speediest 
means of alleviating some portion of the public misery, which 
continues to aggravate the other horrors so inseparable from 
the war of regeneration. 

" It is well known that thousands of my countrymen, who 
were enabled to escape from the hands of our blood-thirsty 
tyrants, have taken refuge in the Morea, hoping here to find 
profitable employment and the relief of their distresses — dis- 
tresses which have deprived great numbers, as it threatens to 
deprive others, of that existence which the Almighty had pre- 
served, in order that they might one day have an opportunity 
of avenging the murder of their wives, children, and parents ! 
With every disposition to aid their unfortunate fellow-citi- 
zens, such is the number of those who possess no adequate 
means of sustaining life, that it has been impossible to pre- 
vent the miserable spectacle of whole families perishing from 
absolute want, while others are at this moment exposed in 
the open air, without any hopes whatever of relief, except 
through the prompt aid of government, or those of their coun- 
trymen who are enabled to come forward. Seeing, therefore., 
that it is impossible for the Executive to withdraw any part 
of its attention from the great objects of the war, while in- 
dividual charity only requires a proper impulse to become 
general all over the confederation, I beg leave to offer the. 
following suggestions, as those which are, in my humble 



492 APPENDIX. 

opinion, best calculated to provide a proper remedy fop the 
distress to which I have thus alluded. It is proposed — 

" 1st. That a Philanthropic Society be formed at the seat 
ef the Provisional Government, and an immediate appeal be 
fssued by it, to all classes of the citizens, calling on them to 
Come forward in aid of the poor and necessitous. 

" 2nd. That each shop-keeper be called on to contribute 
the trifling sum of from 4 to 8 paras, two pence half-penny, 
daily, to the Philanthropic Fund. 

" 3rd. That the ministers of the gospel be requested to 
make collections in their respective churches for the same 
object. 

"4th. That a small box be placed at the Custom-House, 
and another at the entrance of the fortress, to receive such 
donations as those who return from sea and land journies 
may be disposed to give, 

" 5th. That a small additional duty be levied on imports 
for the above purpose. 

" 6th. That a trifling sum be retained from the pay of all 
public functionaries, for the said fund. 

"7th. That the Priors of Monasteries be invited to con- 
tribute a certain sum annually to the Philanthropic Fund. 

" With these aids, and the sums arising from voluntary 
subscriptions, the Society would be enabled to form such an 
establishment, including medical men, purveyors, and other 
attendants, as may be requisite to carry the objects of the as* 
Sociation into active effect. 

" Such is the object to which I would entreat the support 
and encouragement of the Provisional Government. This 
is, indeed, all that is required, not only to insure the success 
Of the Society here, but lead to the establishment of branch 
associations throughout the confederacy; thus proving to 
the whole civilized world, that in practising the fundamental 
principles of Christianity, the Greeks are worthy of the sub- 
lime destinies to which they aspire. 

(Signed) " NICOLAS JERACARIAS, of Srio. 

, " Napoli di JZo?nania, Aug. 1st, 1824." 



APPENDIX. 493 

Letter addressed by the Deputation of the Philanthropic So- 
ciety of Greece, to Joseph Hume, Esq. M. P. William 
Allen, Esq. Treasurer and Secretary to the Committee of 
Friends, in favour of indigent Greeks — Jeremy Bentham., 
Esq. and John Bowring, Esq. Hon. Secretary of the 
Greek Committee — enclosing a copy of the Rules of the 
new Society, together with a power to act for it in the 
United Kingdom. 

1 lt Napoli di Romania, August 12-24th, 1824. 

M Gentlemen : 

" The number of fugitives pressing into liberated Greece, 
from those points which are still cursed with the presence of 
our late sanguinary tyrants, added to an epidemic disease, 
the natural result of such a struggle as that in which we are 
engaged, having produced the greatest distress among a 
large portion of the population, while thousands are thus 
prevented from going forth against the enemy, and our youth 
left without instruction, a meeting lately convened for the 
purpose of taking the above important subject into consider- 
ation, with a view of adopting ulterior measures, resolved at 
once to form themselves into an association, to be called the 
Philanthropic Society of regenerated Greece, the organiza- 
tion of which we have the honour to transmit, not doubting 
that you will appreciate the advantages of such an institution 
at a moment like the present. 

" Although the success which has attended the early ef- 
forts of the Society at the seat of government, far exceeds 
what we had anticipated, while it leads us to entertain the 
most sanguine hopes for the future ; yet such are the accu- 
mulated wants of our suffering population, and the multifa- 
rious objects proposed to itself by the Society, that it would 
be preposterous to expect that all the funds required could 
be raised in Greece. Calculating, therefore, on the sympa- 
thy which has been shown towards the Greek cause, it has 
been determined to appeal to the Christian world of every 
denomination and sect, in behalf of an association, establish- 
ed for the express purpose of fulfilling that great maxim of 
our common faith, which the Saviour of mankind sought to 
impress on his followers as the first of duties, and affording 
(he best claim to the approbation of heaven. 

" As the objects of the association are fully detailed in the 
accompanying papejs 3 it only remains for as to solicit foe 



494 APPENDIX. 

iavour of your becoming the agents and representatives of 
the Society in Great Britain, where Greece has already ex- 
perienced such proofs of sympathy and benevolence. It was 
indeed but natural for us to appeal more especially to a coun- 
try which is covered with charitable institutions ; and if we 
have selected you, Gentlemen, to be the medium of this ap- 
peal, it is because your names have been mentioned to us as 
feeing closely connected with the formation of two societies 
established for the express purpose of relieving our suffering 
countrymen, or aiding us in the struggle for independence. 

" Leaving the mode of carrying the objects of the Society 
into effect, in the United Kingdom, to your better judgment, 
all we would request is, that you might be pleased to trans- 
mit regular lists of all those who become patrons of the as- 
sociation, in order that the people of Greece may know, 
through the medium of the public press, who are their 
benefactors. 

" When it is considered that an institution like the pre- 
sent, if encouraged and brought to maturity, while it minis- 
ters to the wants of thousands now, may, at no distant period, 
become the means of extending civilization far beyond the 
limits of Greece, the undersigned feel it would be super- 
fluous to offer any apology for the liberty they have taken in 
soliciting you to promote the objects of the Society, and re- 
ceive contributions for it in England. 

" With expressions of heartfelt gratitude for your exer- 
tions in favour of Greece, the undersigned avail themselves 
of this occasion to offer you the assurance of their highest 
consideration and respect. 

" NICOLAS JERACARIS, Chairman. 

" N. KALERGI. 

" GEORGIUS GLARAKES, 

« JOANIS THEOTOKIS. 
(Signed) " DEMETRIUS DESILLAS. 

« T. NEGRIS. 

"J. CLASSIS. 
" NICOLAS fLOJAITES, Hon. Secretary," 



APPENDIX. 495 

ORGANIZATION OF THE 

PHILANTHROPIC SOCIETY OF GREECE* 

Sect. I. 

Of the Society in General. 

I. Individuals of every nation and condition are eligible 
to become members of the Philanthropic Society. 

II. The members of the society are to be divided into 
three classes. 

I. The first class is to consist of persons who have con- 
tributed to the funds of the Society, and afford person- 
al assistance. 

% The second class to consist of those who only contri- 
bute to the funds. 

3. The third class to consist of persons who, not being 
able to contribute to the funds, would feel disposed to 
afford their personal services. 

Sect. II. 
Objects of the Association 

III. The Society will occupy itself with, — 

1. The clothing and supporting the poor, sick* widows 

and orphans. . 

&. The education of orphans and destitute children. 

IV. The Society will be fixed and hold its meetings when- 
ever the seat of Government may be established. 

V. The affairs of the Society shall be managed by a depu- 
ration. 

1. The deputation shall consist of seven members, to be 
chosen out from the first class only. 

2. The deputation shall be under a president, who is onr 
of the members chosen by ballot, and elected monthly 
from the number. 

3 The deputation shall keep records. It shall have a se- 
cretary, an accountant, apothecaries, and their clerks. 

Sect. III. 
Of the General Assemblies. 

VI. The members of the Society, personally present, shall 
elect a deputation by a majority of votes. 

VII. The functions of the said deputation are to be con- 
tinued for two years. Half the number to be changed at tlir 
end of the first year; that is to say, the secretary, treasurer, 
and store-keeper, to be also chosen by ballot, will thus fce 
changed at the end of the first year. 



496 APPENDIX. 

VIII. The general assemblies of the Society will he cam* 
posed of the first and second classes, including the members 
of the deputation. The discussions to take place under the 
president for the time being. 

IX. In the general assemblies, (see article 6) the member? 
of the Society and of the deputation are on a perfect equali- 
ty as to the right of voting. 

X. The members of the first and second class, collected 
at the central station, are under the obligation of attending 
at all the ordinary and extraordinary meetings of the Socie- 
ty, except when prevented from an admissible cause. 

XI. Every member of the society has a right to publish 
his speeches or opinions, through the medium of the press. 

XII. The seal of the Society shall be a head of Apollo, 
with this inscription, " Philanthropic Society of regenerated 
Greece*" 

Sect. IV. 
Duties of the Deputation. 

XIII. The assemblages of the deputies will be regarded 
as complete, whenever two thirds of the members, with the 
President, are present. 

XIV. The resolutions of the deputies will be regulated 
by a majority of votes. 

XV. All the written documentary proceedings shall be 
signed by the President, and countersigned by the assem- 
bled number of the deputation, and the Secretary shall cause 
the seal of the Society to be affixed to them. 

XVI. It will appoint agents or correspondents in the pro- 
vinces or abroad. 

XVII. It will keep up a correspondence with the foreign 
members resident out of Greece, and in reference to objects 
coming within the views of the Society ; but always, how- 
ever, with the concurrence of the members present. 

XVIII. It will convene the members present, to attend 
the ordinary weekly meeting, to consider and resolve on the 
various objects which may arise for their consideration; and 
it will unite them to meet once a month, to render a special 
account of the diversified objects which have occupied their 
attention ; the result to be made public through the medium 
of the press. 

XIX. It will promulgate, by means of the public press, 
the names of all new members, as well as specify the amount 
of their contributions. 



APPENDIX. 497 

Sect. V. 
On the Duties of the Secretary. 

XX. The secretary of the deputation shall prepare and 
preside over the correspondence, keeping up the degree of 
order and punctuality necessary in the receipt and dispatch 
q{ all documentary proceedings. 

XXI. He will publish regularly the report of meetings, 
containing a minute account of all that occurs either in them 
or as connected with the affairs of the Society. 

Sect. VI. 
Duties of the Treasurer. 

XXII. The Treasurer shall keep registers of all sums re- 
ceived and disbursed, seeing that the entries are carefully 
and promptly made. 

XXIII. He shall make no issue of monies, without a legal 
order in writing from the deputation. 

XXIV. All the vouchers of the accountant shall be sign- 
ed by him, and countersigned by the clerk who keeps the 
books of his department. The accountant shall receive all 
sums tendered to him, and shall issue the necessary receipts 
or vouchers. 

XXV. At the end of each month, he shall return the de- 
putation an exact account of all the receipts and disburse- 
ments. 

Sect. VII. 
Duties of the Dispensers. 

XXVI. All the written orders of the dispensers shall be 
signed by the clerk, to whose department the voucher be 
consigned ; he shall keep regular and appropriate registers 
of the same. 

XXVII. The dispensers are to receive all the articles or 
items of money received by the Society, and they are to give 
proper receipts for the same. 

XXVIII. The apothecaries are not to deliver the most 
trifling article, without a legal written order from the depu- 
tation. , 

XXIX. They are to render a monthly report of every 
thing received and delivered by them. 

Sect. VIII. 
Of Admission. 

XXX. As soon as they have paid their contribitions to the 
accountant or dispensers, the members of the first class shall 

43 



498 APPENDIX. 

receive a written acknowledgment as a receipt of the same, 
which they are to present to the deputation, upon which 
they will receive a written diploma of their admission, and 
be thus recognized as members of the Society. 
it XXXI. The admission of members of the second class 
will be regulated in the same manner. 

XXXII. Members of the third class are admitted merely 
by a written diploma from the deputation. 

Sect. IX. 

Of Contributions. 

XXXIII. The Contribution of each member cannot be 
less than fifty piastres. 

XXXIV. The contributions may be either in specie, or in 
articles useful and necessary, and signified to be receivable 
by the deputation. 

Sect. X. 

XXXV. The Society places itself under the control of the 
laws and of the government, and it invokes the approbation 
and support of the philanthropists of the whole civilized 
world. 

XXXVI. The undersigned organizers of the present Soci- 
ety, take upon themselves its entire management, until the 
number of members shall have increased to thirty-one of the 
first and second classes ; and the first general meeting of the 
Society will be convened, in order that it may proceed to 
the election of the deputies, and the subordinate officers, ac- 
cording to the foregoing plan of organization. 

Given at Napoli di Romania, l-13th August, 1824, in the 

FOURTH YEAR OF GRECIAN INDEPENDENCE. 

(Signed) 

D. Desillas. Geo. Glarakes. 

Dem. Gouzeles. F. Negris. 
P. A. Anagnostopoulo. E. Kalergi. 

Joanis Theotokis. N. Nikitopoulos. 

jf. Jerakaris. N. Theseus. 

N. Kalergi. T. Valiano. 

(True Copy) N. FLOGAITES, Sechj. 



APPENDIX. 

NO. IV. 

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY TO THE GREEKS. 

The Greek nation, wearied by the dreadful weight of Ot- 
toman oppression, and resolved to break its yoke, though at 
the price of the greatest sacrifices, proclaims to-day, before 
God and men, by the organ of its lawful representatives, met 
in a national assembly y its independence. 

Descendants of a generous and enlightened nation, wit- 
nesses of the happiness which the sacred regis of law secures 
to the civilized nations of Europe ! Ye all know, that the 
measure of our sufferings was full. It was impossible for us 
any longer to bear, without being charged with cowardice 
and stupidity, the cruel scourge of Ottoman rule. Has not 
the Turk, during four centuries, trampling underfoot reason 
and justice, disposed of us as his caprice prompted ? We 
flew to arms then, in order to avenge the injuries which an 
insolent tyrant had heaped on our country ; injuries utterly 
unexampled, and which left far behind it all the various 
shapes of oppression which have ever desolated and dyed 
the earth with carnage. 

Our warfare against the Turks, far from being the effect 
of a seditious and Jacobinical movement, or the pretext of an 
ambitious faction, is a national war, undertaken for the sole 
purpose of reconquering our rights, and securing our exist- 
ence and honour. In vain did injustice, by depriving us of 
all securities, hope to stifle in our hearts the conviction of 
their necessity. As if, formed out of the vilest materials, we 
were condemned by nature to perpetual servitude ; doomed 
to crouch beneath the wild sway of ferocious tyrants, who 
came from afar to subdue and to crush us ! No, a thousand 
ages of proscription would not bar the sacred rights, whose 
creation was the work of nature herself. They were torn 
from us by violence ; and violence, more righteously direct- 
ed, may one day win them back, and hold them forth in all 
their reviving brilliancy to the admiration of the universe. 
In a word, they are rights which we have never ceased re- 
claiming in the very heart of our country, by every method 
which occasional opportunities placed in our power. 

Strong in these principles, and wishing to advance as the 
equals of the Christians of Europe, in the paths of civilization, 
we combined into one great war all the partial and secret 
conflicts which we had long waged against the Ottoman em- 



500 APPENDIX. 

pire. We swore to conquer, and to behold our country go- 
verned by just laws, or to disappear from the face of the 
earth. During ten months God has blessed our steps in this 
glorious but rugged road. Our arms have been often vic- 
torious, but often they have experienced resistance. We 
are struggling to remove the obstacles which retard our 
triumph. Our political organization was then deferred, and 
the nation, solely occupied in repelling a lasting danger, 
foresaw that appearance of disorder which ever follows great 
convulsions, and which the injudicious alone can make a 
matter of reproach against us. 

As soon as circumstances allowed us to think of a plan of 
government, we saw the Greek continent of the east and 
west, the Peloponnesus, and the islands, successively pro- 
ceed in their organization, and prepare the way for that ge- 
neral constitutional system which was necessary to direct 
the progress of our revolution: For this purpose, the depu- 
ties of the provinces and of the islands, being duly authori- 
zed, and having met in a national assembly, and after delibe- 
rately considering the state of the country, have decreed the 
basis and the provisional form of the government which is 
to preside over the future destinies of your country. This 
government, founded on justice, instituted by universal con- 
sent, is now the only legitimate and national government. 
The nations of Greece will therefore hasten to recognize it. 

Two august bodies, the executive power and the senate, 
will be at the head of the administration, supported by the 
judicial power, which will discharge its duties quite inde- 
pendently of the former. 

The assembly declares to the nation, that, having comple- 
ted its task, it this day dissolves itself. It is the duty of the 
nation to submit to the laws and the authorities which ema- 
nate from it. Grecians ! but a little while since, ye said, 
" no more slavery !" and the power of the tyrant has vanish- 
ed. But it is concord alone which can consolidate your 
liberty and independence. The assembly offers up its pray- 
ers, that the mighty arm of the Most High may raise the 
nation towards the sanctuary of his eternal wisdom. Thus 
discerning their true interests, the magistrates, by a vigilant 
foresight, the people, by a sincere devotion, will succeed in 
founding the long-desired prosperity of our common country. 

EriDAURUS, the 15th of January, 1822, 

and the First Year of Independence. 



APPENDIX. 501 

NO. V. 
DECLARATION TO THE CHRISTIAN POWERS. 

The great struggle in which the Greek nation is engaged, 
has occupied Europe, as it will the pens of historians. From 
the first moment, all hearts, imbued with honour and sensi- 
bility, applauded these words — " Greece is fighting for liber- 
ty." A prey to the most humiliating and severe oppression, 
she excited the pity of the whole civilized world. Humanity 
loudly claimed the deliverance of her benefactress. Justice, 
prostrate before the throne of the Most High, accused those 
who profaned the mysteries of Christ, plundered all pro- 
perty, and caused the tears of the widow and the orphan to 
flow. 

Whence comes it that European policy, far from aiding 
such virtuous efforts, suffers itself to be deceived as to their 
tendency ? Whence comes it, that an unprecedented malevo- 
lence endeavoured to calumniate the views of an oppressed 
nation, and to darken the brilliancy of actions which needed 
not excuse ! Had not the insurrection at once its reason 
and justification in previous oppression ? Was not armed 
despair the only protector capable of redressing our wrongs? 
Whatever may have been the occasion on which the revolu- 
tion burst forth, whatever may have been the circumstances 
of its origin, it is proved to have been founded on the uni- 
versal discontent, whose consequences were sooner or later 
to include all Greece in one conflagration. The Greeks were 
serving foreign masters, inexorable tyrants, insatiable tigers ! 
No compact bound them to the foreign power, which, in the 
madness of its pride, claimed to rule them by mere brute 
force for ever. The time was come, not to overthrow a na- 
tional and respected sovereignty, for some chimera of perfect- 
ibility, but to break a sceptre of iron, to repel force by force, 
and to substitute immutable rights to atrocious realities. 
Besides, what disasters could be feared, greater or more mon- 
strous, than those which were afflicting Candia, Epirus, and 
the Morea ? An execrable administration was sucking the 
last drop of blood from the veins of the political body. The 
complaints of the oppressed expired before they reached the 
Sublime Porte, as Destiny, that merciless goddess, used to 
see the incense of mortals melt away before her temple of 



503 APPENDIX. 

iron. Already a conversion to Mahometanism appeared their 
sole safeguard to the wretched population ; and what would 
have become of the sacred claims which the Gospel has ac- 
quired to the pious gratitude of the Greeks ? Would Europe 
have wished to see the consummation of this gigantic act of 
apostacy 1 Would she, though proud of a Christian Holy 
Alliance, have sanctioned afresh the triumph of the Arabian 
code over Christianity, of barbarism over civilization ? 

We did right in taking up arms, if it was only to fall with 
honour; and when the first step was trodden, it was neces- 
sary to advance. The revolution, popular in its motives, be- 
came still more so in its progress. The frightful acts of ven- 
geance exercised on so many distinguished persons, on so 
many illustrious families, pointed out the abyss into which 
the entire nation would fall, if it had the baseness to yield. 
What security could it obtain against the violators of all law? 
It is thus that the Greeks have chosen the desperate alterna- 
tive of perishing or of being delivered. And they would in 
fact have perished, if Providence had not hitherto vouchsafed 
the miracle of our successes. For the last thirteen months, 
God has aided the work of the righteous. They see the all- 
powerful hand, which created this harmonious system of 
worlds, laid heavily on both nations and kings, repairing the 
ravages of time, and distributing the compensations of ages. 
Greece, abandoned by the rest of the earth, with the volume 
of her past splendour, and her woes, and her rights, in her 
hand — Greece will still pursue her arduous career. Her ci- 
ties sacked, her villages burnt, her population decimated, her 
fields ravaged, bear witness to her proud determination. 
Crushed by numbers, she will yet wash out her defeats in 
her blood. What will be the feelings of Europe towards 
her ? Assembled Greece has solemnly proclaimed her inde- 
pendence, and has given herself a government, surrounded by 
national emblems, having for its first object the welfare of 
Greece, and not the interest of a party. This legitimate or- 
gan of the nation has thought it due equally to itself and to 
the people, to lay the preceding statement before the Chris- 
tian powers. Honour and hope will guide Grecian constancy 
through the gloom of futurity. The Greeks aim at peace 
combined with independence, and at the political fruits of 
civilization. They protest beforehand against any violation 
of their rights, so lately purchased by the most heroic sacrifi- 
ces. In a word, humanity, religion, interest, all plead in their 



APPENDIX. bw 

favour. It is for the powers of Christendom to decide on 
this occasion, what legacy they propose bequeathing to his- 
tory, and to posterity. 

Given at Corinth the 15th April, 1822, 
The members of the Central Government of Greece, 
A. Mavrocordato, President 
Athanasius Canacari, Vice-President, 
Anagnosti Pappaiannopoulo, 
Joanis Orlando, 
joanis logotheti. 

Th. Negri.— The Secretary of State. 



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